The Templars and Their Sources (2024)

The Templars and Their Sources

Even 700 years after the suppression of the Order of the Temple and the execution of the last grandmaster, Jacques de Molay, there is no shortage of publications on this influential military order. Yet unlike other medieval institutions the Templars are subject to specula- tive fiction and popular myth which threaten to swamp the fruits of scholarly endeavour. Fortunately, recent years have produced a thriving academic scholarship which is chal- lenging these myths. More and more sources are currently being edited, particularly those for the trial of the Templars (1307–1312). Others are still awaiting in-depth study, among them, surprisingly, the greater part of the charters that cover more than 150 years of the Order’s history. The papers in this volume step into this gap and critically evaluate new directions in Templar studies on the basis of as-yet unedited source material. Open issues and desiderata regarding the sources are discussed and from a range of inspiring results a new status quaestionis is proposed that will not only provide a better understanding of the Order’s archaeological, economical, religious, administrative and military history, but also set new points of departure for the editing of charters and administrative documents. The papers here are grouped into six sections, focusing on the headquarters of the Order, its charters, manpower and finance, religious life and finally the suppression and the Order’s afterlife.

Karl Borchardt is working as a Senior Researcher at Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Munich, and teaches Medieval History at Universität Würzburg. He has published numer- ous articles and edited volumes on the Knights Hospitaller and Knights Templar including Comptes de la commanderie de l’Hôpital de Manosque pour les années 1283 à 1290 (2015 with D. Carraz and A. Venturini), Documents concerning Cyprus from the Hospital’s Rho- dian Archives: 1409–1459 (2011 with A. Luttrell and E. Schöffer) and The Hospitallers, the Mediterranean and Europe (2007 with H. Nicholson and N. Jaspert).

Karoline Döring is working as a postdoctoral researcher at the Ludwig-Maximilians-­ Universität in Munich on the networks of the military orders at the papal curia in the thir- teenth century. Her PhD was entitled Türkenkrieg und Medienwandel im 15. Jahrhundert (2013), and she has recently finished another monograph on fictitious correspondences between Ottoman sultans and Christian princes from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries.

Philippe Josserand is a Senior Researcher in medieval history at the Université de Nantes. He has published various studies on the Iberian Templars and other Spanish brethren such as Église et pouvoir dans la péninsule Ibérique. Les ordres militaires dans le royaume de Castille (1252–1369) (2004), and co-edited the reference work Prier et combattre. Diction- naire européen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge (2009) and Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge. Rencontre autour d’Alain Demurger (2015).

Helen Nicholson is a Professor of Medieval History at the School of History, Archaeology and Religion at Cardiff University. Her publications on the Templars include The Proceed- ings against the Templars in the British Isles (2011), The Debate on the Trial of the Tem- plars (1307–1314) (2010 with J. Burgtorf and P.F. Crawford) and The Knights Templar: A New History (2001). Crusades - Subsidia Series Editor: Christoph T. Maier University of Zurich, for The Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East

This series of ‘Subsidia’ to the journal ‘Crusades’ is designed to include publi- cations deriving from the conferences held by the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East along with other volumes associated with the society. The scope of the series parallels that of the journal itself: Crusades covers seven hundred years from the First Crusade (1095–1102) to the fall of Malta (1798) and draws together scholars working on theatres of war, their home fronts and set- tlements from the Baltic to Africa and from Spain to the Near East and on theol- ogy, law, literature, art, numismatics and economic, social, political and military history.

Recent titles in the series: La Papauté et les croisades / The Papacy and the Crusades Michel Balard

On the Margins of Crusading Helen J. Nicholson

Contact and Conflict in Frankish Greece and the Aegean, 1204–1453 Nikolaos G. Chrissis and Mike Carr

Deeds Done Beyond the Sea Susan B. Edgington and Helen J. Nicholson

Crusading and Warfare in the Middle Ages Simon John and Nicholas Morton

The Crusade in the Fifteenth Century Norman Housley

The Fifth Crusade in Context E.J. Mylod, Guy Perry, Thomas W. Smith, and Jan Vandeburie

The Templars and their Sources Karl Borchardt, Karoline Döring, Philippe Josserand, and Helen Nicholson The Templars and Their Sources

Edited by Karl Borchardt, Karoline Döring, Philippe Josserand and Helen Nicholson First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2017 selection and editorial matter, Karl Borchardt, Karoline Döring, Philippe Josserand and Helen Nicholson; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Karl Borchardt, Karoline Döring, Philippe Josserand and Helen Nicholson to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-1-138-20190-3 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-47529-5 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC Contents

List of plates viii List of figures ix Contributors x Preface xiii List of abbreviations xvi

SECTION I Headquarters 1

1 Vestiges of Templar presence in the Aqsa Mosque 3 BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

2 The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 25 JOCHEN BURGTORF

3 The Templars’ archives in Syria and Cyprus 38 ANTHONY LUTTRELL

SECTION II Charters 47

4 Templar charters and charters for the Templars: self- promotion versus the image of the Order 49 KARL BORCHARDT

5 Copies and cartularies: modernizing Templar documents in mid-thirteenth-century Champagne 64 MICHAEL J. PEIXOTO vi Contents 6 Private charters and other family documents in the Templar archives: commanderies in southern France 78 DAMIEN CARRAZ

7 Editing Templar charters in the Iberian Peninsula at the beginning of the twenty-first century 96 PHILIPPE JOSSERAND

8 The Marquis d’Albon, Carl Erdmann and the Templar sources in Portugal 106 KRISTJAN TOOMASPOEG

SECTION III Constitution, structure and finance 123

9 The office of master deça mer in military orders 125 ALAN FOREY

10 Die Prokuratoren der Templer: Diplomatische und rechtliche Aspekte ihrer Einsetzung und ihrer Aufgaben 133 CHRISTIAN VOGEL

11 Templar tactics: the Order on the battlefield 156 JOHN FRANCE

12 Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent: sources et pratiques 166 ALAIN DEMURGER

SECTION IV Spiritual character 185

13 Les Templiers et le progressif évanouissem*nt de leur règle 187 SIMONETTA CERRINI

14 The documentary evidence for Templar religion 199 JOCHEN SCHENK

15 Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 212 ARNO MENTZEL-REUTERS Contents vii SECTION V Suppression and its consequences 235

16 ‘The real Da Vinci Code’: the accounts of Templars’ estates in England and Wales during the suppression of the Order 237 HELEN NICHOLSON AND PHILIP SLAVIN

17 Fratres quondam Templi: per i Templari in Italia dopo il concilio di Vienne e il destino di Pietro da Bologna 248 FRANCESCO TOMMASI

18 Notaries in inquisitorial trials: the evidence from the Templars’ inquiry in North Italy 307 ELENA BELLOMO

SECTION VI After-history 321

19 Die Templer und das Turiner Grabtuch 323 KARLHEINZ DIETZ

20 Sources for the Templar myth 360 JOHN WALKER

Index 372 KAROLINE DÖRING Plates

1a The Great Hall from the south; note the difference between the upper, bossed Templar masonry and the lower, Umayyad and ‘Abbasid, layers 1b The Great Hall from the west 2a The Great Hall from the north with its springers 2b A close-up of a pair of springers 3a Gérard de Ridefort’s letter 3b The letter’s reverse side 4 The northern porch from the east: the transverse arches are supported on each side by double elbow corbels 5 The southern part of the Aqsa Mosque’s eastern wall: the Mosque of ‘Umar, the Mosque of the Forty, and Mihrāb Zakarīya 6a The rose window, c. 1940 6b The rose window today 7a The Single Gate (now blocked, underneath the window) 7b The northern arches of Solomon’s Stables / Marwānī Mosque with the staircase leading down to them 8a–b The two fragments of the Templar inscription 9 The Haram in the 1930s 10 The Aqsa Mosque from the top of the Russian Tower on the Mount of Olives, 1917 11 The Aqsa Mosque from the top of the Russian Tower on the Mount of Olives, 1997 12a The Templar vaults of the Aqsa Mosque’s eastern aisles 12b A Templar pier of the eastern vaults after the plaster was stripped of it 13 The Arabic inscription mentioning Caliph al-Muqtadir 14 Hall J, looking northeast 15a The bell found in Hall K 15b The Aqsa Mosque on Erhard Reuwich’s drawing of 1483 16 The northern wall of Mihrāb Zakarīya, exposed during the demolition works at the Aqsa Mosque Figures

Plan A Frankish vestiges in and near the Aqsa Mosque 6 Plan B A tentative reconstruction on the twelfth-century Templar compound 13 8.1 The categories of Templar sources in Portugal 117 8.2 Map of the quoted localities 118 16.1 Geography of English and Welsh Templars’ landed estates on the eve of their suppression in Jan. 1308 239 17.1 Tomba di Fr. Pietro de Rotis da Bologna 288 Contributors

Elena Bellomo holds a PhD in Medieval History from the Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore di Milano. She is a specialist in medieval Genoa, the cru- sades and the medieval military-religious orders. Her publications on medieval Genoa, the First Crusade and the Templars include A servizio di Dio e del Santo Sepolcro: Caffaro e l’Oriente latino (2003) and The Templar Order in North- West Italy: 1142–c. 1330 (2008). Jochen Burgtorf is Professor of Medieval History at California State University, Fullerton. He focuses on the crusades and the military-religious orders, but he is also conducting research in English medieval history, Viking history, and the history of fugitives and refugees. His recent publications include The Debate on the Trial of the Templars (1307–1314) (2010, with P.F. Crawford and H. Nicholson) and The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Templars: History, Organization, and Personnel, 1099/1120–1310 (2008). Damien Carraz is maître de conférences of Medieval History at the University of Clermont-Ferrand and has published numerous studies on the military orders, especially in Southern France. Among his recent publications, he has co-edited Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge (Casa de Velázquez, 2015); Comptes de la commanderie de l’Hôpital de Manosque pour les années 1283 à 1290 (CNRS éditions, 2015) and Images et ornements autour des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge: culture visuelle et culte des saintes (Presses universitaires du Midi, in press). He is also taking part in the archaeological mission at Belvoir castle (Israel). Simonetta Cerrini has studied at the Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore di Milano and at the Sorbonne in Paris, where she finished a PhD entitled Une expérience neuve au sein de la spiritualité médiévale: l’ordre du Temple 1120– 1314. Étude et édition des règles latine et française. Her publications mainly focus on the Templars, especially La révolution des Templiers: une histoire perdue du XIIe siècle (2007) and L’apocalisse dei Templari: missione e destino dell’ordine religioso e cavalleresco più misterioso del Medioevo (2012). Alain Demurger is honorary Maître de conférences at Université de Paris I Pan- théon-Sorbonne. He specializes in the history of the crusades, the history of the religious orders and the state of France at the end of the Middle Ages. His Contributors xi publications include Chevaliers du Christ, les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge (2002), Jacques de Molay. Le crépuscule des Templiers (2002) and Les Templiers. Une chevalerie chrétienne au Moyen Âge (2005). Karlheinz Dietz is Professor Emeritus of Ancient History at the University of Würzburg and Member of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. His research interests are the Roman Imperial Period, Late Antiquity and the study of inscriptions. Alan Forey taught at the universities of Oxford, St. Andrews and Durham before his retirement. He has published several comparative studies on the military orders and the Spanish Templars, e.g. The Military Orders from the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries (1992) and The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon (2001). John France is Professor Emeritus at the College of Arts and Humanities at Swansea University. He works on the history of warfare and crusading and has undertaken field work in Italy, France, Syria, Jordan, Israel and Lebanon. Among his publications are Victory in the East. A Military History of the First Crusade (1994) and Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades, 1000–1300 (1997). Benjamin Z. Kedar is Professor Emeritus of History at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Member of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. His research interests focus on the history of the Frankish kingdom of Jerusa- lem, aerial photography and history and comparative and world history. He has recently edited Where Heaven and Earth Meet: Jerusalem’s Sacred Esplanade (2009, with O. Grabar) and published his collected essays in Franks, Muslims and Oriental Christians in the Latin Levant: Studies in Frontier Acculturation (2006) and in Crusaders and Franks: Studies in the History of the Crusades and the Frankish Levant (2016). Anthony Luttrell is an independent scholar from Bath. He has taught at Edin- burgh University and the Royal University of Malta and published extensively on the Knights Hospitaller on Rhodes. His publications include Documents concerning Cyprus from the Hospital’s Rhodian Archives: 1409–1459 (2011, with K. Borchardt and E. Schöffer), Studies on the Hospitallers after 1306. Rhodes and the West (2007) and The Hospitaller State on Rhodes and its West- ern Provinces, 1306–1462 (1999). Arno Mentzel-Reuters is head of the research library at the Monumenta Germa- nia Historica in Munich and teaches medieval German language and literature at the University of Augsburg. His research interests include the history of the Teutonic Order, especially the history of its libraries and literacy. He recently co-edited a volume on the Order’s literature (Neue Studien zur Literatur im Deutschen Orden, 2014).

Michael J. Peixoto is Visiting Assistant Professor at the University of Ore- gon. His PhD thesis, Templar Communities in Medieval Champagne: Local xii Contributors Perspectives on a Global Organization, was completed in 2013. His research interests cover the history of the crusades and the military orders, monastic charters and cartularies and medieval France. Jochen Schenk has been Lecturer in Medieval History at the University of Glas- gow and is the author of a number of studies on the medieval military orders, most recently Templar Families. Landowning Families and the Order of the Temple in France, c. 1120–1307 (2012). Together with J. Burgtorf he is look- ing into the possibility of producing an electronic calendar of the Cartulaire manuscrit d’Albon. Philip Slavin received his PhD in Medieval History from the Centre for Medieval Studies at the University of Toronto (2008) and lectures at the School of His- tory at the University of Kent. He specializes in late-medieval environmental, economic and social history of the British Isles. His PhD thesis Bread and Ale for the Brethren. The Provisioning of Norwich Catherdral Priory, c. 1260– 1536 was published in 2012. Francesco Tommasi is a Senior Researcher in medieval history at the Università degli Studi di Perugia. Specialized on the military-religious orders in Italy and elsewhere, he has published many relevant papers and edited or co-edited a number of important collective volumes, among them Religiones Militares. Contributi alla storia degli ordini religioso-militari nel medioevo (2008), Acri 1291: la fine della presenza degli ordini militari in Terra Santa e i nuovi orien- tamenti nel XIV secolo (1996) and Militia Sacra. Gli ordini militari tra Europa e Terrasanta (1994). Currently he is preparing an edition of the texts relating to the trial of the Templars in Italy. Kristjan Toomaspoeg is Senior Researcher at Università del Salento and has worked extensively on the Teutonic Order. He has recently edited the Analecta Theutonica. Studies for the History of the Teutonic Order (2014) and is now preparing a prosopographical study on Der Deutsche Orden und seine Brüder in Italien. Christian Vogel holds a PhD in both law and history and is lecturer at the Uni- versität des Saarlandes in Saarbrücken. His research focuses on legal aspects of Templar history. His historical PhD thesis Das Recht der Templer was pub- lished in 2007, his second PhD thesis Zur Rolle der Beherrschten in der mit- telalterlichen Herrschaftslegitimation was published in 2011. John Walker completed his PhD at the University of St. Andrews, Scotland on the English patrons of the Templars and the Order of St Lazarus. He has taught in secondary schools and at the former University College Scarborough and is now an Admissions Tutor at the University of Hull. He is preparing a study on the myths associated with the Knights Templar. Preface

The Templars and their sources Even 700 hundred years after the suppression of the Order of the Temple and the execution of the last grand master, Jacques de Molay, there is no shortage of publications on this influential military-religious order. The present volume collects 20 scholarly papers on various aspects of the Templar history presented at an international conference held at Munich from 24 to 27 February 2014 and organized by the Monumenta Germaniae Historica and the Historisches Seminar der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität. Unlike other medieval institutions the Tem- plars are subject to speculative fiction and popular myth which threaten to over- grow the fruits of scholarly endeavour. Fortunately, recent years have produced a thriving academic scholarship which is challenging these myths. More and more sources are currently being edited, particularly those for the trial of the Templars from 1307 to 1312. Others are still awaiting an in-depth study, among them, sur- prisingly, the major part of the charters covering more than one hundred and fifty years of the Order’s history. The papers of this volume step into this gap and critically evaluate new direc- tions in Templar studies on the basis of as-yet unedited source material. Open issues and desiderata regarding the sources are discussed; from a range of inspir- ing results a new status quaestionis is proposed that will not only provide a better understanding of the Order’s archaeological, economical, religious, administra- tive and military history, but also set new points of departure for the editing of charters and administrative documents. The papers here are grouped into six sections, focussing on the headquarters of the Order, its charters, manpower and finance, religious life, and finally the sup- pression and the Order’s afterlife. This arrangement loosely follows the various types of sources, with a special emphasis on the documentary evidence. The first section is dedicated to the Order’s headquarters. Benjamin Z. Kedar brings together in his paper archaeological findings and observations from the sources, carefully reconstructing the Temple Mount during the Crusader Period. Jochen Burgtorf follows the close relationship between the Templars and the royal court in twelfth-century Jerusalem and on the basis of the charters paints a pic- ture that is not always congruent with the one that William of Tyre gives in his xiv Preface chronicle, reaching a point where Templars take over even royal responsibilities. Anthony Luttrell reflects in his paper about the Templars’ archives in Syria and Cyprus. Despite his remark at the beginning that the fate of the archives cannot be established, he offers prudent considerations of the routes the documents might have travelled after the loss of the Holy Land in 1291, conceding the Hospitallers a considerable role in the preservation of Templar documents. The papers in the second section are dedicated to the charters of the Templars. Karl Borchardt emphasizes the importance of Templar charters and calls for a complete edition. Together with an analysis of heraldic and religious symbols they are valuable sources for the perception and self-perception of the Order. The papers of Michael J. Peixoto and Damien Carraz focus on the French archival evi- dence relating to the Order’s land ownership. In both papers a close relationship between the Templars and the local nobility is established that led to ample dona- tions for the Order, even transfers of private archives into the Order’s possession. Evidence from the charters documents the Templars’ efforts to bind themselves closely to the region. The last two papers in this section are very closely con- nected. Philippe Josserand and Kristjan Toomaspoeg both treat modern charter collections on the Iberian Peninsula at the beginning of the twenty-first century and appreciate the merits of scholars such as the marquis d’Albon, Carl Erd- mann, Santos García Larragueta and other Portuguese fellow-countrymen, whose extensive collecting activities have provided the basis for the material that is now available. Nevertheless, they emphasize that critical editions, in-depth study and systematic publication are scarce for areas outside Catalonia. The third section consists of papers relating to constitutional and structural problems as well as the Order’s financial activities. Alan Forey and Christian Vogel examine offices and office holders that represent the Order’s interests beyond the Holy Land. Both in the case of the master deça mer – an office docu- mented for all three military orders – and in the case of the procurators appointed before legal authorities, the tight central organization of the Order very pragmati- cally met the regional requirements of an international operating community. John France returns to the Templars as a fighting force and emphasizes the concept of a highly disciplined and well-trained cavalry, whose members were familiar with each other and could trust each others’ abilities, which was crucial for tactical success on the battlefield. While historians have tried to explain the Templars’ monetary fortune as a professional establishment of financial services at a high speculative risk, Alain Demurger argues in his paper against a thoroughly planned and centrally navigated construction of the Order’s banking business and reveals sources and practices where investment was based on practical rather than specu- lative deliberations. The papers in the fourth section raise awareness of the spiritual character of the Order. Judged by their fierce military presence, the Templars’ nature as a reli- gious community is not uncommonly pushed into the background. On the basis of inventories Jochen Schenk draws attention to liturgical books and objects, rel- ics and other valuables that attest to the Order’s religious commitment and spir- ituality. Using the Templars’ rules and statutes and the records of the 1307–12 Preface xv process, Simonetta Cerrini considers the role of the Templar rule in the Templars’ daily life. Concentrating on non-documentary evidence, Arno Mentzel-Reuters examines monastic, i.e., Cistercian influences on the Order’s spirituality. Modern Cistercian spirituality serves him as a blueprint for the practical forms of Templar religion. The fifth section takes the Order’s suppression and its consequences as a sub- ject of discussion. Based on extensive administrative sources Helen Nicholson and Philip Slavin shed light on the highly effective manorial management of Tem- plar estates in England and Wales, that quickly deteriorated after the suppression when royal officials pursued short-sighted strategies in order to make a quick profit instead of a long-term investment. Francesco Tommasi considers the lives of the former Templar brothers after the trial and traces their fate; he could not come to the Munich conference but volunteered to hand in his paper with a wel- come edition of seven documents. Elena Bellomo looks into the Templars’ inquiry in North Italy and produces insights into the complicated legal procedures and particularly into the work of notaries who were entrusted with different phases of the process, such as the takeover and administration of Templar houses or the forming of provincial councils to judge the Templars. The sixth section deals with the Templars’ ‘after-history’. Karlheinz Dietz’ paper is an exhaustive prosopographical and onomastic analysis of the oldest pos- sessors of the Turin Shroud, leading to a deconstruction of the Templars’ alleg- edly mysterious involvement in the matter. John Walker takes the same line and demystifies popular Templar myths through professional source criticism, show- ing many instances where writers of popular fiction deliberately ignored scientific results, even brushed sources against the grain and over-interpreted lacunae to fit their purpose of mystification. The four editors are most grateful for all the advice and help they have received. Special thanks are due to the Monumenta Germaniae Historica under their for- mer president Claudia Märtl for organizing the Munich venue in 2014 and to the Internationales Begegnungszentrum of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität for hosting the conference. Furthermore, they would like to thank John Smedley and his colleagues at Ashgate Publishing for their assistance and patience in seeing this volume through to publication. They would also like to express their sincere gratitude to the scholars who kindly offered a diverse and stimulating range of essays on Templar sources and on grand topics of Templar history. And they are indebted to the sponsors, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, the Münchener Universitätsgesellschaft and especially the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung which not only supported the conference but also gave a subsidy to ensure publication of a sam- ple of photos in the present volume. The four editors hope that the present collec- tion will stimulate discussions about all types of Templar sources and perhaps also to plans of possible scholarly editions of Templar charters and similar documents. Abbreviations

AN Archives nationales de France AOL Archives de l’Orient Latin BN Bibliothèque nationale de France nouv. acq. lat. nouvelle acquisition latine nouv. acq. fr. nouvelle acquisition français CH Cartulaire général de l’Ordre des Hospitaliters de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, 1100–1310, ed. Joseph Delaville Le Roulx, 4 vols. (Paris, 1894–1906) CT Cartulaire géneral de l’Ordre du Temple 1119?–1150, Recueil des chartes et des bulles relatives à l’ordre du Temple, ed. [André] Mar- quis d’Albon (Paris, 1913) Debate The Debate on the Trial of the Templars, ed. Jochen Burgtorf, Paul Crawford and Helen Nicholson (Farnham, 2010) MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica D. Jerus. Diplomata regum Latinorum Hierosolymitanorum, ed. Hans Eberhard Mayer, altfranz. Texte Jean Rich- ard, 4 vols. (Hannover, 2010) SS Scriptores MO 1 The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick, ed. Malcolm Barber (Aldershot, 1994) MO 2 The Military Orders, vol. 2: Welfare and Warfare, ed. Helen Nichol- son (Aldershot, 1998) MO 3 The Military Orders, vol. 3: History and Heritage, ed. Victor Mallia- Milanes (Aldershot, 2008) MO 4 The Military Orders, vol. 4: On Land and by Sea, ed. Judi Upton- Ward (Aldershot, 2008) MO 5 The Military Orders, vol. 5: Politics and Power, ed. Peter W. Edburgy (Aldershot, 2012) MO 6 The Military Orders, vol. 6: Culture and Conflicts, ed. Jochen Schenk and Mike Carr (forthcoming) PL Patrologia Latina Abbreviations xvii PPTS Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society PUTJ Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter, ed. Rudolf Hiestand, 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1972–1984) RHC Recueil des Historiens des Croisades Arm Documents arméniens Occ Historiens occidentaux Or Historiens orientaux RHGF Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France RIS Rerum Italicarum Scriptores ROL Revue de l’Orient Latin RS Rolls Series WT Guillaume de Tyr, Chronique, ed. Robert B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 63, 63A (Turnhout, 1986)

Section I Headquarters

Benjamin Z. Kedar Vestiges of Templar presence

1 Vestiges of Templar presence in the Aqsa Mosque

Benjamin Z. Kedar

As is well known, the Military Order of the Knights Templar had its first principal residence in what used to be the Aqsa Mosque until the crusader conquest of Jeru- salem on 15 July 1099. After Saladin reconquered Jerusalem on 2 October 1187, the building was rededicated as a mosque, yet there remained vestiges of Templar presence in and around it. Some of these are quite impressive, though not very well known; the relatively recent – and hitherto uninvestigated – disappearance of others calls for an explanation.

Evidence of the written sources on the physical setup of the Templar headquarters in and near the Aqsa Mosque On the day of the crusader conquest the mosque was the scene of a massacre. A large number of Muslim men and women sought refuge on its roof, but on the next morning the crusaders ascended there and beheaded them, with some Mus- lims choosing to fling themselves headlong from the roof.1 Sometime later the mosque – now called the Temple or Palace of Solomon – became the residence of the Frankish kings of Jerusalem. But the kings were not able to maintain the building in the condition in which they had found it. Foucher of Chartres, the chaplain of King Baldwin I of Jerusalem, writes that because of lack of money the king was unable to repair the building’s roof, and when lead fell from it, he would sell it to merchants; indeed he would even order the lead to be stripped, and then sell it. Later, in the second redaction of his chronicle, Foucher describes the building as already largely ruined.2 For reasons that will

1 See Benjamin Z. Kedar, ‘The Jerusalem Massacre of July 1099 in the Western Historiography of the Crusades’, Crusades, 3 (2004), pp. 15–75. But the number of 3,000 given by Ibn al-ʿArabī (1076–1148) refers to the men and women killed throughout Jerusalem and not just in the Aqsa Mosque, see Konrad Hirschler, ‘The Jerusalem Conquest of 492/1099 in the Medieval Arabic His- toriography of the Crusades: From Regional Plurality to Islamic Narrative’, Crusades, 13 (2014), p. 49 n. 31. 2 Foucher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana 1.26, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913), p. 291. The wording of the first redaction appears in the apparatus. 4 Benjamin Z. Kedar become apparent I assume that it was mainly the building’s eastern part that was crumbling. In about 1120 King Baldwin II assented to lend for some time the Temple or Palace of Solomon to the young Templar Order.3 Its Primitive Rule implies that the palace, after having come into Templar hands, comprised a refectory, a church, a chapter house, and an infirmary.4 Usāma ibn Munqidh relates that beside the Aqsa Mosque stood a small mosque that the Franks turned into a church.5 Al-Idrīsī, the Muslim geographer who worked at the Norman court in Palermo, wrote around 1154 that the Templars converted the Aqsa Mosque into chambers in which their companies were lodged.6 Yet, even as the Templars adjusted the building to their needs, the kings of Jerusalem continued to regard it as their property; to demon- strate that the Templars were holding it merely on loan, they would host there a fes- tive dinner immediately upon their coronation.7 The chronicler known as Ernoul asserts that the Templars, apprehensive lest the king would one day reclaim his palace, erected there i. biaus et rice manoir, which the Saracens were to destroy after their conquest of Jerusalem.8 Perhaps this was indeed the Templars’ motiva- tion. In any case, they engaged in extensive building activities near the erstwhile mosque. Johann of Würzburg, whose pilgrimage has been dated to c. 1160, relates that the Templars have near the Palace of Solomon many large and spacious edi- fices and that they are erecting there a large new church that has not yetbeen completed. Their stable can hold more than 2,000 horses or 1,500 camels.9 Theo- derich, who visited Jerusalem probably in 1169,10 describes the Templar buildings in greater detail. East of the Palace of Solomon are houses, galleries for walking, gardens, places of assembly and rainwater reservoirs, with baths, storage rooms and granaries underneath them. The subterranean stables, erected by King Solo- mon, consisting of arches and vaults, can hold 10,000 horses and their grooms. West of the palace the Templars erected a large, tall new house whose very high gabled roof runs counter to local custom; evidently Theoderich is contrasting it with the flat roofs common in the Levant. He goes on to relate that the Templars

3 William of Tyre, Chronicon 12.6, ed. Robert B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis, 63 (Turnhout, 1986), p. 553; Chronique d’Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, ed. Louis de Mas-Latrie (Paris, 1871), p. 9. 4 La Règle du Temple, ed. Henri de Curzon (Paris, 1886; repr. 1977), §§ 23, 29, 58, 61, pp. 33–4, 37, 59, 61–2. Cf. Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. A Corpus, vol. 3: The City of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 2007), p. 421. 5 Usāma ibn Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, trans. Paul M. Cobb (London, 2008), p. 147. 6 Excerpt in Guy Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems. A Description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500 translated from the Works of the Medieval Arab Geographers (Lon- don, 1890; repr. Beirut, 1965), p. 108. 7 ‘li rois . . . s’en entroit en son palais, el Temple Salemon, où li Templier manoient.’ Chronique d’Ernoul (as note 3), p. 118. 8 Ibid., p. 9. 9 Johann of Würzburg, lines 1366–1371, in Peregrinationes tres: Saewulf, Iohannes Wirziburgen- sis, Theodericus, ed. Robert B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis, 139 (Turnhout, 1994), pp. 134–5. 10 For the dates of Johann’s and Theoderich’s pilgrimages I have followed Huygens’ introduction to Peregrinationes tres (as note 9), pp. 27–9. Vestiges of Templar presence 5 built there a new cloister that parallels the old one east of the palace – and several twelfth-century maps of Jerusalem do indeed show a claustrum Salomonis west of the Templum Solomonis.11 Theoderich adds that on one side of the new cloister the Templars are constructing a new church of astonishing size and workmanship. Later he mentions that they built a southern forewall to protect their compound.12 Theoderich’s description of the Templar building activities west of the palace is corroborated by the account of Saladin’s secretary ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Isfahānī, who dwells in some detail on the purification of the Aqsa Mosque during the week that followed the Muslim reconquest of Jerusalem in 1187. ‘Imād al-Dīn reports that to the west of the mosque the Templars had erected ‘a vast edifice and a high church’13 – evidently Theoderich’s large, tall new house and his new church of astonishing size and workmanship. Saladin ordered that they be removed. The Templars, writes his secretary, built a wall in front (i.e., north) of the mosque’s prayer niche (mihrāb) and turned the area beyond the wall into a granary or, some said, into latrines; Saladin ordered that the wall be destroyed and the mihrāb unveiled. The partition walls that the Templars had erected between the mosque’s columns were demolished; mats of reed were replaced with precious carpets; and the sumptuous preacher’s pulpit prepared by Saladin’s predecessor Nūr al-Dīn was solemnly installed in the purified mosque.14 (A deranged Christian fundamen- talist from Australia was to set it on fire in 1969). Thus the written sources enable us to envisage, west of the palace, a large build- ing topped by a gabled roof, a cloister, and a high, richly decorated church; inside the palace – a church, a refectory, a chapter house, an infirmary, chambers created by partition walls linking the palace’s columns, and a granary or latrines near the south- ern wall; east of the palace – houses, galleries, gardens, places of assembly and rain- water reservoirs and, underneath them, baths, storage rooms, granaries and stables.

Vestiges of Templar presence observable today in and near the Aqsa Mosque The most striking vestige is the Great Hall of the Templars (Plate 1a15 and Area A on Plan A), which extends from the western end of the Aqsa Mosque to the west- ern edge of the Haram esplanade. The hall, measuring 74 by 22.5 metres, is a long,

11 For a recent colour reproduction of the map which is now in Brussels see Where Heaven and Earth Meet: Jerusalem’s Sacred Esplanade, ed. Oleg Grabar and Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem and Austin, Texas, 2009), p. 135. 12 Theoderich, lines 680–707, 737–41, in Peregrinationes tres (as note 9), pp. 164–6. 13 Massé translated: ‘un vaste édifice, une haute église’: ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Isfahānī, Conquête de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin, trans. Henri Massé (Paris, 1972), p. 51. But the Arabic origi- nal leaves no doubt that ‘Imād al-Dīn refers to two different buildings: ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Isfahānī, al-Fath al-qussī fi l-fath al-qudsī, ed. Carlo de Landberg (Leiden, 1888), p. 61. See also Sabri Jarrah, ‘From Monastic Cloisters to Sahn: The Transformation of the Open Space of the Masjid al-Aqsa under Saladin’, in Ayyubid Jerusalem: The Holy City in Context, 1187–1250, ed. Robert Hillenbrand and Sylvia Auld (London, 2009), p. 374. 14 ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Isfahānī, ed. de Landberg (as note 13), pp. 61–2; trans. Massé (as note 13), p. 51. 15 Unless otherwise stated, photos were taken by the author. Plan A Frankish vestiges in and near the Aqsa Mosque. Vestiges of Templar presence 7 two-aisled edifice whose nine central piers support 20 groin vaults.16 Michael H. Burgoyne, who painstakingly investigated the building stages of the hall’s west- ern wall (Plate 1b), has shown that its northwestern corner collapsed before an Ayyūbid structure was built north of it; the repair of the collapse that is visible today dates probably from the Ottoman period.17 He drew attention also to the 13 regularly spaced springers integrated into the hall’s northern wall (Plate 2, a–b), arguing that they postdate the hall’s construction and may have been intended to support the vaults of a portico or a cloister that was never completed, possibly because the Muslim reconquest of 1187 put an end to the building campaign. Denys Pringle, the leading crusade archaeologist, embraced Burgoyne’s hypoth- esis: for him, the springers ‘indicate the former existence of a portico or cloister’ – that is, they belong to the southern component of a Templar rectangle whose other parts did not survive.18 It stands to reason that the extant Great Hall is Theoder- ich’s ‘large, tall new house’ and ‘Imād al-Dīn’s ‘vast edifice’; if so, the gabled roof must have been dismantled some time after Saladin’s reconquest. Nowadays the hall’s eastern part serves as the Women’s Mosque while the western part houses the Islamic Museum. The museum holds a part of the twelfth-century iron grill with which the Franks surrounded the rock in the Dome of the Rock.19 In the 1960s, toward the end of Jordanian rule over Jerusalem, the grill was removed from the Dome of the Rock and a part of it was put on display in the museum. The museum displays also a written testimony to the Templar presence in the Aqsa Mosque: a short letter in Latin, on paper (Plate 3), dating from the years 1179–1184, first published in 1926.20 It was written by Gérard de Ridefort, the seneschal of the Templar Order, who was soon to become its master and to play an important role in the events that led to the Frankish defeat at the Horns of Hattīn. In the letter, sent to Eudes de Vendôme, the Order’s preceptor in Jerusalem,21 Gérard reports on the action against an aberrant Templar, Robert of Sourdeval,

16 Michael H. Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study (London, 1987), p. 260; Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 431. 17 Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem (as note 16), p. 263, to be read with p. 268, Fig. 22.8. 18 Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem (as note 16), p. 261, to be read with p. 266, Fig. 22.7; Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, pp. 431–2. 19 For a colour reproduction, kindly supplied by Dr. Nazmi al-Ju‘beh, see Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 246. 20 Félix-Marie Abel, ‘Lettre d’un Templier trouvée récemment a Jérusalem’, Revue Biblique, 35 (1926), 288–95. For the date see Benjamin Z. Kedar and Denys Pringle, ‘La Féve: A Crusader Castle in the Jezreel Valley’, Israel Exploration Journal, 35 (1985), p. 157; Pierre-Vincent Clav- erie, L’Ordre du Temple en Terre Sainte et à Chypre, 3 vols. (Nicosia, 2005), vol. 3, p. 357 n. 1. 21 For the name, see Plate 3b and Abel, ‘Lettre’ (as note 20), pp. 289–90, 293. Earlier authors, who did not take into account that Abel had published the addressee’s name appearing on the letter’s reverse side, wondered whether his name was Eudes de Vendeuvre and whether he originated in France or in England: Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118–19–1314, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gõttingen. Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 3. Folge, 86 (Göt- tingen, 1974), pp. 108, 360; Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of of Hospitallers and Tem- plars. History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1120–1310) (Leiden – Boston, 2008), p. 605. 8 Benjamin Z. Kedar who has landed in Tyre: a chapter convened in the castle of La Fève decided to deprive him of the Templar habit and conduct him to Acre, where he was to be kept until it would be possible to send him off to the West. This is the only Latin document of the period of the crusades ever discovered in what had been the Frankish Levant. The letter, found in the 1920s between two stones of the southeastern pillar of the Aqsa Mosque’s dome, was brought to Père Félix-Marie Abel, the Dominican scholar whose contributions to the study of Jerusalem and Palestine are well known. Père Abel deciphered the letter and published it, together with a black-and-white photo. In the last line he read: et custodiant ibi in camera privatorum, and expressed his puzzlement at what cam- era privatorum might mean.22 Yet, a colour photo kindly provided by Dr. Nazmi al-Ju‘beh of Bir Zeit University,23 shows that the word deciphered as privatorum should be read as privatim – that is, the aberrant Templar was to be kept sepa- rately, in solitary confinement (see Appendix). There is a further, distressing, side to the discovery of this Templar letter. Père Abel reports that it was brought to him by ‘Adil Effendi Jaber, a professor of law who served as adviser to the Supreme Moslem Council that supervised the religious affairs of the Muslim community in British-ruled Palestine;24 in 1922 he became the first director of the newly established al-Aqsa Library and of the Islamic Museum.25 ‘Adil Effendi told Père Abel that the Latin letter was found folded within another one, written in a cursive Arabic devoid of diacritical points whose style suggests an Oriental Christian author; the letter, apparently addressed to Gérard de Ridefort, dealt with materials required for building activities or res- torations on the Haram esplanade (bayt al-maqdis).26 Unfortunately, Père Abel did not insist on examining the Arabic letter and just related its contents as sketched to him orally. The letter has never been mentioned again.27 The Templar remains in the Aqsa Mosque’s northern porch (Plate 4 and Area B on Plan A) are considerably less extensive than those of the Great Hall, yet far more centrally located. Four Templar piers carry three central bays; transverse arches spring from double elbow corbels on these piers and extend to corbels on the four pilasters inserted into the mosque’s pre-crusade northern façade. In other words, the Templars added a northern porch three bays in width. Robert William Hamilton, who in the years 1938–1948 directed the Department of Antiquities of

The address was accurately translated by Claverie, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 20), vol. 3, p. 357 and n. 3. 22 Abel, ‘Lettre’ (as note 20), p. 295. Bulst-Thiele was likewise puzzled: Sacrae domus (as note 21), p. 108, n. 11. 23 For a colour reproduction see Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 147. 24 Abel, ‘Lettre’ (as note 20), p. 289. 25 Walid Abu Ahmad, ‘The Library of the Aqsa Mosque’, Jāmi‘a. Studies in Islam, Education, Lit- erature and Sciences (Bāqa al-Gharbīya), 7 (2003), pp. 378–80, 387 (in Hebrew). 26 Abel, ‘Lettre’ (as note 20), pp. 288–9. 27 My thanks to Mr. Abu Ahmad for his efforts to locate the letter among the papers of ‘Adil Effendi Jaber and in the Library of the Aqsa Mosque in general. Vestiges of Templar presence 9 British Palestine and whose Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque is the most detailed study of the edifice, proposed to distinguish between two types of corbels in this porch: the rather austere ones carved by the Templars and still in situ, and the more ornate ones, also Frankish but employed in secondary use, probably dur- ing the restoration under the Ayyūbid sultan al-Mu‘azzam ‘Īsā in 1217–1218.28 In the southeastern part of the Aqsa Mosque are three chambers that contain Templar vestiges (Plate 5 and Points C, D, E on Plan A). The central chamber, the present-day rectangular Mosque of the Forty (Point D), originally had in its east an apse whose remains were observed by scholars in the nineteenth century; the outline of the suppressed apse and a part of its semi-dome became temporarily visible, from within the mosque, during restoration works in 1982, and Pringle was able to pho- tograph it.29 From the outside, the apse’s size can be gauged by the straight segment that replaced it, as its texture clearly differs from the suppressed apse. Pringle con- vincingly argued that the apse marked the eastern end of the Templars’ original place of worship, yet he could not determine how far westward this oratory extended.30 North of the Mosque of the Forty is the present-day Mihrāb Zakarīya (Point C) which, within its partially Templar walls, contains several Frankish spolia. The edifice’s eastern wall appears to have been constructed by Muslims in the thirteenth century, with a Frankish rose window embedded in its upper part31 (Plate 6a). The rose’s arches, resting on round, centrifugal colonnettes topped by capitals, roughly resemble those of the rose of the northern transept of Saint- Étienne of Beauvais – the earliest extant French example, dated to 1130/40 – or those of the roses of St. Nicholas in Barfreston (Kent) and Notre-Dame of Mon- tréal (Yonne), both dating from ca. 1180.32 The dimensions of the Jerusalem rose – its diameter measures 3.7 metres33 – closely resemble those of the Beauvais and Montréal ones, whose diameters are 3.5 and 3.7 metres, respectively,34 as well

28 Robert W. Hamilton, The Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque. A Record of Architectural Gleanings from the Repairs of 1938–1942 (Jerusalem [recte: London], 1949), pp. 37–47, 74; for a detailed analysis see Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, pp. 426–7. 29 Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 430, Plate ccxi. 30 Ibid., pp. 427, 429. Pringle speaks of ‘the Templars’ conventual chapel’, but the Primitive Rule has ‘aecclesia’, not ‘capella’: La Règle du Temple (as note 4), § 29, p. 37. Pringle assumes (p. 422) that the small mosque beside the Aqsa Mosque, which, according to Usāma ibn Munqidh, the Franks turned into a church, may have been the present-day Mosque of the Forty or the Mosque of ‘Umar just to its south (Point E on Plan A). 31 Hamilton, The Structural History (as note 28), p. 21, note 2; Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 427. 32 For a general survey see Friedrich Kobler, ‘Fensterrose’, Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunst- geschichte (Munich, 1987), vol. 8, cols. 65–202; for a detailed discussion that focuses on symbolic meanings see Helen J. Dow, ‘The Rose-Window’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Insti- tutes, 20 (1957), pp. 248–97. For photos of the Beauvais and Barfreston roses see Painton Cowen, The Rose Window. Splendour and Symbol (London, 2005), pp. 56, 58. 33 My thanks to Vardit Shotten-Hallel for measuring the rose window. 34 Anne Prache, Ile de France romane, Editions Zodiaque (La Pierre-qui-Vire, 1983), p. 185; Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonné de l’architecture française du XIe au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1869), vol. 8, pp. 65–6. My thanks to Jean Mesqui for these references. 10 Benjamin Z. Kedar as other early roses, and differ from those of the late twelfth century, which may exceed ten metres.35 But while the rose of Beauvais has 12 petals and those of Barfreston and Montréal have eight each, the Jerusalem rose has just six;36 its colonnettes are short and stout, its capitals disproportionately large, its arches linked by two squat, straight segments that meet at an obtuse angle. In short, a comparison of this rose with contemporary Western roses reveals the rose on the wall of Mihrāb Zakarīya to be rather simple and crude. On the other hand, the per- forated screens of stone, or transenne, in two of its upper arches – which appear to be original – recall those of the rose of Troia Cathedral (Apulia), which dates from c. 1200 and exhibits some Islamic influence.37 The comparison of a photo- graph of the Jerusalem rose taken in about 1940 (Plate 6a) with one taken recently (Plate 6b) reveals the sweeping transformation it had undergone. Under the southeastern part of the Haram esplanade is a vast subterranean complex (Area F on Plan A) that measures 3,390 square metres; its 13 arcades, rising to a height of at least nine metres, rest on 88 (or 94) piers. Once regarded as the work of King Herod, the complex is now considered to be of much later provenance, probably erected by the Umayyads and rebuilt by the Fatimids after the earthquake of 1033.38 Theoderich, in about 1169, was the first Latin to iden- tify it as being stables built by King Solomon and to relate that the Templars kept their horses there.39 Holes for tethering the horses’ reins, visible in several piers, attest to this. But how did the Templars enter and exit the stables? Schol- ars have assumed that the Templars opened up the entrance known as the Single Gate (Point G on Plan A) in order to provide access to the stables.40 But this gate (Plate 7a) is only 2.85 metres wide,41 which means that the Templars would have had to move in and out of it in single file – and consequently even the 300 Templars, who according to Benjamin of Tudela went out every day for war (or exercise),42 would have needed quite a while to exit the stables, to say nothing of

35 Kobler, ‘Fensterrose’ (as note 32), col. 85. 36 The small roses of Langres and Royat (Puy-de-Dôme) are also six-partite (Viollet-le-Duc, Dic- tionnaire, pp. 66–8), but their shapes are different. 37 For a photograph see Cowen, The Rose Window (as note 32), p. 118. The rose window’s diameter appears to be 5.6 metres: see Carl Arnold Willemsen and Dagmar Odenthal, Apulien: Land der Normannen, Land der Staufer (Cologne, 1966), plan on p. 32 and Fig. 39. 38 Dan Bahat, ‘Re-examining the History of “Solomon’s Stables” ’, Qadmoniot, 34 (2001), pp. 125– 30 (in Hebrew); Jon Seligman, ‘Solomon’s Stables, The Temple Mount, Jerusalem: The Events Concerning the Destruction of Antiquities 1999–2001’, ‘Atiqot, 56 (2007), *33–*40, *45–*51. 39 Theoderich, lines 688–95, in Peregrinationes tres (as note 9), pp. 164–5. 40 Meron Benvenisti, The Crusaders in the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 1970), p. 261 (he appears to have thought that the Templars also used the Triple Gate); Michael H. Burgoyne, ‘The Gates of the Haram al-Sharīf’, in Bayt al-Maqdis. ‘Abd al-Malik’s Jerusalem, part 1, ed. Julian Raby and Jer- emy Johns (Oxford, 1992), p. 111; Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 432; Jarrah, ‘From Monastic Cloisters to Sahn’ (as note 13), p. 366. Bahat, ‘Re-examining the History’ (as note 38), pp. 129–30, believes that the Single Gate dates from ca. 1034. 41 Leen Ritmeyer, The Quest: Revealing the Temple Mount in Jerusalem (Jerusalem, 2006), p. 95. 42 The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, ed. and trans. Marcus N. Adler (London, 1907), pp. 23–4 (text), 22 (trans.) Like Theoderich, Benjamin attributes the building of the stables to King Solomon. Vestiges of Templar presence 11 Theoderich’s 10,000. Also, ventilation of this vast subterranean complex, with its single narrow entrance, would have been challenging. Did the Templars find a more satisfactory solution to the problems of access and ventilation? It is one of the windfalls of the recent conversion of ‘Solomon’s Stables’ into the ‘Marwānī Mosque’ that the Templars’ solution has become comprehensible. The conver- sion was initiated in 1997 by the Awqāf (the Islamic religious authorities), who in November 1999 endeavoured to open up a northern entrance to the new sub- terranean Marwānī Mosque and to cut a monumental staircase leading down to it from the Haram esplanade. This major operation, which was executed with heavy mechanical equipment and without archaeological supervision, and created a huge, 12-metres-deep pit, caused an uproar, and the Israeli government stopped the work.43 Yet this otherwise deplorable event revealed the existence of seven high, blocked arches in the northeastern part of the stables (Area H on Plan A), of which two are now open (Plate 7b). It has been hypothesized that all seven arches were open when the Templars owned the stables, which allowed for their ventilation and provided easy access to them; the arches were blocked under the Ayyūbids.44 The subsequent systematic sifting of the vast amount of fill that the Awqāf removed from the pit – possibly also from within the stables – and dumped outside the walls of Jerusalem’s Old City, supports this hypothesis, for among the rich assortment of finds from various periods, about 200 horseshoe nails of the so-called fiddle-key type, 60 arrowheads, opus sectile floor tiles, and more than 50 twelfth-century Frankish and European coins came to light.45 A remarkable testimony to the Templar presence in the Aqsa Mosque is an inscription that mentions the Militia Templi (Plates 8a–b). First published by Sab- ino De Sandoli in 1979 and, much more meticulously, by Pringle a decade later,46 it has had limited impact – one would expect to see it reproduced time and again in the immense number of books on the Templar Order, but this has not happened. The two fragments of the inscription were found in the 1920s during the repair of the Aqsa Mosque directed by the Turkish architect Kamāl al-Dīn Bey, who headed the Supreme Moslem Council’s Technical Department.47 The stones are

43 On this operation and its background see Seligman, ‘Solomon’s Stables’ (as note 38), pp. *40–*45; Yitzhak Reiter and Jon Seligman, ’1917 to the Present: Al-Haram al-Sharif / Temple Mount and the Western Wall’, in Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), pp. 259–60, 266–71, Nazmi al-Ju‘beh, ’1917 to the Present: Basic Changes, but Not Dramatic – Al-Haram al-Sharif in the Aftermath of 1967’, ibid., pp. 281–2. 44 Bahat (as note 38), ‘Re-examining the History’, pp. 128–30; Seligman, ‘Solomon’s Stables’ (as note 38), pp. *39–*40, *47–*48. 45 My thanks to Dr Gabriel Barkay, Zachi Dvira (Zweig) and Gal Zagdon of the Temple Mount Sift- ing Project, and Dr. Robert Kool of the Israel Antiquities Authority (hereafter IAA), for informa- tion on these finds and for allowing me to see many of them. A detailed report is to appear in the Israel Exploration Journal. 46 Sabino de Sandoli, ‘Iscrizione latina su pietra medievale’, La Terra Santa, 55 (1979), pp. 19–20; Denys Pringle, ‘A Templar Inscription from the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem’, Levant, 21 (1989), pp. 197–201. 47 Director of Antiquities (R.W. Hamilton) to Supreme Moslem Council, 13 October 1941; C.N. Johns to Director General of the Awqāf, 17 February 1942 – both letters are kept in the IAA 12 Benjamin Z. Kedar kept in the Islamic Museum. The words MILITIA TEMPLI can be clearly seen, as can the subsequent word SIT; Pringle, who assumed that the two stones might have formed part of a building dedication or an epitaph, observed that SIT appears to have been followed by SĒ(M)[PER], which would give the reading: ‘May the Knighthood of the Temple always be’. During the Hebrew University excavations of 1968–1976 two seals – one of Pope Alexander III (1159–1181), the other of Patriarch Aimery of Antioch (1140– 1193) – were discovered south of the Aqsa Mosque in a room that dates from the period of the crusades (Point I on Plan A). The room is located between the southern wall of the Haram and the Templar forewall to its south; a large part of this forewall was excavated, mistakenly identified as Ayyūbid, and removed (see the forewall’s part marked by a continuous line on Plan B). It has been sug- gested that the seals originated in the Templar archives located in or near the Aqsa Mosque, and that they attest either to their abandonment when the archives were transferred after Frankish Jerusalem’s capitulation in 1187, or to the archives’ partial destruction.48 Finally, excavations undertaken in 2012–2014 revealed that the present-day ascent to the Haram esplanade via the Bāb al-Maghāriba (Gate of the Westerners) is based on an alley (Area P on Plan A) that was paved in the twelfth century. Its floor, remnants of which were found in three places, ascended eastward toward the gate, which must have been opened at that time. A contemporaneous stair- case (Point Q on Plan A), which led northward toward the paved alley, allowed the gate to be approached from the south and the west.49 Either the Templars, or King Baldwin I before them, constructed this new entrance; it certainly pro- vided the Templars with direct access to their compound. The Templar control of the eastern terminus of this access allowed enforcement of the stipulation in the Primitive Rule that a Templar must not go into the city without permission and unaccompanied.50

Archives, ATQ 530. [All IAA documents and photographs of the period of the British Mandate may now be consulted at]. On Kamāl al-Dīn Bey see Uri M. Kupfer- schmidt, The Supreme Muslim Council. Islam under the British Mandate for Palestine (Leiden and New York, 1987), p. 130; Reiter and Seligman, ’1917 to the Present’, p. 236. 48 Gabriela Glücksmann and Robert Kool, ‘Crusader Period Finds from the Temple Mount Excava- tions in Jerusalem’, ‘Atiqot, 26 (1995), pp. 87–104. The authors discuss also the twelfth century hoard of coins from Chartres and Blois that was found 37.5 metres west of the bulls in what appears to have been a cloister, and hypothesize that the hoard may have been related to the Tem- plars’ banking activities. 49 See the report by Hervé Barbé, Fanny Vito and Roie Greenwald, ‘When, Why, and by Whom Was the Mughrabi Gate Opened? Excavations at the Mughrabi Gate in the Old City of Jerusa- lem’ (2007, 2012–2014)’, New Studies in the Archaeology of Jerusalem and Its Region: Collected Papers, 8 (2014), pp. 32–43. 50 For this stipulation, see La Règle du Temple (as note 4), §§ 40, 41, pp. 45–6. Plan B A tentative reconstruction on the twelfth-century Templar compound. 14 Benjamin Z. Kedar Vestiges of Templar presence that existed in and near the Aqsa Mosque until 1938–1943 Seventy-five years ago, many more Templar vestiges could be observed within and near an Aqsa Mosque that was a quite different edifice from the present-day one. An aerial photo of the area taken in the 1930s shows – adjoining the mosque on the east – large Templar halls that are no longer in existence (Plate 9; they are marked J, K and L on Plan A).51 And a juxtaposition of two photos of the mosque’s eastern wall (Plates 10 and 11), one taken in 1917 and the other in 1997, attests to its dramatic transformation. An ample yet hitherto unutilized documentation of this startling reconstruction exists in the files of the Department of Antiquities of British Palestine and of the chief secretary (i.e. principal executive officer) of Palestine’s British administration.52 The changes were triggered by a minor tremor that was felt in Jerusalem in October 1937, the last of a series of earthquake shocks; consequently, concern arose about the safety of the Aqsa Mosque, to the point that its temporary clo- sure to the public was repeatedly proposed.53 A noted architect hurriedly flown in from England, William Harvey, established that the eastern aisle vaults were in the worst state and advised that ‘the parts of the building in the most advanced stage of decay, that are already leaning to [a] dangerous degree, may have to be pulled down and re-built, but the whole building should be fastened together with concrete beams reinforced with stainless steel bands to take the place of the old wooden tie-beams.’54 However, the Supreme Moslem Council opted for a more radical course, proposed by Mahmud Bey Ahmad, Director of Egypt’s Depart- ment for the Preservation of Arab Historical Sites, who gave the opinion that both the eastern part and the central nave were in a dangerous condition. He advised to demolish the eastern part and

to repair it on the basis of the original plan made in the Abbaside and Fatim- ide regimes . . . having ascertained that the ground vaults were constructed during the Crusaders time not in accordance with the original plan of the Mosque.

51 For a view from the southeast of the no longer extant Templar halls see Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 238. 52 The files of the Department of Antiquities are kept in the archives of the IAA in the Rockefeller Museum (those relevant to the present study are available at; the files of the Chief Secretary are kept in the Israel State Archives (hereafter ISA). 53 R. Hedley, Acting Director of Public Works, to Chief Secretary W.D. Battershill, 5 February 1938, IAA, ATQ 530, and ISA / M 28/25, Doc. 40; Chief Secretary to F. F. Jardine (Awqāf Commission), 9 February 1938, IAA, ATQ 530 and ISA/M 28/25, Doc. 45; Hedley to Chief Secretary, 26 Febru- ary 1938, ISA/M 28/25, Doc. 63; ‘Note of Mr. Scott on William Harvey’s meeting with the Chief Secretary’, 6 April 1938, ISA/M 4310/25. 54 William Harvey, ‘Mosque of El Aksa, Jerusalem. Inspection from 24th March to 2nd April 1938’, 5 April 1938, IAA, ATQ 530; ISA/ M 4310/25. Vestiges of Templar presence 15 As for the central nave, he recommended the demolition of its upper part and the replacement of the nave’s columns, composed of stone courses, with monolith marble columns; the same change was to take place in the eastern part, with the foundations of the new columns made of reinforced concrete. ‘The worm-eaten wooden tie beams connecting the lower parts of the vaults will be substituted by steel beams in the Central Aisles, and by reinforced concrete beams in the side aisles’. Finally, the wooden ceiling was to be replaced by one of reinforced con- crete.55 Robert Hamilton, Director of Antiquities in British Palestine, insisted, however, that ‘repairs should be strictly confined to structural necessities’,56 and sent to Chief Secretary W.D. Battershill an eight-page-long memorandum in which he pleaded for the mosque’s conservation, rejected the planned renova- tion ‘on the assumed Abbasid lines’, and urged the recruitment of highly qualified experts. But his opinion was brushed aside; A.L. Kirkbride, a member of the Awqāf Commission,57 expressed his strong disagreement in a series of remarks penciled in the memorandum’s margins58 and somewhat later gave the opinion that ‘it is of more importance to the Moslems to have a sound building that will endure, than to have a crumbling albeit beautiful ruin’.59 The adoption of Mahmud Bey’s recom- mendations led to the demolition of the mosque’s nave and eastern aisles and their reconstruction from the foundations; the marble columns were imported from Italy. In his Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque, published in 1949, Hamilton uses the present tense throughout his detailed description of the pre-1938 mosque, as if to conjure into existence the edifice he had not been able to conserve. Writing while still a civil servant, Hamilton underlined that ‘a great part of the old Aqsa was . . . replaced by a new building’ and observed that his book presents ‘some record, however imperfect, of an ancient building that has now suffered radical and irreversible transformation’.60 In 1992, at the age of 87, he gave a harsher verdict, speaking of ‘the lamentable demolition in 1938–1942 of the greater part

55 Mahmud Ahmad, ‘Report on the Mosque of Aqsa and the defects therein’, 1 May 1938, IAA, Aqsa Mosque, first jacket (386/396). A member of the Palestine Department of Antiquities penciled in ‘how?’ above the word ‘ascertained’. 56 Hamilton to A.L. Kirkbride, 24 May 1938, IAA, ATQ 530. 57 The Awqāf Commission, appointed on 18 October 1937 after the dismissal of Grand Mufti Hajj Amin al-Husseini, consisted initially of two Britons and an Arab: Kupferschmidt, The Supreme Muslim Council (as note 47), pp. 55–6, 153–4, 257. 58 Hamilton to Chief Secretary, 8 August 1936, ISA/M 4310/25, No. 94. Kirkbride remarked, for instance, that ‘[t]he entire woodwork of the roof is crumbling so that it is too late for conservation . . . These walls are leaning at dangerous angles and are of poor and dangerous structure. Nothing can be done except pull them down.’ 59 Minute sheet placed before the beginning of ISA/M 4310/25, at No. 99. The entry is dated 31 August 1938. 60 Hamilton, The Structural History (as note 28), pp. iii, iv. Possibly Hamilton harboured some doubts about the tremor of 1937 that triggered the transformation: while the book starts with the words: ‘A slight earth tremor felt in Jerusalem’ (p. iii), the typescript of the book kept in the IAA Archives has: ‘A slight earth tremor which was believed to have been felt in Jerusalem’, with the words ‘which was believed to have been’ struck out: IAA, Jerusalem, Temple Mount – Haram (El Aqsa Mosque), A1 (4) (194/336). 16 Benjamin Z. Kedar of the ancient Aqsā Mosque and its replacement by a modern building’.61 He was still more outspoken in an unpublished letter, marked ‘Confidential’, to Chief Sec- retary J. S. Macpherson, which he wrote on 10 November 1942 as the rebuilding of the mosque was about to come to its conclusion:

The results have been worse than I feared. Not only has a noble and liv- ing building been scrapped wholesale for a mixture of pretentious and ill- assorted imitations, full of mistakes in design, taste and execution, but even those surviving treasures of painting and sculpture which were movable, and could have been preserved intact from the old building, have been allowed by the ignorance and apathy of those controlling the work to be broken, lost, and thrown about with an indifference that can only be described as scandalous.62

Hamilton’s staffers were however able to document meticulously the demolition as well as the rebuilding, and the many photographs they took may be consulted in the archives of the Israel Antiquities Authority and on its website.63 The transformation of the mosque had two major consequences for the Templar vestiges. The first was the demolition of the Templar-built part of the edifice’s eastern aisles (Area M on Plan A). Frankish buildings are known for their sturdi- ness and Frankish mortar for its resilience.64 Not so these Templar vaulted aisles. Hamilton pointed out that it was ‘the unbalanced pressure of these vaults upon the supports of the central arcaded system which has caused the disappearance in our time of the Aqsa known to past generations’; and he added that the masons who demolished these vaults found their mortar to be ‘dead’, whereas the mortar in the Mamluk vaults to their north was still strong. These Templar vaults, rising from stout piers and spanned by transverse ribs springing from profiled corbels, had a circular opening at the apex65 (see Plate 12a–b). Masons’ marks and graffiti were found on some of the piers,66 and when one of those was taken apart, an Arabic inscription (Plate 13) embedded in it came to light. Strangely, Hamilton did not mention the inscription in his report and the two photos his staffers had taken of it went unnoticed ever after. Having come upon them while preparing this paper,

61 Robert Hamilton, ‘Once Again the Aqsā’, in Bayt al-Maqdis, ed. Raby and Johns (as note 40), p. 141. 62 Hamilton to Chief Secretary, 10 November 1942, IAA, ATQ 530. This is a copy of a letter Hamil- ton sent to the Acting Chairman of the Supreme Moslem Council. 63 For some of these photographs see Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 243. 64 On Frankish mortar see Benjamin Z. Kedar and Aharon Kaufman, ‘Radiocarbon Measurements of Medieval Mortars: A Preliminary Report’, Israel Exploration Journal, 25 (1975), pp. 36–8; Benjamin Z. Kedar and Willem G. Mook, ‘Radiocarbon Dating of Mortar from the City-Wall of Ascalon’, ibid., 28 (1978), pp. 173–6. 65 Hamilton, The Structural History (as note 28), pp. 23–5. It should be noted that the numbers of the piers appearing in the plan of the eastern aisles on p. 24 run from north to south, while the numbers of the piers’ photos preserved in the IAA Archives run from south to north. 66 Ibid., p. 27, Figs. 13–14. Vestiges of Templar presence 17 I sent them to Professor Moshe Sharon, the dean of Palestinian Arabic epigraphy, who informed me that this unpublished inscription is part of a construction text from c. 913–914 mentioning the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Muqtadir.67 The Templar use of a Muslim inscription in constructing one of their vaults was not a new depar- ture in the history of the Aqsa Mosque: When the Muslim builders constructed its roof, they used some beams with Greek inscriptions, one of which mentions the building of a church of St. Thomas at the time of Patriarch Petros of Jerusalem (524–552).68 The examination of the Templar vaults of the eastern aisles, and of their dismantling,69 allowed Hamilton to conclude that they formed a triple porch, two bays deep, open toward the east (see Plan B); this porch was enclosed on the north by a wall (Points N–O on Plan A) that connected the three northernmost Templar piers; north of this wall, Hamilton thought, was a small court.70 We may assume that these eastern aisles crumbled in the early days of Frankish rule over Jerusa- lem, that it was to them that Foucher of Chartres was referring in his chronicle, and that the Templars decided to rebuild their southern part. For the Templar vestiges, the second major consequence of the mosque’s rebuilding was the demolition of the Templar vaulted halls (J, K and L on Plan A) that adjoined the mosque’s eastern wall. The barrel-vaulted Hall J, the northern- most and largest of the three, measured 45 by 8.15 metres before its demolition, with an entrance and six narrow, inward-splayed windows set in its northern wall (Plate 14). Hamilton’s detailed examination has however proven beyond doubt that Hall J must originally have continued westward, possibly as far as the eastern line of the edifice’s northern porch (Area B on Plan A); this continuation was demolished in 1350 when the Mamluk sultan al-Malik al-Nāsir Hasan decided to rebuild the mosque’s northeastern corner.71 Hall K, which before its demoli- tion measured 24 by 4.6 metres, may likewise have extended westward, while the southern wall of Hall L might have reached the northeastern corner of the Templar triple porch (Area M on Plan A). What was the function of these halls? Before their demolition they served as storage rooms and were known in Arabic as al-Nijāra, i.e. carpentry.72 Yet, apparently this was not their original purpose. In an unpublished report of 1943, Antiquities Inspector Salem Effendi ‘Abd al- Salim El-Husseini wrote that, on the northern façade of the vaults, ‘slight traces of stucco painted in purple, black & yellow were noticed at different places on

67 Professor Sharon is to publish the inscription in a forthcoming volume of his Corpus Inscriptio- num Arabicarum Palaestinae. 68 Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae: A Multi-Lingual Corpus of Inscriptions from Alex- ander to Muhammad, ed. Hannah M. Cotton et al., Jerusalem, 705–1120 (Berlin, 2012), vol. 1/2, no. 860, pp. 235–7. 69 Already in August 1939 the demolition of the central and eastern parts of the Aqsa Mosque was ‘in full swing’: Hamilton to K.A.C. Creswell, 22 August 1939, IAA ATQ 530. 70 Hamilton, The Structural History (as note 28), pp. 25–7. 71 Ibid., pp. 48–53; Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, pp. 429–31. 72 Jarrah, ‘From Monastic Cloisters to Sahn’ (as note 13), pp. 371, 375. 18 Benjamin Z. Kedar the masonry around the windows’.73 Hardly an ornamentation one would expect in storage rooms. Hamilton invested much energy in trying to preserve these Templar halls – or vaults, as he and others were habitually referring to them – from destruction. After Mahmud Bey Ahmad informed him on 19 July 1940 that the eastern wall of the Aqsa Mosque and part of the vaults abutting it from the east were to be demolished, Hamilton insisted that the destruction of any part of them should be avoided, because ‘[t]he vaults are structurally sound. They are an ancient monu- ment dating in part from 8 centuries ago. They serve a useful purpose as stores, which are badly needed’.74 Mahmud Bey countered that a demolition of a part of the ‘magazine’ was essential for the construction of the Aqsa Mosque’s new eastern wall, yet promised to restrict the demolition. However, he contradicted Hamilton’s assertion regarding the great age of the structure, arguing that ‘the statement according to which the stores were built eight hundred years ago, is remarkable, as the Mosque at that time was extending to the east and the magazine could therefore not have existed at all’. He believed that it was built around 1390 and that the name of its builder was well known, and he gave the opinion that it is ‘an ordinary building, useless to either art, history or craft. There are hundreds of this type of building in Cairo, to which attention is paid only to the extent to which they serve a certain purpose’. He concluded by observing that ‘this maga- zine is an intervening construction which mars the sight of the Aqsa Mosque, the first “Direction of Prayer” and the third sanctuary visited together with Mecca by Moslems from everywhere’.75 The last sentence boded ill for the future of the Templar halls, but they were not to be demolished at one fell swoop; it took three stages to reach that point. In August 1940 Mahmud Bey decided, despite Hamilton’s remonstrations, to demolish the southwestern pier of the vaults in order to make room for a new pier that was to support the eastern wall arcade of the new Aqsa Mosque. He gave the assurance to demolish only what was absolutely necessary and to ensure that the demolition would not trigger the collapse of a further part of the hall.76 But in October 1940 P. Noble, a British consulting engineer representing the contractors engaged in the work at the mosque, asked Kirkbride, the new chairman of the Awqāf Commission, for permission to ‘demolish the old structure to the North East of the new building [= the new Aqsa Mosque] as it is in a state of collapse’ probably occasioned by the excavations for the new mosque’s foundations. A few

73 S.A.S. Husseini, ‘Note on the N. Façade of E Crusader vaults at Haram esh Sharif, Jerusalem’, 19 November 1943, IAA, ATQ 530. 74 Hamilton to Acting President, Supreme Moslem Council, 23 July 1940, IAA, ATQ 530. 75 Mahmud Ahmad to Supreme Moslem Council, 25 July 1940, IAA, ATQ 530. On the copy that reached the Department of Antiquities some archaeologists jotted down sarcastic remarks. 76 ‘Note of Conversation with Mahmud Bey Ahmed at the Aqsa Mosque on Saturday 10th August, 1940’; C.N. Johns on behalf of Hamilton to Chairman, Awqāf Commission, 14 August 1940; Judge B.V. Shaw, Chairman of Awqāf Commission to Hamilton, 20 August 1940; Hamilton to Mahmud Bey Ahmad, 12 September 1940 – all in IAA, ATQ 530. Vestiges of Templar presence 19 days later Muhammad Effendi Ramadan, the engineer of the Supreme Moslem Council, asked Hamilton for his opinion whether the southwestern corner of the vaults should be conserved or demolished. Hamilton pointed out that Mahmud Bey had stated in August that the vault’s remainder was stable and no further dem- olition was needed; he proposed to the Council that the vaults should be turned into an extension of the Islamic Museum. The Council retorted that the cracks in the southwestern corner had taken place after Mahmud Bey’s return to Egypt; with its collapse imminent, the corner must be destroyed. The Council had its way. On 25 November 1940 Kirkbride informed Hamilton that ‘the most west- erly part of the “store” should be demolished to the extent, so I gathered, of one complete vault’, and he justified the decision by pointing out that it was based on Noble’s disinterested advice. He added: ‘I am afraid the Council’s decision will be distasteful to you, but it does at least leave intact the major part of the vaults in which you are interested’.77 Yet, that part remained intact for less than three years. ‘In July 1943’, reported Antiquities Inspector El-Husseini, ‘the Wakf Dept. decided to demolish the E. Crusader vaults which stood E. of the Aqsa Mosque’.78 It is noteworthy that El-Husseini, the Arab archaeologist, refers to the ‘Cru- sader vaults’ just like the British civil servants, who referred to them as Templar or Crusader in their internal correspondence, whereas when they wrote to the Supreme Moslem Council they designated them ‘an ancient monument’ or ‘his- torical buildings’, and referred to their ‘twelfth-century vaulting system’. Appar- ently they surmised that the Council would show little interest in preserving, right near the mosque’s façade, Templar structures. Yet the Council may have been aware of who erected them, and the motivation to pull them down may have been similar to that behind the removal from the Dome of the Rock, about two decades later, of the Frankish iron grill and some painted woodwork.79 As for the British government officials, they may have become convinced that the Templar halls were about to collapse; but we should also remember that they were acting at a time of grave crisis for the British Empire, with the Italians and later the Germans advancing in Egypt, and that they may have believed that this was not the time to antagonize the leadership of Palestine’s Arabs because of some twelfth-century ‘stores’.80

77 P. Noble to A.L. Kirkbride, 18 October 1940; Hamilton to Acting President, Supreme Moslem Council, 28 October 1940; Supreme Moslem Council to Hamilton, 18 November 1940; Kirkbride to Hamilton, 25 November 1940; Hamilton to Kirkbride, 26 November 1940 (a forceful if ineffec- tive rebuttal of Kirkbride’s arguments); Kirkbride to Supreme Moslem Council, 9 December 1940 (recommending the preservation of the remaining vaults) – all in IAA, ATQ 530. 78 Husseini, ‘Note on the N. Façade’ (as note 73). 79 ‘The crusader painted woodwork which had been stripped out a couple of years previously during the restoration of the Dome of the Rock had been sold as lumber in the Old City, and you could buy chicken coops made from it. I wish I had.’ John Carswell, ‘The Deconstruction of the Dome of the Rock’, in Ottoman Jerusalem. The Living City: 1517–1917, Part I, ed. Sylvia Auld and Robert Hillenbrand (London, 2000), p. 428. 80 The Reports by H.M. Government to the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Palestine and Transjordan initially played down the extent of works at the Aqsa Mosque. The Report for 1937 mentions ‘cracks of a dangerous nature’ that were to be treated by putting pieces 20 Benjamin Z. Kedar Among the many photos Hamilton’s staffers took in the Templar halls before their destruction, three are truly surprising: They show a bell and bear the legend, ‘Bell found in store room at first floor of building adjoining east side of Aqsa Mosque’.81 Strangely, Hamilton did not mention the bell in his report and the pho- tos remained unnoticed until I went over the photographic record in preparation of the present paper.82 The bell, with a diameter of about 50 centimetres (Plate 15a), was considerably larger than the bells found in Bethlehem in 1906 and dated to the twelfth-thirteenth centuries,83 but it was only about half as big as the bell cast in Acre in 1266 and found in 1960 by fishermen in a wreck off the coast of Dalmatia.84 Now, bells – whose use was prohibited under Muslim rule – were introduced in Jerusalem a short time after the crusader conquest;85 the Church of the Holy Sepulchre had a Frankish bell-tower that was considerably higher than its present-day remains;86 the Knights Hospitaller, during their quarrel with Patriarch Fulcher of Jerusalem in 1154, used to toll their bells so loudly that the

of glass on the faulty places ‘to ascertain whether the cracks continue to develop’; the Report for 1938 relates that Egyptian engineers shored up the mosque’s eastern portion, averting thereby an immediate danger to it, and that an Egyptian expert advised that ‘the restoration of the central portion of the Mosque should be undertaken without delay. This had been put in hand.’ Only the Report for 1940 (not published at the time because of the war) spells out that ‘The undertaking is of some magnitude involving the rebuilding of a considerable portion of the building which was in a very dangerous condition and beyond repair owing to the decay (after more than 900 years) of the structure.’ See Palestine and Transjordan Administration Reports, 1918–1948 (Archive Edi- tions, 1995), vol. 7: 1937–1938, pp. 39, 469; vol. 9: 1940–1941/2, p. 24. 81 I assume that the bell was found in Hall K (Hamilton’s Vault B), which had two floors (see IAA photo 24.100). The three photos of the bell bear the numbers 21.087, 21.154 and 21.155, which suggests that they were taken before Hamilton marked the ‘vaults’ as A, B and C. 82 When Hamilton died in 1995, Oleg Grabar characterized his Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque as a remarkable work, ‘relentless in the pursuit of details, unforgiving to anyone ­skipping even a line, but ultimately revealing the complexities of one of the most frequently rebuilt works of Islamic architecture.’ ‘Obituary: Robert Hamilton’, The Independent, 6 October 1995. This is an apposite appraisal as far as Islamic architecture is concerned, but Hamilton’s neglect to men- tion the Arabic inscription of 913–14, the MILITIA TEMPLI inscription, the bell, and Gérard de Ridefort’s letter, suggests that his assiduity had its limits. Neither did he mention the Arabic letter written in Hebrew characters, discovered in September 1939 during the demolition of the Aqsa Mosque in a joint between two stones. It was published recently by Perez Reuven, ‘A Manu- script Fragment in Arabic Written in Hebrew Letters from the Mamluk Period, found at Al-Aqsa Mosque’, New Studies on Jerusalem, 16 (2010), pp. 377–96 (in Hebrew, with English summary). 83 The bells are on display in the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum in Jerusalem’s Old City. See Paul Cheneau, ‘L’ancien carillon de Bethléem’, Revue Biblique, 32 (1923), pp. 602–07; Bellarmino Bagatti, Gli antichi edifici sacri di Betlemme (Jerusalem, 1952), pp. 72–4; André Lehr, ‘Het midd- eleeuwse klokkenspel van Bethlehem’, Klok en Kepel 27 (December 1981), pp. 1–111. My thanks to Father Eugenio Alliata, OFM, for his generous help on this subject. 84 See Geneviève Bautier-Bresc and Henri Bresc, ‘La cloche qui sonne pour la libération de la patrie (Acre, 1266)’, in ‘Come l’orco della fiaba.’ Studi per Franco Cardini, ed. Marina Montesano (Florence, 2010), pp. 49–69. 85 Albert of Aachen, Historia Ierosolimitana 6.40, ed. and trans. Susan B. Edgington (Oxford, 2007), pp. 454–5. 86 See Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, pp. 57–8. Vestiges of Templar presence 21 patriarch could not be heard while preaching.87 As for the Knights Templar, the Muslim chronicler Ibn al-Furāt relates that when the Templars briefly reoccupied the Aqsa Mosque in 1244, ‘a bell ( jirsa) had been hung’ there.88 It stands to reason that the bell found near the mosque served the Templars. Their bell-tower may have occupied the space of the Fakhriyya Minaret, erected after 1345 and before 1496;89 unlike the three other minarets that stand on the Haram’s perimeter, this one is located within the Haram, on the top of the northern wall of the Templar Great Hall (see Plate 2a). Another photograph taken during the demolition works at the Aqsa Mosque may throw some light on the extent of the original Templar place of worship. We have seen that Pringle identified its eastern apse in the Mosque of the Forty (Point D on Plan A), but was not able to determine how far westward the ora- tory – which he presented as a chapel – extended. An examination of the roof allows for an answer. The 1917 photo of the Aqsa Mosque (Plate 10) shows in its southeast a gabled roof, running from east to west, that covers the Mihrāb Zakarīya, the Mosque of the Forty and the Mosque of ‘Umar (Points C, D and E on Plan A). This asymmetrical roof, with its apex atop the wall shared by Mihrāb Zakarīya and the Mosque of the Forty, appears already on the drawing of 1483 by Erhard Reuwich of Utrecht that Bernhard von Breydenbach made famous (Plate 15b). Now, an east-to-west transverse roof is quite out of line in a mosque – and indeed it has no counterpart in the Aqsa Mosque’s southwest- ern part, which is flat90 – but is most appropriate for a church. It is conceivable therefore that the early aecclesia of the Templar Primitive Rule consisted of a nave (the present-day Mosque of the Forty) and of a northern aisle (the present- day Mihrāb Zakarīya), and possibly also of a southern one, later superseded by a Mamluk structure (the present-day Mosque of ‘Umar), all three of which were covered by the gabled roof. A photo taken by Hamilton’s staffers during the dismantling of the Aqsa Mosque’s eastern and central part (Plate 16) shows that the northern wall of Mihrāb Zakarīya, as well as the gabled roof that rises from it toward the south, extend almost to the mosque’s main dome. If the no longer existing roof goes back to the twelfth century (or constituted a patch-up of the twelfth-century one), the early Templar aecclesia may well have extended as far west as the area of the dome. This sizeable church would have served as the Order’s main place of worship until it was superseded by the ‘new church of astonishing size and workmanship’ that Theoderich saw west of the erstwhile mosque.

87 William of Tyre, Chronicon (as note 3), 18.3, p. 813. 88 Ayyubids, Mamlukes and Crusaders: Selections from the Tārīkh al-Duwal wa’l Mulūk of Ibn al-Furāt, ed. and trans. Ursula and Malcolm Lyons (Cambridge, 1971), vol. 1, p. 2 (text); vol. 2, pp. 1–2 (trans.). 89 Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem (as note 16), pp. 270–72. 90 See for instance Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 431, Plate ccxii; Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 407. 22 Benjamin Z. Kedar The Templar compound and its fate after Saladin’s reconquest Evidently, the Templars owned a large compound of which the erstwhile mosque was just one component. Plan B attempts to offer a tentative reconstruction of it on the basis of contemporary sources and of observations made during the 1938– 1943 demolitions. Under the compound’s easternmost part were Solomon’s Stables, with up to seven large, arched entrances in the north and the small, narrow Single Gate in the south. Whatever Templar structures may have stood above the stables – and Theoderich’s account suggests that there were such – disappeared without leaving a trace. This is true also of the eastern cloister he mentions, although conceivably the southernmost wall of the halls, which existed northeast of the mosque until 1943, formed part of it. In the twelfth century the northernmost of these halls was longer than before 1943, extending westward perhaps up to the eastern end of the northern porch the Templars added to the erstwhile mosque; the other halls may similarly have extended westward until the rebuilding of the northeastern corner of the mosque in 1350. South of these hypothesized western continua- tions of the halls, the Templars, rebuilding the central part of the mosque’s eastern aisles, constructed a triple porch, two bays deep, that probably gave access to their eastern cloister. South of this porch was the Templars’ original place of worship, consisting of a nave and one or two aisles that extended westward to the area of the mosque’s dome, and were covered by a gabled, asymmetrical roof. Beyond the outer southern wall of the Haram the Templars erected a forewall much of which was unearthed during the 1968–1976 excavations; between this forewall and the Haram there were several buildings, one of them possibly a cloister. At the northern extremity of the erstwhile mosque’s central part the Templars constructed a three-bays-wide porch. Under this porch, or within the central nave to its south, the festive dinner after a new king’s coronation would have taken place. Elsewhere, partition walls formed lodgings for the knights. Near the cen- tral part’s southern extremity the Templars erected a wall that hid from view the mosque’s mihrāb; the area between the new wall and the edifice’s southern wall served as a granary or for latrines. As the works of 1938–1943 did not involve the mosque’s western part, its twelfth-century extent remains unknown. Of the new cloister the Templars built west of the mosque, only the southern component exists; springers along its north- ern wall testify that a portico was planned. The new western church – evidently a west-to-east structure – must have constituted the northern component of the new cloister; on his plan, Pringle convincingly presents it as the western counterpart to the Templar halls erected east of the erstwhile mosque.91 It is plausible to assume,

91 See the plan in Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 481, and reproduced in colour in Where Heaven and Earth Meet, ed. Grabar and Kedar (as note 11), p. 134. Jarrah, ‘From Monastic Cloisters to Sahn’ (as note 13), p. 370, placed the new church on the cloister’s western side, which would mean that it was a north-to-south structure – quite improbable for a church. Vestiges of Templar presence 23 however, that the new western church, described by contemporaries as high and of astonishing size, extended eastward into a part of the mosque’s western aisles, replacing it in a way similar to that in which the Templar halls supplanted a part of the eastern aisles. The emphasis on the new church’s height may imply that it was taller than the mosque. In a perceptive essay, Sabri Jarrah has recently analyzed the reorganization of the space around the Aqsa Mosque after Saladin’s retaking of Jerusalem on Friday, 2 October 1187. Most Frankish structures near the mosque, as well as near the Dome of the Rock, were hurriedly demolished in order to create an open space that would allow thousands of Saladin’s troops to attend, one week later, the first Friday prayers in the liberated Haram. Yet, the demolition was selective: the Great Hall west of the mosque and the northern porch were probably left standing because they could be integrated into the traditional layout of a mosque courtyard, whereas the halls east of the mosque, definitely protruding into that courtyard, were probably regarded as unoffending and usable. In later years the Great Hall and the halls east of the mosque were considered as Fatimid (i.e. as antedating the Frankish period), possibly because Saladin had not demolished them.92 The one Templar edifice certainly demolished upon Saladin’s reconquest was the new, tall and sumptuous church west of the Aqsa Mosque. Did the Muslims reuse some parts of it as spolia? It has been suggested that the dikka (prayer podium) in the Aqsa Mosque consists largely of components taken from the destroyed Templar church.93 The rose window embedded in the eastern, Muslim- built wall of Mihrāb Zakarīya may also have originated there. The rose, which has some parallels in Islamic art,94 would manifest the victors’ triumph without hurting their aesthetic sensibilities.

Postscript: The Frankish rose window inspired the builders of the new mosque of the village of Abu Ghosh, dedicated in March 2014, and so it came about that at the center of its southern and eastern walls there are roses that amount to schematized renderings of the rose embedded in Mihrāb Zakarīya. Thus the Frankish rose window in the Aqsa Mosque has evidently become emblematic of that shrine and is replicated in what is now hailed as the coun- try’s second largest mosque after the Aqsa.95

92 Jarrah, ‘From Monastic Cloisters to Sahn’ (as note 13), pp. 361, 374–6. 93 Jaroslav Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 451; Michael Greenhalgh, Marble Past, Monumental Present. Building with Antiquities in the Medi- aeval Mediterranean (Leiden – Boston, 2009), p. 160. On the issue of whether there existed in Jerusalem a Templar atelier that produced these and other sculptures see the conflicting views of Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, pp. 441–56, and Pringle, The Churches (as note 4), vol. 3, p. 432. 94 See Heinrich Gerhard Franz, ‘Die Fensterrose und ihre Vorgeschichte in der islamischen Baukunst’, Zeitschrift für Kunstwissenschaft, 10 (1956), pp. 1–22, esp. Plate 22 (Bāb al-Akhdar, Cairo, 1153); Tawfiq Da‘adli, ‘The Frescoes of Khirbet al-Mafjar’, Fondation Max Van Berchem. Bulletin, 27 (2013), p. 5, fig. 1. 95 My thanks to Vardit Shotten-Hallel for having brought the Abu Ghosh roses to my attention. 24 Benjamin Z. Kedar Appendix The Templar seneschal Gérard de Ridefort to the preceptor of the Temple in Jeru- salem, Eudes de Vendôme, 1179–1184 (?) Islamic Museum, al-Masjid al-Aqsa, Jerusalem A – Félix-Marie Abel, ‘Lettre d’un templier trouvée récemment a Jérusalem,’ Revue Biblique 35 (1926), pp. 288–295 [Letter and address]. B – Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118–19–1314, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Philosophisch- historische Klasse, 3. Folge, 86 (Göttingen, 1974), p. 360 and Fig. 4. [Letter only]. Frater G[erardus] de Ridefort milicie templi senescalcus fratri O[doni] de Vend[oma]a preceptori in Ierusalem salutem. Noueritisb quodc Rodbertus de Surdis Vallibus applicuit apud Tyrum. Recepit eum ibi preceptor domus nostre. Quod cum audiuimus, coadunauimus capitulum nostrum apud Fabam et fuerunt ibi bene C milites et amplius. Quesiuimus ab eis consilium quod super hoc nego- tio facturi essemus. Et ad hoc deuentum est, quod communi consilio et assensu omnium misimus apud Tyrum V de fratribus nostris militibus, qui auferant ab eo habitum suum et adducant eum usque ad Acon et custodiant eumd ibi in camera priuatim,e donec prima nauis transeat in hoc passagio.

[reverse] Fratri Odoni de Vendomaf 96 preceptori in Ierusalem

a Vend[ome] A, Vend[obre?] B My reading is based on the address appearing on the letter’s reverse side. b Novistis A c quod added above the line d eum om. A e priuatorum A, B f Vendom(e) A

96 The reading of the wavy line above the letter ‘m’ (see Plate 3b) as ‘a’ is corroborated by the names Gwillelmus de Uendoma and Gaufridus de Vendosma that figure in acts of 1155 and 1179, respec- tively: see Reinhold Röhricht, comp., Regesta regni Hierosolymitani (1097–1291) (Innsbruck, 1893), nos. 308, 583, pp. 79, 155. For the spelling of the first name see Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed., Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, 4 vols., Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Hanover, 2010), vol. 2, no. 286, p. 516. Jochen Burgtorf The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem

2 The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem

Jochen Burgtorf

Historians of the crusader states and the military orders face a predicament. While there are narrative sources, normative texts, and archaeological remains, none of the crusader states’ royal, patriarchal, archiepiscopal, episcopal, princely, comital, baronial or communal archives have survived. This distorts our view in favor of those institutions whose central archives, albeit incomplete, have been preserved, among them the Hospitallers and the Teutonic Knights, but not the Templars.1 Hans Eberhard Mayer’s 2010 edition of the charters of the kings of Jerusalem, published in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica’s Diplomata series, recon- structs the charter production of Jerusalem’s royal chancery, and it is both the reason for and the basis of this re-examination of the relationship between the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem.2 The main series of Mayer’s edition consists of 836 items, namely 266 full-text documents, 31 co-issued transactions (by other members of the royal family), 322 lost pieces (deperdita), and 267 actions of consent (from which we must subtract 50 lost actions of consent). Of the 266 full-text documents, 192 hail from the twelfth century, but only 74 have survived from the thirteenth century. This reflects the twelfth century’s much more impressive royal presence, but also underscores the later period’s catastrophic archival losses, since the thirteenth century probably saw an even higher production of charters than the twelfth. Of the 836 items, 155 name the Hospitallers, 67 name the Teutonic Knights or the German Hospital, but only 22 name the Templars as recipients, which is, again, a result of the fragmentary archival tradition.3 However, the situation is not as des- perate as these figures suggest. First, Templars appear as witnesses in numerous

1 The remaining charter evidence is best accessed via Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, 1097–1291, ed. Reinhold Röhricht (Innsbruck, 1893); ibid, Additamentum (1904). See also Hans Eberhard Mayer, Die Kanzlei der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, 2 vols. (Hanover, 1996), vol. 1, p. 4; Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Zum Problem des Templerzentralarchivs’, Archivalische Zeitschrift, 76 (1980), pp. 19–38. 2 Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed., Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Diplomata regum Latinorum Hierosolymitanorum, 4 vols. (Hanover, 2010). Documents published in this edition will subsequently be referred to as ‘D. Jerus’. 3 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 4–12. 26 Jochen Burgtorf charters addressed to the Hospitallers, which means that the loss of the Templars’ central archive is rather tragic for the study of Hospitaller prosopography, since Hospitallers likely served as witnesses in numerous, now lost, charters originally addressed to the Templars. Second, in addition to ‘current’ Templars, the royal charters feature both ‘future’ Templars, namely individuals who eventually joined the Order, as well as ‘former’ Templars, namely those who returned into the world after serving in the Order for some time. Thus, we are not limited to the edition’s 22 documents that specify the Templars as recipients. Indeed, current, future, and former Templars appear in at least 81 documents.4 Scholars generally agree on the characteristics of the relationship between the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem. In the twelfth century, the Order became increasingly important, as it protected the growing number of pil- grims and assisted with the kingdom’s defense.5 While the Order’s ‘inde- pendent action[s]’ occasionally collided with ‘monarchical authority’,6 there appears to have been a ‘profonde solidarité’ between Templars and kings.7 The Order’s purchase of Cyprus from Richard Lionheart in 1191 could be viewed as an attempt to cut the umbilical cord with the kingdom of ­Jerusalem, but this was not to last. One year later, due to Cypriot resistance, the Templars were forced to pass the island on to Guy of Lusignan, himself a former king of Jerusalem.8 In the thirteenth century, due to their rivalry with the Hos- pitallers and their own political ambitions,9 the Templars played their role as ‘guardians of the Holy Land’ less effectively, though some contemporar- ies continued to acknowledge their respective function.10 I shall focus here on three aspects, namely the Order’s presence at the twelfth-century court of Jerusalem, an alleged incident involving the Templars as narrated by the royal chancellor and chronicler William of Tyre, and the kingdom’s Templar- related, thirteenth-century deperdita.

4 Sorted chronologically and with the numbers of documents featuring current Templars italicized, these are DD. Jerus. 83, 93, 115, 138, 210, 216, *217, *174, 178, 221, 179, 180, 226, †227, *229, 232, 233, 282, 236, 237, 286, 238, 188, 241, 242, 291, 244, 298, 248, 196, 253, 254, 258, 260, *262, 263, 270, 306, 264, 308, 310, *754, 311, 314, 316, 327, 340, 341, 343, 347, 362, 364, *366, 381, 390, 407, 413, 415, 659, 660, 453, 473, 474, 475, 769, 519, 520, 521, 522, 524, 530, A. III/10, 488, 620, 772, 645, 775, 626, 630, 816, 747. 5 Malcolm Barber, The New Knighthood: A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 66, 83–9, 93–5. 6 Alan Forey, The Military Orders from the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries (London, 1992), p. 52. 7 Alain Demurger, Vie et mort de l’ordre du Temple, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1993), p. 143. 8 Hans Prutz, Die geistlichen Ritterorden: Ihre Stellung zur kirchlichen, politischen, gesellschaftli- chen und wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1908), p. 58. 9 Forey, Military Orders, p. 52. 10 Helen Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128–1291 (Leicester, 1993), pp. 73–4, 121–2. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 27 The Order’s presence at the twelfth-century court of Jerusalem Many of the Templars’ high officials either belonged to the nobility or enjoyed royal patronage.11 This was less pronounced with regard to the Hospitallers, which is why the Templars soon outranked them in the hierarchy of the charters’ witness lists.12 According to Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, a close relationship between the Templar masters and the kings of Jerusalem was not established until 1153 when, beginning with Andrew of Montbard’s mastership, ‘the Templar masters regularly stayed at court and appeared in royal charters among the top witnesses’.13 Yet, Mayer’s edition reveals that this close relationship dates, in fact, back to the ear- lier decades of the twelfth century. A chronological survey of Templars at the court of Jerusalem starts in 1119, when Hugh of Payns, the soon-to-be first Templar master, witnessed a charter issued by King Baldwin II as the fourth of eleven witnesses, namely after the chancellor and the vicecomes of Acre, but before the lord of Toron.14 In 1125, Hugh, now ‘master of the knights of the Temple’ (magister militum Templi), wit- nessed another charter issued by Baldwin II, this time as the last of 23 distin- guished witnesses, which perhaps indicates that the royal chancery had not yet determined where to place him in his capacity as the leader of this new ‘reli- gious-military’ community.15 It is noteworthy that the designation ‘knights of the Temple’ (milites Templi) was in use in 1125, because it suggests that the group’s residence in the al-Aqsa Mosque, the crusaders’ Templum Salomonis, which had been given to the Templars by the king in an act described by William of Tyre as merely ‘provisional’ (ad tempus), may by this time already have become a per- manent arrangement.16 That same year, the label miles Templi was also employed to designate a witness in a charter issued by the bishop of Nazareth, namely Rob- ert Burgundio, a future seneschal and second master of the Order, and a member of the Angevin nobility, whose ancestors included King Robert II of France.17 The Order’s first known seneschal, William, can be found right after Baldwin II,

11 Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Templars: History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1120–1310) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 377–85. 12 Jochen Burgtorf, ‘Leadership Structures in the Orders of the Hospital and the Temple (Twelfth to Early Fourteenth Century): Select Aspects’, in The Crusades and the Military Orders: Expanding the Frontiers of Medieval Latin Christianity, ed. Zsolt Hunyadi and József Laszlovsky (Budapest, 2001), pp. 379–94, here 382–3; Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 367–74. 13 Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri: Untersuchun- gen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19–1314 (Göttingen, 1974), p. 59. All translations quoted in this paper are mine. 14 D. Jerus. 83. See Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, p. 29. 15 D. Jerus. 93. 16 Guillaume de Tyr, Chronique, ed. Robert B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis 63–63A, 2 vols. (Turnhout, 1986), 12.7; henceforth abbreviated ‘WT’, and cited by book and chapter. 17 Joseph Delaville le Roulx, ed., Cartulaire général de l’ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jéru- salem (1100–1310), 4 vols. (Paris, 1894), vol. 1, p. 68 no. 71; André d’Albon, ed., Cartulaire 28 Jochen Burgtorf but before Count Hugh of Troyes, in the witness list of a document issued in 1129/30.18 Andrew of Montbard, a future Templar seneschal, his Order’s fifth master, a member of the Burgundian nobility, and an uncle of the famous Cister- cian Bernard of Clairvaux, served from approximately 1130 on, when he was still a mere Templar brother, as one of Baldwin II’s envoys and later enjoyed the trust of Queen Melisende.19 There appear to be no ‘current’ Templar witnesses in the charters of King Fulk, even though the Templar Robert Burgundio had been acquainted with Fulk since the latter’s reign as count of Anjou.20 Perhaps this is a mere consequence of the loss of the Templars’ central archive, or perhaps the Templars, as Baldwin II’s protégés, were keeping their distance from Fulk, since he had tried to sideline his wife Melisende, Baldwin II’s daughter. Fulk’s and Melisende’s son, King Baldwin III, was still a minor when, in 1144, the Burgun- dian Templar Geoffrey Fulcherii, one of the twelfth century’s ‘éminences grises’, made his first appearance at the court of Jerusalem.21 A procurator and preceptor in his Order’s central convent by 1164, Geoffrey traveled to the West at least five times, served as King Amalric’s envoy to Egypt in 1167, and later represented his Order at the papal curia, as well as the royal courts of England and France.22 Geoffrey would have been acquainted with Walter of Beirut, a Templar preceptor and seneschal, as well as former lord of Beirut and member of the noble Brise- barre family. Alongside Geoffrey, Walter made his first appearance at the court of Jerusalem in 1144,23 but that was still many years before he joined the Order, and he, too, later represented the Templars at the French court.24 Philip of Nablus, a member of Jerusalem’s noble Milly family and later the sev- enth Templar master, can be found at King Fulk’s court as early as 1138, when he was still a layman.25 From then on, he was almost continually present at court. He joined the Order by early 1166, became master in 1169, but resigned his mastership

général de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 1913), no. 3. See Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, p. 30; Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 643–5. 18 D. Jerus. 115. See Burgtorf, Central Convent, p. 670. 19 Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 1, pp. 280–1. See also Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, pp. 57–61; Burg- torf, Central Convent, pp. 380, 481–2. 20 Ibid., pp. 643–5. 21 D. Jerus. 210. 22 Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, ‘Templer in königlichen und päpstlichen Diensten’, in Festschrift Percy Ernst Schramm zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag von Schülern und Freunden zugeeignet, ed. Peter Classen and Peter Scheibert (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 289–308, here 290–1; Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 430–1, 532–4. 23 D. Jerus. 210. 24 Bulst-Thiele, ‘Templer’, p. 292; Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 667–8. See, however, Hans Eber- hard Mayer, “The Wheel of Fortune: Seignorial Vicissitudes under Kings Fulk and Baldwin III of Jerusalem,” Speculum 65 (1990): 860–77, for a different assessment of the geneaology of the lords of Beirut. I would like to thank Professor Mayer for his comments on an earlier version of this essay. 25 D. Jerus. 138. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 29 after a mere two years to serve as King Amalric’s envoy to Constantinople.26 The Order’s eighth master, Odo of St Amand, a member of the Limousin’s nobility, appeared in Baldwin III’s entourage as early as 1155, advanced to the office of royal marshal, became vicecomes and castellan of Jerusalem, and took the office of butler at Amalric’s court in 1164.27 Yet, Odo’s career in Amalric’s service can- not be traced beyond the first regnal year. Perhaps his presence reminded Amalric too much of Baldwin III, and we know that the relationship between these two royal brothers had, at times, been far from cordial. Odo was a Templar by 1171, the Order’s master by 1174, and, according to William of Tyre, not a ‘king’s man’ in the latter capacity.28 Moving forward, Gerard of Ridefort had, prior to join- ing the Templars, served as King Baldwin IV’s marshal in 1179.29 However, he was the Order’s seneschal by 1183 and master by 1184/85.30 Gerard’s departure from the royal court may have been due to the recurrent presence of Count Ray- mond III of Tripoli, an old nemesis, or because Baldwin IV was increasingly becoming incapacitated by his leprosy, which must have made service at court difficult. Thus, unlike Philip of Nablus, both Odo of St Amand and Gerard of Ridefort probably enjoyed their careers as Templars not because of the king, but in spite of the king. However, their rapid advancement in the Order was likely based on their prior experience as royal officials. Since the evidence is fragmen- tary, we have to beware of generalizations, but some observations can be made. First, we know that the Templar masters were often away from their Order’s cen- tral convent, approximately 17.6 per cent of the time between 1120 and 1310, for example due to travel to the West, participation in crusades, or being in captivity, and this percentage does not even include their ‘routine’ travel within the cru- sader states.31 Mayer’s edition shows that, between 1120 and 1187, the Order’s conventual officials, including masters and seneschals, regularly left Jerusalem to travel with the king, usually to Acre, a much favored royal residence. At least 13 such incidents are known.32 Second, several individuals enjoyed long on-again, off-again careers at the court of Jerusalem, including the time before joining the Order and, in at least one case, after leaving the Order. Thus, Geoffrey Fulcherii’s and Odo of St Amand’s respective careers at court lasted 24 years (1144–68 and 1155–79), that of Philip of Nablus 31 years (1138–69), and that of Amio of Ays,

26 Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, pp. 75–7, 81–2; Malcolm Barber, ‘The Career of Philip of Nablus in the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in The Experience of Crusading, Volume 2: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, ed. Peter Edbury and Jonathan Phillips (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 60–75, here 74–5. 27 DD. Jerus. 233, 241, 253, 310. See Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, pp. 75–7, 96–8. 28 Ibid., 88; D. Jerus. 362; WT, 20.30. 29 DD. Jerus. 413, 415. 30 Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 539–42. 31 Ibid., pp. 240–6. 32 Sorted chronologically: DD. Jerus. 93, 226, 233/282, 242, 291, 258, 327, 341, 343, 362, 390, 407, 473/474/475. An additional possibility is D. Jerus. 221, but the Templar Hugh of Bethsan who appears as a witness here may, at the time, have been a representative of the Order’s house in Acre. 30 Jochen Burgtorf assuming all pertaining identifications are correct, 44 years (1169–1213).33 Amio had made his debut at court as a Templar brother in 1169,34 subsequently served as ‘master of the West’ (1179–86), returned to the East with the Third Crusade in 1190, and advanced to his Order’s second-highest office, namely that of sene- schal, that same year, but then his career appears to have stalled.35 He returned into the world shortly after 1198, and we know, thanks to Mayer’s edition of a charter that had previously only been published incompletely, that Amio continued his career in the service of the kings of Jerusalem until 1213.36 It is unknown whether he left the Order because the brothers had failed to elevate him to the mastership, because he preferred a career in secular diplomacy, or because of another reason. His experience definitely made him a valuable asset beyond the Order.37 Third, with all due caution, we are now able to discern the synchronous networks of cur- rent, future, and former Templars at the court of Jerusalem. Before 1149, namely during the tenure of the Order’s second master, Robert Burgundio, we can see a first such network consisting of Andrew of Montbard, Geoffrey Fulcherii, Philip of Nablus, and Walter of Beirut. Moving into the two decades between 1150 and 1170, Geoffrey, Philip, and Walter continued as members of a second network, now joined by Odo of St Amand and Amio of Ays, and the latter subsequently became the senior member of a third network that can be traced into the 1190s. This third network was smaller and less coherent, probably due to the Order’s catastrophic losses of personnel during and after the battle of Hattin in 1187, and it featured Geoffrey, Gerard of Ridefort, the Grand Preceptor Terricus,38 and per- haps also the Order’s twelfth master, Girbert Eral, who had spent some time in the East in 1183.39 Overall, the charter evidence suggests that, for much of the twelfth century, the Templars stayed close to the kings of Jerusalem, but the relationship was, as we can see especially in the cases of Odo of St Amand and Gerard of Ridefort, at times ‘complicated’. It was, in the words of Malcolm Barber, predi- cated on ‘the presence of a monarch with the means and the ability to utilize [. . . the Templars] to best advantage in a society living under the pressures imposed by frontier life’.40

33 The respective first and last occurrences (all DD. Jerus.) are, for Geoffrey, 210, 327; for Odo, 233, 407; for Philip, 138, 343; and for Amio, 341, 630. 34 D. Jerus. 341. 35 Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 478–80. 36 D. Jerus. 630. 37 Another Templar’s career that can be comprehended more fully, due to Mayer’s edition, is that of Geoffrey of Tours, one of the Order’s treasurers, who, between 1193 and 1213, conducted negotia- tions between the county of Champagne, the kingdom of Jerusalem, and the papal curia. See DD. Jerus. *583, 775. 38 For Terricus, see Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 662–3. 39 For Girbert Eral, see ibid., pp. 543–7. 40 Barber, ‘Career’, p. 75. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 31 The execution of Templars according to William of Tyre In any study pertaining to the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem, it is inevita- ble to give some consideration to the royal chancellor and chronicler William of Tyre, one of the Order’s harshest critics. The starting point here is D. Jerus. 314 of Mayer’s edition, namely a charter issued by King Amalric on 17 January 1166 in Acre and addressed to the Templars, confirming their ownership of Amman and its entire territory, as well as that half of al-Balqa in the territory of Transjordan that Philip of Nablus had once possessed, and that he had, at the time of his entry into the Order, donated to the Templars.41 Mayer indicates that this charter might reflect ‘the king’s attempt at rapprochement with the Order’, since Amalric had, in the third year of his reign, according to William of Tyre’s chronicle, executed 12 Templars by hanging because the latter had capitulated and surrendered a cave castle in the territory of Transjordan to their Muslim enemies. This had been ‘a serious violation of the Order’s legal privileges, which must have burdened its relations with the king’.42 Barber suggests that the lost cave castle might even have been a part of the original donation, which would make the royal ‘anger at its loss so soon afterwards, apparently without any really determined resistance, . . . understandable’.43 In book 19, chapter 11, of his chronicle, William of Tyre relates the loss of two ‘unconquerable’ (inexpugnabiles) cave castles, one situated in the territory of Sidon, the other in the territory of Transjordan, and he dates these events to King Amalric’s third regnal year (18 February 1165–17 February 1166).44 The former of these castles, William informs us, had fallen due to treason, but its commander was apprehended and subsequently executed by hanging.45 The lat- ter of these castles had been entrusted to the Templars, but they surrendered it to Shirkuh, one of Nur al-Din’s generals, before King Amalric’s troops were able to come to its relief, whereupon ‘the king, disconcerted and inflamed with anger, had had about twelve of the brothers of the Temple, who had surrendered the fortress to the enemies, suspended from the gallows’ (rex confusus et ira succensus, de fratribus Templi, qui hostibus castrum tradiderant, patibulo fecit suspendi circa duodecim).46 It is widely acknowledged that William of Tyre’s inclination toward the Templars was not a positive one.47 It has also been established that he was still traveling in Western Europe when the two cave castles were lost, and that he did

41 D. Jerus. 314. 42 Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 2, p. 549. 43 Barber, New Knighthood, p. 100. 44 WT, 19.11: eo anno, qui erat regni domini Amalrici tercius. See Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 2, p. 549. 45 WT, 19.11. 46 Ibid.; for the date, see ibid. 47 Peter Edbury and John Gordon Rowe, William of Tyre: Historian of the Latin East (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 125–6; Helen Nicholson, ‘Before William of Tyre: European Reports on the Military Orders’ Deeds in the East, 1150–1185’, in The Military Orders, Volume 2: Welfare and Warfare, ed. Helen Nicholson (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 111–18. 32 Jochen Burgtorf not return to the East until sometime in 1166.48 Thus, his is, at best, a second-hand account. ‘Why’, Helen Nicholson asks, does ‘no independent European source’ mention events like the execution of the 12 Templars?

Perhaps to those outside the Holy Land these incidents seemed insignificant. Or perhaps no one informed them, for if their main sources for events in the East were . . . the Templars, then the Templars would hardly report these incidents.49

Or, given that William of Tyre’s chronicle seems to be the only source for these hanged Templars, perhaps we should question his trustworthiness.50 The authors of letters sent from the Latin East reported opportunities, successes, threats, and defeats. Those written in the 1160s by the Templar Master Bertrand of Blanchefort and addressed to King Louis VII of France clearly reflect the Order’s concern for the plight of the Christians in the Holy Land.51 Since correspondence between East and West during the 1160s was fairly intense, it is difficult to imag- ine that the execution of a dozen Templars in the kingdom of Jerusalem and the resultant breach of the Order’s papal privileges would have remained unreported in the letters of the period, or that all such letters were subsequently suppressed or lost. Speaking of papal privileges in particular, as well as the pontiff’s interac- tion with the Order in general, it should be noted, first, that Pope Alexander III took a keen interest in the events that were taking place in the East at the time, as evidenced by his call for a crusade, In quantis pressuris, issued on 29 June 1166, which mentions both the Templars’ sacrifices and King Amalric’s fervor for the Christian cause.52 Second, while comparatively few Templar documents have sur- vived, especially vis-à-vis the Hospitallers, at least three copies of the papal bull Omne datum optimum from the early 1160s are still preserved.53 Thus, there can be little doubt that there were further copies of this solemn privilege in the Order’s central convent in the 1160s, which would have made Omne datum optimum’s papal prohibition of ecclesiastical or secular interference in Templar affairs

48 Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Zum Leben und zur Laufbahn Wilhelms von Tyrus’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 34, no. 2 (1978), pp. 345–80, here 348, 364; Mayer, Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 175–7. 49 Nicholson, ‘Before William’, p. 117. 50 Friedrich Lundgreen, Wilhelm von Tyrus und der Templerorden (Berlin, 1911), p. 101. 51 Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. 16, ed. Michel-Jean-Joseph Brial and Léopold Delisle (Poitiers, 1878), 38 no. 123; 39 no. 125; 79–81 no. 244–5. See Malcolm Barber, The Crusader States (New Haven, 2012), p. 241. 52 Rudolf Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter: Archivberichte und Texte, Vorar- beiten zum Oriens Pontificius 1 (Göttingen, 1972), pp. 251–3 no. 53 (In quantis pressuris). See Rudolf Hiestand, ‘The Military Orders and Papal Crusading Propaganda’, in The Military Orders, Volume 3: History and Heritage, ed. Victor Mallia–Milanes (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 155–65, here 158. 53 Rudolf Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter: Neue Folge, Vorarbeiten zum Oriens Pontificius 2 (Göttingen, 1984), p. 72. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 33 common knowledge in the kingdom. Third, in the early 1160s, Pope Alexander III had reacted with characteristic severity against the forcible removal, conducted by a third party, of a prisoner who had sought refuge in a Templar church in the West,54 which means that he would have responded to the royal hanging of a whole group of Templars with the appropriate punishment stipulated in Omne datum optimum, namely excommunication.55 Is there any further evidence of Amalric’s wrath against the Templars, apart from William of Tyre’s abovementioned cave-castle account or the same author’s description of a royal outburst in 1173 after the Templars had allegedly murdered an Assassin envoy?56 As the former count of Ascalon, Amalric may have been inclined to remember the Templars’ valiant efforts during the Frankish conquest of Ascalon in 1153.57 Moreover, considering his Egyptian ambitions, for which he needed the Templars’ support or at least toleration, it is difficult to see how severely punishing and antagonizing the Order could have worked in Amalric’s favor. Besides, in the second half of the 1160s, Amalric conferred the castle of Safad upon the Templars who, by April 1168, took charge of the fortress.58 Gar- risoning and maintaining a castle was expensive, and therefore entrusting Safad to the Templars was an expression of royal favor and need, not a punishment for past military failures. Furthermore, given his family’s influential position at court, would Philip of Nablus have spent several years of his life in an Order that was in the business of aggravating the king? A close reading of the charters in Mayer’s edition certainly does not reveal any hostility between the Templars and the king in the 1160s. How seriously the Templars took their frontier castles can be gathered from their thirteenth-century Catalan Rule.59 It mentions the abandoning of such a ­castle without proper authorization as grounds for expulsion and gives as an example the unauthorized surrender of the castle of Gaston (Baghras) in northern Syria in 1268.60 In that particular incident, the surrendering Templars were subsequently pardoned because they had acted, albeit unknowingly, in accordance with their superiors’ wishes, however, their decision to leave Gaston had also been novela chosa (‘a new thing’).61 Consequently, does it not seem unlikely that the Templars, a century earlier, would have surrendered a castle that had been entrusted to them in such a way that it engendered the king’s wrath?

54 Hiestand, Vorarbeiten 1, pp. 247–8 no. 48 (Dilecti filii nostri). 55 Ibid., pp. 204–10 no. 3 (Omne datum optimum), here 209. 56 WT, 20.30. See Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 1, p. 62. The 1173 account is equally suspect, as there is no source outside of William of Tyre’s chronicle to corroborate it. See Nicholson, ‘Before Wil- liam’, p. 117. 57 Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, pp. 54–6; Nicholson, ‘Before William’, pp. 112–14. 58 DD. Jerus. *324, *325, 326, 340. 59 The Catalan Rule of the Templars: A Critical Edition and English Translation from Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cartas Reales, MS 3344, ed. Judi Upton-Ward (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. xii–xiii. 60 Ibid., pp. 38–9 no. 83; pp. 60–1 no. 145; pp. 80–7 no. 180. 61 Ibid., pp. 86–7 no. 180. 34 Jochen Burgtorf What, then, can we make of the episode mentioned by William of Tyre? In his monograph on the kingdom of Jerusalem’s chancery, Mayer deals extensively with William of Tyre, ‘the man, the ecclesiastic, the politician, and the head of the chancery’,62 and emphasizes that, ‘without his chronicle, one would only be very poorly informed about the history of the kingdom of Jerusalem’, that William, ‘as a chronicler, is one of the great figures of medieval historiography’, but that ‘it is the responsibility of literary history to analyze and assess his chronicle’.63 Thus, I propose that the loss of the first cave castle near Sidon may have happened rather like William’s chronicle describes it, including the capture and hanging of the traitor; that another cave castle, this time in the territory of Transjordan, was also lost; and that the latter angered the king so much that William, in his chronicle, constructed a parallel to the first incident by listing a party that he wanted to blame and by recounting an appropriate punishment. Yet, in my opinion, the sentence rex confusus et ira succensus, de fratribus Templi . . . patibulo fecit suspendi circa duodecim64 is a literary device. To start with circa duodecim, the Old Testament books of Numbers and Ezra stipulate the sacrifice of 12 male goats as a sin offer- ing: hirci duodecim pro peccato,65 and it should be noted that the Biblical hirci duodecim sounds a lot like William’s circa duodecim. To find a gallows withcirca duodecim hanged culprits one needs to look no further than the OldTestament book of Esther which relates that the wrath of King Artaxerxes (ira regis) did not subside until Haman, the enemy of the Jews, together with his ten sons, was sus- pensus . . . in patibulo (‘hung from the gallows’),66 and one plus ten almost makes a dozen. Therefore, the approximately 12 hanged Templars should be set aside, at least until another source is found to corroborate William’s story which, ‘se non è vero, è ben trovato’, is probably not true, but well invented, even though equating the Templars with Haman and his sons is a new low, even for William of Tyre.67

62 Mayer, Kanzlei, vol. 1, p. 167. 63 Ibid., 1, pp. 166–7. 64 WT, 19.11. 65 Numbers 7: 87: hirci duodecim pro peccato; Ezra 6: 17: pro peccato totius Israhel duodecim iuxta numerum tribuum Israhel. 66 Esther 7: 10: Suspensus itaque Aman in patibulo quod paraverat Mardochaeo: et regis ira quievit; ibid., 9: 13b: et decem filii Aman in patibulis suspendantur. 67 Alan Murray, ‘Biblical Quotations and Formulaic Language in the Chronicle of William of Tyre’, in Deeds Done Beyond the Sea: Essays on William of Tyre, Cyprus and the Military Orders Pre- sented to Peter Edbury, ed. Susan Edgington and Helen Nicholson Crusades–Subsidia (Farnham 2014), pp. 25–34, suggests that we need to distinguish between the conscious and the unconscious use of Biblical language by medieval chroniclers. I would argue that in the case discussed above William of Tyre was very much aware of his skillful employment of Old-Testament sounds and allusions. His medieval readers, who shared his familiarity with Biblical texts, are of course much more likely to have picked up on this than his modern readers. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 35 Templar-related deperdita Following the reconquest of Acre by the Third Crusade in 1191, the kingdom of Jerusalem made this coastal city its new capital. The Templars, too, unable to return to their original headquarters in now once again Muslim-controlled Jeru- salem, relocated their central convent to Acre.68 Yet, whereas the twelfth century had seen several impressive kings and queens, the thirteenth century was largely characterized by regencies and absentee kingship, and of the surviving full-text documents for the latter period featured in Mayer’s edition, only a handful pertain to Templars who are known to us by name.69 To fill in the blanks, we turn to May- er’s deperdita, namely lost pieces that, in most cases, have been reconstructed from existing charters, narrative sources, or inventories of documents dating from later centuries. These deperdita include, for example, a now lost mandate (prohibitio) against the Templars’ activities that were allegedly undermining the recent truce agree- ment with the Ayyubids, issued by Balian of Sidon, bailli of the Emperor Fred- erick II in the kingdom of Jerusalem, dated to 1230, and referenced in a letter sent by Pope Gregory IX to the Templar Master Peter of Montaigu the follow- ing year.70 They furthermore include a now lost contract (acort) between King Henry II of Cyprus and the Templar Master William of Beaujeu, dated to 1285/86 and mentioned in the chronicle of the Templar of Tyre as ‘too long to write down’ (trop lonc a metre par escrit), which, according to Mayer, really means that the contract’s details had to be concealed, because the promises that Henry found himself compelled to make to the Templars to ascend the throne of Jerusalem would have upset their contemporaries, especially Charles II of Anjou.71 And they include Henry II’s now lost instructions to an unknown envoy (ce que devoit dire l’ambassadeur) to file a suit against the Templars at the papal curia on the king’s behalf, dated to 1286–91 and based on Pierre Dupuy’s 1654 summary of a parch- ment roll that has since vanished from the Archives Nationales in Paris.72 From the perspective of a king or regent, none of these deperdita make the Templars look too good, but that is, as always, not the whole story. A particularly interesting deperditum is based on a truce agreement concluded between the Mamluks and the representatives of the kingdom of Jerusalem in 1283. The document stipulates that the bailli of the kingdom in Acre, Odo Poi- lechien, and the leading officials of the military orders, namely the Templar Master

68 Burgtorf, Central Convent, pp. 90–4. 69 For the period between the reconquest (1191) and fall (1291) of Acre, these are, in chronological order, DD. Jerus. A. III/10, 488, 645, 775, 816, and 747. 70 D. Jerus. *781. See Carl Rodenberg, Epistolae saeculi XIII e Regestis Pontificum Romanorum, vol. 1, Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Berlin, 1883), pp. 345–6. no. 427. 71 D. Jerus. *744. See Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314): La caduta degli Stati Crociati nel racconto di un testimone oculare, ed. and trans. (into Italian) Laura Minervini (Naples, 2000), p. 168 no. 435. 72 D. Jerus. *749. See Pierre Dupuy, Traittez concernant l’histoire de France (Paris, 1654), pp. 92–3 no. 26. 36 Jochen Burgtorf William of Beaujeu, the Hospitaller Master Nicholas Lorgne, and the Teutonic- Knights’ Marshal Conrad, should issue a decree in all coastal regions covered by the truce that would prohibit the population of Acre, Sidon, and Atlit from giving supplies to pirates.73 This decree, which the bailli and the masters were expected to issue, is a deperditum: D. Jerus. *826. ‘However’, Mayer explains, ‘by this time the authority of the officials of the realm had deteriorated to such a degree that one may doubt whether such a decree was more than just a gesture of goodwill’.74 What this deperditum shows, though, is that, in 1283, the Mamluk Sultan Qalawun saw the Templars and the other major military orders, next to the bailli, as those most likely to maintain law and order, something that would normally be the king’s responsibility. Another example of the collaboration between the Templars and the bailli of the kingdom is D. Jerus. *829, dated to 1287 and based on the chronicle of the Templar of Tyre. It is a confirmation, now lost, issued under the seals of thebailli , the Templars, and the Hospitallers, that Roland Ascherius, the admiral of the Gen- oese commune, had vacated the port of Acre.75 Roland Ascherius had come to the East that same year in the context of the war between Genoa and Pisa, and, according to the Templar of Tyre, only agreed to leave under the condition that he would be issued a confirmation, sealed by the abovementioned parties (une charte seel[ee] dou seau dou baill, quy tenoit leuc dou roy, et dou Temple et de l’Ospitau), that he was departing at the request of the city’s authorities.76 This confirmation was probably intended to serve as an insurance policy back home in Genoa, should anyone accuse him of not having completed his anti-Pisan mis- sion.77 Mayer doubts that the masters of the military orders affixed their seals to this now-lost document, since the Templar Master William of Beaujeu was, at the time, in Atlit and Casalimbert, and suggests that it was likely sealed with the respective conventual seals.78 Perhaps, though, we cannot quite rule out the masters’ participation. According to the respective chapters in the chronicle of the Templar of Tyre, the Templar master spent Pentecost at Atlit, from where he traveled to Tyre. He then came to Acre and was involved in direct talks with Ascherius. Following a brief stopover (or possibly two) in Tyre, Ascherius returned to Acre at least twice, which, in the chronicle, is indicated each time by the phrase ‘another time’ (autre fois). In between Ascherius’s final two return visits to Acre, we find the information that the Templar master was staying at Casalimbert. During his final sojourn in Acre, Ascherius was asked to vacate the port for good, to which he only agreed on the

73 Peter Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260–1290): Treaties of Baybars and Qalawun with Chris- tian Rulers (Leiden, 1995), p. 85 no. 18 (English translation of the Arabic text); see ibid., pp. 73–4 no. 1 (preamble). 74 Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 3, pp. 1439–40. 75 D. Jerus. *829. 76 Ibid. See Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, ed. Minervini, p. 186 no. 460. 77 Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 3, p. 1442. 78 Ibid. The Templars and the kings of Jerusalem 37 condition that the above-mentioned sealed document would be given to him.79 Atlit, located to the south of Acre, and Casalimbert, located to the north of Acre, were only about a day’s ride away from the capital. Thus, if necessary, William of Beaujeu certainly could have come to Acre to seal a document. Whether he did so in this particular case will probably remain unknown. Above all, like the previous example, this deperditum shows that, by the second half of the thirteenth century, third parties viewed the Templars, alongside the royal bailli and the other major military orders, as the kingdom’s key authorities.

Conclusion In conclusion, we have seen, first, a close connection between the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem in the royal charters of the twelfth century, as well as possible synchronous networks that ensured the Order’s permanent presence at court. Second, the royal charters paint a picture of the relationship between the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem that, at times, deviates considerably from the one sketched by William of Tyre’s chronicle. William was both a chancellor and a chronicler. As the former, he was recording the king’s legal business, while, as the latter, he was producing literature and not the raw footage for a medieval news agency. Third, reconstructing documents, deperdita, once again proves to be a valuable way to fill in the blanks. In the case of Mayer’s edition, it becomes a history of the kingdom of Jerusalem from the perspective of the royal chancery, demonstrating that, in the thirteenth century, the Templars, as well as the other major military orders, took on responsibilities that one would normally expect to be exercised by the king. Dated to the later 1270s, the summary of deperditum D. Jerus. *722 reads as follows: ‘King Hugh III of Cyprus and Jerusalem writes to the pope (John XXI) that, due to the opposition of the Templars and Hospitallers, he can no longer rule the kingdom of Jerusalem’.80 Derived from the chronicle of the Templar of Tyre,81 this letter is included in Mayer’s edition as an exception, ‘since it is, to use the words of Sir Steven Runciman, so very typical for the kingdom of Jerusalem’s state of “legalized anarchy” in the late thirteenth century’.82 The dark shadow cast on the relationship between the Templars and the kings of Jerusalem by this dep- erditum can, however, not conceal the fact that, in late May 1291, it was not the king, but, rather, the Templars who defended the capital to the bitter end.83

79 Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, ed. Minervini, pp. 180–7 nos. 454–60. 80 D. Jerus. *722. 81 Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, ed. Minervini, p. 148 no. 396: Et en l’an de Crist MIIoLXXVIII, au mois de gunet, le roy Hugue de Jerusalem et de Chypre se parti d’Acre et abandouna la seignorie et ne vost que de luy jeust nul gouvernement, et manda letres au pape, coment il ne poiet plus gouverner la terre por le Temple et l’Ospitau, et s’en ala en Chipre. 82 Mayer, ed., Urkunden, vol. 3, pp. 1260–1. See Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1951–54), vol. 3, p. 205. 83 Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 3, pp. 420–1. Anthony Luttrell The Templars’ archives

3 The Templars’ archives in Syria and Cyprus

Anthony Luttrell

The fate of the Templars’ archives in Syria and Cyprus cannot be established. The standard hypothesis, advanced by Rudolf Hiestand, is that they were destroyed during the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus in 15711 and that has usually been accepted, though there are other possibilities. Following their foundation in Jerusalem during 1120, the Templars must have accumulated documents there. Whether any of these survived the Muslim recon- quest of the city in 1187 is not known,2 but a leaden seal of Alexander III, pope from 1159 to 1181, and a seal of Amaury patriarch from 1142 to 1196, the latter in a hoard, were both discovered in levels of that period on the south side of the tower outside the double gate in the wall of the Templar compound; presumably they had been thrown down from above which suggests some destruction of Tem- plar documents.3 The Hospital did preserve a collection of pre-1187 charters from Jerusalem,4 perhaps because in 1187 ten Hospitallers were permitted to remain in Jerusalem for a year to continue nursing the sick and to evacuate them;5 they may

1 Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Zum Problem des Templerzentralarchivs’, Archivalische Zeitschrift, 76 (1980), pp. 17–38. Karl Borchardt kindly provided extensive help with this paper. 2 Damien Carraz, ‘Archives’, in Prier et combattre: Dictionnaire européen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge, ed. Nicole Bériou and Philippe Josserand (Paris, 2009), p. 115, claims that the archives were transferred from Jerusalem to Acre but, even if it were possible to identify transcripts of pre- 1187 documents definitely copied after 1187, the originals would not necessarily have come from Jerusalem. 3 Gabriela Glücksmann and Robert Kool, ‘Crusader Period Finds from the Templar Mount Excava- tions in Jerusalem’, ‘Atiqot, 26 (1995), pp. 87–104. 4 PUTJ, 1, pp. 47–64; 2, pp. 19–28. 5 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus c. 1050–1310 (London, 1967), p. 247. It now seems unlikely that the corpse of a Saint Geraldus which was in the Hospital’s house at Manosque in 1283 was that of the Order’s founder Geraldus who was buried in Jerusalem in 1120 but was never formally beatified; Félix Reynaud, La commanderie de l’Hôpital de Saint- Jean de Jérusalem de Rhodes et de Malta à Manosque (XII siècle – 1789) (Gap, 1981), pp. 195–9; Alain Beltjens, ‘Trois questions à propos de l’Hospitalier Gérard’, Bulletin: Société de l’Histoire et du Patrimoine de l’Ordre de Malte, 19 (2007), pp. 5–59; 20 (2008), pp. 4–52; Damien Carraz, ‘Aux origines de la commanderie de Manosque: le dossier des comtes de Forcalquier dans les archives de l’Hôpital (début XIIe – milieu XIII siècle)’, in La Mémoire des origines dans les ordres religieux-militaires au moyen âge, eds. Philippe Josserand and Mathieu Olivier (Münster, 2012), The Templars’ archives 39 have been able to save some documents. Both orders presumably retained other writings which survived elsewhere. Many ecclesiastical bodies in Latin Syria, including the Hospital, sent at least some of their documents to Cyprus, Sicily, Southern Italy or elsewhere in the West before the fall of Acre in 1291.6 The Teu- tonic Order transferred to the West at least some parts of whatever documents, not necessarily constituting a ‘central archive’, it kept in Syria, the latest such document involved apparently being of 1286;7 that date parallels very closely the comparable apparent date of 1285 for Hospitaller documents sent out of Syria. The Temple may well have done something similar. The Templars’ ‘treasure’ in Acre, which possibly included parchments and papers, was said to have been in their tower by the sea in 1291,8 but other such materials may have been moved to safety before that; in fact, there is no sign that after 1291 the Templars sought con- firmations or renewals of lost documents or privileges from the papacy. The Hos- pital lost numerous documents at Acre in 1291, including its Rule with the bull of Pope Lucius III, and it also lost its Syrian relics.9 The Hospitallers did somehow save a number of pre-1286 documents which were in their house at Manosque in Provence in 1531; these may have been moved to the West even before 1291 or they may have reached Provence at some unknown later date, perhaps by way of Cyprus and possibly of Rhodes. Some of these documents were sent to Malta in the eighteenth century while others still remain in France at Marseille.10 The Templars saved at least some of their relics and what else they could rescue of their treasures which were carried to the seashore at Acre and which then went to Cyprus and subsequently passed to the Hospital in or after 1312.11 They may

pp. 153–5. Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Templars: History, Organ­ ization, and Personnel (1099/1120–1310) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 30, 649, suggests that the fact that in 1269 the Hospitaller Roger de Vere took to England from Syria a jar used in the biblical marriage at Cana is an indication that the Hospitallers took their relics with them when they left Jerusalem in 1187/1188. 6 Much detail in Francesco Tommasi, ‘Fondi documentari ultramarini in Italia: l’Archivio del Santo Sepolcro da Acri a Perugia’, in Militia Sancti Sepulcri: Idea e istituzioni, ed. Kaspar Elm and Cosimo Damiano Fonseca (Vatican, 1998), pp. 419–36. 7 Riccardo Predelli, ‘Le reliquie dell’archivio dell’Ordine Teutonico in Venezia’, Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 64 (1905/1906), pp. 1379–1463 (act of 1286 at pp. 1449–50); Hans Eberhard Mayer, ‘Novae editionis praefatio’, in Ernst Strehlke, Tabulae Ordi- nis Theutonici (reprint: Toronto, 1975), pp. 9–81; Udo Arnold, Die Urkunden des Deutschordens- Zentralarchivs in Wien: Regesten, vol. 1 (Marburg, 2006), pp. x–xiii. 8 Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314), ed. Laura Minervini (Naples, 2000), p. 222. 9 Anthony Luttrell, The Hospitallers of Rhodes and their Mediterranean World (Aldershot, 1992), XVIII p.10; cf. idem, Studies on the Hospitallers after 1306: Rhodes and the West (Aldershot, 2007), III pp. 135–54. 10 PUTJ, 1, pp. 43–68 et passim; cf. Joseph Delaville le Roulx, ‘Inventaire de Pièces de Terre Sainte de l’Ordre de l’Hôpital’, ROL, 3 (1895), pp. 36–106. Conceivably these documents went (contra Hiestand, ‘Zum Problem’, as note 1, p. 37, who states that they did not) to Cyprus or even Rhodes and were sent to Manosque at some later point, but since the latest of the known Manosque texts is of 1285 that seems unlikely. 11 Excidii Acconis gestorum collectio, ed. Robert Huygens (Turnhout, 2004), p. 92; Ludolphi de Itinere Terre Sancte Liber, ed. Ferdinand Deycks (Stuttgart, 1851), p. 29; cf. Luttrell, Hospitallers 40 Anthony Luttrell have lost their entire archive when their great tower in Acre was destroyed in 129112 or they may, either then or earlier, have sent certain documents to Cyprus or elsewhere. In all these cases probably only a fragment of the original archive survived. Materials involving the Templars did survive in the Hospital’s archives. Some of these documents would have been there before 1288; they would not neces- sarily have come from the Temple’s archives since they concerned relations or arrangements between the two orders. Examples would naturally have been kept by the Hospital, which might also have preserved papal privileges granted to the Temple because it too was interested in such privileges.13 In the thirteenth cen- tury the Teutonic Order created a corpus of its papal privileges by copying texts from the papal registers into its own cartularies.14 In Syria itself Hospitaller and Templar properties were often adjacent or close to each other so that both orders would have kept an overlapping documentation.15 Individual Templar documents from Syria sporadically reached the West16 but there is no convincing indication that any documents from the Syrian archive did so.17 The Templars held posses- sions in Cyprus and must already have held minor archives on that island when they established their conventual headquarters there in 1291; they would have generated further documentation on Cyprus between 1291 and their arrest there in 1308. Possibly they also had on Cyprus some documents sent from Syria during

of Rhodes (as note 9), XVIII p. 10; Francesco Tommasi, ‘I Templari e il culto delle reliquie’, in I Templari: mito e storia, ed. Giovanni Minnucci and Franca Sardi (Sinalunga, 1989), pp. 191–210 at pp. 203–4. Alain Demurger, Jacques de Molay: le crépuscule des Templiers (rev. ed: Paris, 2014), p. 94, states of the treasure ‘il s’agit des archives’, but the texts do not say that, and there is no proof. 12 Cronaca del Templare (as note 8), p. 226. 13 Joseph Delaville le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers extraits des archives de Malte (Paris, 1882). Curiously, two Templar documents of 1289 and 1290 now in Malta survive in vidi- mus made by the viguier général of the Bishop of Dax in 1371, but they did not concern Syria: ibid., pp. 42–8. 14 Barbara Bombi, ‘L’Ordine Teutonico nell’Italia Centrale: la casa romana dell’Ordine e l’ufficio del procuratore generale’, in L’Ordine Teutonico nel Mediterraneo, ed. Hubert Houben (Galatina, 2004), pp. 212–14. 15 E. g. Rabei G. Khamisy, ‘The Templar Estates in the Territory of Acre’, Ordines Militares, 18 (2013), pp. 267–84. 16 E. g. Alan Forey, ‘Letters of the last Two Templar Masters’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 45 (2001), pp. 145–71. There is no obvious reason why an act of Amaury I of 1166 confirming the Temple’s possession of Amman in Syria should be in the archive of the Hospitaller Priory of Navarre: Hans Eberhard Mayer, Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, vol. 2 (Hanover, 2010), pp. 548–50. 17 Hiestand, ‘Zum Problem’ (as note 1), pp. 22–37, examined the question in detail and it is not reconsidered here. Jonathan Riley-Smith, Templars and Hospitallers as Professed Religious in the Holy Land (Notre Dame, 2010), p. 73 n. 15, suggests, with some references, that the Templar cen- tral archive was in France in the fifteenth century; but, apart from a document copied in Valencia in 1377 (infra, pp. 41–2) most of the Templar texts involved went eventually to Manosque or were papal documents not necessarily ever in the East. The Templars’ archives 41 or before 1291; if, hypothetically, they did have such pre-1291 documents on Cyprus, it is unclear what happened to them. In June 1308 the Templar Jean de Folliaco testified during his trial that he had heard from another Templar, Guy Dauphin, that in 1306 the Templar Master Jacques de Molay had taken 150,000 gold florins and ten pack animal loads of gros tournois from Cyprus to France, which was not the normal direction for ­moving his order’s funds, and that once in Provence had divided the money, possibly among his family.18 This event would have taken place only some 20 months before June 1308, but Jean de Folliaco was a priest who as a renegade and informer was a highly dubious witness;19 Guy Dauphin was the son of Robert Count of Clermont and he was, in some matters at least, apparently a more reli- able source.20 That Jacques de Molay took valuables from Cyprus to the West is, though highly debatable, a possibility. Writing the later sections of his work, probably between 1316 and 1318, the Austrian chronicler Ottokar aus der Gaal, who certainly con- trived fictitious dialogues, stated that the surviving Templars were persuaded to leave Acre in 1291 because their master led them to believe that they would con- tinue their fight against the infidel ‘of Morocco’ in Spain where he reminded them their order held many possessions and where the ‘king’ needed a strong militia.21 Curiously, from 1294 onwards the Templars invested at vast expense in the con- struction of a great castle by the sea at Peñiscola and in acquisitions elsewhere in the Kingdom of Valencia,22 and at Peñiscola they rapidly built up an impressive collection of books and relics.23 Molay appointed a significant number of Catalan and Aragonese Templars to senior posts,24 and on 27 August 1294 he was himself with King Jaume II at Lleida in Catalunya, where he granted permission for the exchange of Templar rights at Tortosa.25 That led to the acquisition of Peñiscola, and just conceivably Molay took with him to Catalunya the charter of 1157 con- cerning the Templars’ rights at Tortosa in Syria, a document which later passed

18 . . . magister divisit, postquam fuit in Provincia, et misit fratri suo de Molato [. . . parenti?] centum milia florenorum [the text is deficient]: Konrad Schottmüller,Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1887), pp. 36–8. 19 Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 66, 79, 93, 117–18, 120, 164. 20 Demurger, Jacques de Molay (as note 11), pp. 22, 84. 21 Ottokar, Österreichische Reimchronik, ed. Joseph Seemüller (Hanover, 1890), lines 51890–51907; Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, ‘The Military Orders and the escape of the Christian population from the Holy Land in 1291’, Journal of Medieval History, 19 (1993), pp. 201–27 at p. 209 n. 22, judges, without explanation, that Ottokar was ‘certainly mistaken’ on that point. 22 Joan Fuguet Sans, ‘De Miravet (1153) a Peñiscola (1294): Novedad y persistencia de un modelo de fortaleza templaria en la provincia catalano-aragonesa de la Orden’, in Acri 1291: La Fine della presenza degli Ordini Militari in Terra Santa e i nuovi orientamenti nel XIV secolo, ed. Francesco Tommasi (Perugia, 1996), pp. 44–67. 23 Sebastián Salvadó, ‘Icons, Crosses and Liturgical Objects of Templar Chapels in the Crown of Aragon’, in Debate, pp. 183–97 at pp. 185–7, 192–5. 24 Demurger, Jacques de Molay (as note 11), pp. 114–15, 179, 189–92. 25 Forey, ‘Letters’ (as note 16), pp. 155–6, 161–2. 42 Anthony Luttrell from the Templars to the Order of Montesa, in the archives of which a transcript was made in 1377.26 Given the Temple’s inactivity in the East, a plan to move its convent to Spain could have been a possible project,27 and that might have accounted for the otherwise inexplicable expenditures at Peñiscola;28 however, there is no indication whatsoever that any Syrian archive went to Spain. The Templars’ documents could have been kept on Cyprus, perhaps in their castle at Limassol or in their church in Nicosia. When the Templars on Cyprus were arrested in 1308 royal officials and others, including the ‘prior’ of the Hos- pital who was possibly the prior or senior priest of the Hospital’s church of Saint John in Nicosia, made an inventory of their goods there; these included plate and ‘books’, but much had already been removed to Limassol. The Templars’ goods at Limassol, at Paphos, at Famagusta and in their casali were also seized, but it was reported that little was found at Limassol because much had been hidden; the ‘treasure’ from Limassol was taken to the house of the regent Amaury de Lusignan in Nicosia. Some years later, in 1313, the Templars’ goods on Cyprus, or presumably some part of them, were handed over to the Hospitallers.29 What- ever documents the Templars had on Cyprus could have been lost in some kind of accident at any time in or after 1291; they might have been part of the ‘treasure’ seized in Nicosia or Limassol in 1308; they could have been destroyed while in the regent’s or the Cypriot authority’s hands in the turbulent years between 1308 and 1313; or, together with their possessions in Cyprus, they may have passed to the Hospital in 1313. It is clear that the Hospital, which lost its own relics in 1291 or perhaps later, secured and preserved various relics which the Temple

26 Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘The Templars and the Castle of Tortosa in Syria: an Unknown Document concerning the Acquisition of the Fortress’, English Historical Review, 84 (1969), pp. 278–88. 27 Luis García-Guijarro, ‘The Growth of the Temple in the Northern Area of the Kingdom of Valen- cia at the Close of the Thirteenth Century: a Puzzling Development’, in Knighthoods of Christ: Essays on the History of the Crusades and the Knights Templar presented to Malcolm Barber, ed. Norman Housley (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 165–81; ibid., ‘The Extinction of the Order of the Temple in the Kingdom of Valencia and early Montesa, 1307–30: a Case of Transition from Universalist to Territorialized Military Orders’, in Debate, pp. 199–211 at pp. 202–5; Vera Hofbauerová and Carme Plaza, ‘Dos castillos templarios en el norte del reino de Valencia: Xivert y Peníscola’, in Castelos das Ordens Militares, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes, vol. 2 (Lisbon, 2013), pp. 45–62. Ramon Lull in 1305 advocated a crusade launched from Spain through North Africa to Jerusalem: Anthony Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land: the Crusade Proposals of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries (Aldershot, 2000), pp. 164–7. 28 This idea is strongly opposed in Alan Forey, ‘A Templar Lordship in Northern Valencia’, in Die Ritterorden als Träger der Herrschaft: Territorien, Grundbesitz und Kirche, ed. Roman Czaja and Jürgen Sarnowsky (Torun, 2007), pp. 59–68 at pp. 61–5. 29 Following the major source, Chroniques d’Amadi et de Strambaldi, ed. René de Mas Latrie, vol. 1 (Paris, 1891), pp. 287–90, 395. The chronicler Florio Bustron, Chronique de l’île de Chypre, ed. René de Mas Latrie (Paris, 1886), pp. 170–1, 246–7, stated that the Templar properties were later handed to the Hospital; he listed the Templars’ properties handed over in 1313. In mid-1309 the Templar monies were considered in the West to be in Amaury’s custody: CH. 4882. An inventory of Templar properties on Cyprus made in June 1311 (Archivio Vaticano, Archivium Arcis, D-224) seems never to have been published or studied, possibly because it is illegible. The Templars’ archives 43 had acquired in the East; some of the relics were taken to Malta where they were destroyed by Napoleon in 1798.30 The Hospitallers completed their occupation of Rhodes, apparently in August 1309, and had presumably transferred their conventual headquarters to that island by April 1311 when their chapter general met on Rhodes;31 they prob- ably moved their central archive there from Cyprus in those years, and if they had acquired any Templar documents they might at some point have taken them to Rhodes. Alternatively, they could have left any such documents on Cyprus, most probably at Nicosia. Apart from documents concerning the Hospital’s estates and sugar production, the Hospitallers probably kept no archive in their forti- fied casale at Kolossi near Limassol; in fact, during the first half of the fifteenth century at least there was no resident Hospitaller priest brother there to look after them. In any case the casale at Kolossi was attacked by the Mamluks in 1434 and damaged by them in 1440, while the Turks of Karaman burnt and seriously dam- aged the tower there in about 1452.32 The most likely depository in Nicosia was the Hospital’s house of Saint John. Templar documents might have survived in Nicosia until the Ottoman conquest in 1571 or conceivably even later. However, from about 1474 onwards, control of the Hospital’s Cypriot commandery passed, under Venetian rule, largely to the Cornaro family and other Venetians. There is no sign of any documents from the commandery surviving in Venice.33 Nor is there any sign that the Ottomans took them to Istanbul. Rather more likely was the transfer to Rhodes of charters and other materials, which might have seemed valuable because they could have given the Hospital theoretical claims to former Templar possessions in Syria in the event of any still- anticipated Latin reconquests there. In that hypothesis, any Templar documents would probably have suffered the same destructions as the Hospital’s own archives for the period 1291 to 1346 circa. Such losses could have been due to major earth- quakes, as for example those of 1366 and 1481,34 to sieges, such as those of 1444, 1480 and 1522, to fire or to some other disaster. Writing in or shortly before 1563 and without giving details of time, place or his source of information, Fr. Joan Antoni de Foixà, who was the Hospital’s official historiographer and knew the Malta archives, stated that the conventual archive had ‘burned one day disas- trously’ and then that ‘the archive of the Order had been burned twice’. 35 Whatever

30 Luttrell, The Hospitallers of Rhodes (as note 9), XVIII pp. 10–14. 31 Anthony Luttrell, The Town of Rhodes (Rhodes, 2003), p. 173. 32 George Hill, A History of Cyprus, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 515–16; Karl Borchardt, Anthony Luttrell, Ekhard Schöffler, Documents Concerning Cyprus from the Hospital’s Rhodian Archives: 1409–1459 (Nicosia, 2011), pp. lii, lxviii, lxxi–lxxxiii, 407–13. 33 Hill, Cyprus (as note 32), vol. 3, pp. 698, 792–4; Anthony Luttrell, ‘Ta Stratiotika Tagmata’, in Istoria tes Kyprou, ed. Theodoros Papadopoullos, vol. 4 part 1 (Nicosia, 1995), pp. 733–58 at pp. 753–6. 34 Luttrell, Studies (as note 9), X pp. 145–51. 35 Ibid., Latin Greece, the Hospitallers and the Crusades: 1291–1440 (London, 1982), III pp. 65–6. Foixà may have referred to a fire in which documents dating after 1522 were burnt, since the archives for 1523 onwards are in fact rather meagre. 44 Anthony Luttrell the case, if Templar documents were taken to Rhodes during or after about 1309 they were likely to have suffered the same fate as the Hospital’s own archives. When the Hospitallers were expelled from Rhodes in January 1523 they could take with them no more than a fragment of what may have been a mass of parch- ment and paper. When they reached Viterbo in 1527 they counted 97 volumes of ‘bulls and diverse writings’ and registers, plus 18 volumes of Council registers; all but one or two of the 97 volumes of these libri bullarum and other writings and all but five of the libri conciliorum still exist on Malta.36 It is extremely doubtful therefore that the Magistral registers surviving in 1527 stretched back without major gaps as far as 1346.37 There was no indication that the materials at Vit- erbo included any documents from Syria, though the Convent and its baggage did move to Provence and some paintings and other goods were left at Nice in 1529,38 and the inventory at Manosque was made in 1531. In 1447 the Hospital’s archivist formally handed over to his successor 103 registers and ‘other books’; six other volumes of ‘diverse matters’; 24 ‘old books’ also of ‘diverse matters’; two new registers and a formularium fori in scriptorie.39 Some Magistral ­registers covered more than one year40 but the list suggests that in 1447 the annual ­Magistral registers already went back only to about 1346 or somewhat earlier if there were already gaps. For the fourteenth and the fifteenth century until 1447 there are now on Malta 45 Magistral registers; two volumes containing the acts of chapters general from 1330 to 1344 and from 1383 to 1386; and other miscellaneous items, some of uncertain provenance. The earliest Magistral register to survive, though only as a fragment, is that of 1346; there are five registers covering certain years from 1346 to 1375 and then a largely unbroken series stretching, with some gaps, from 1381 to 1447, a total of 91 registers now surviving for the period 1346 to 1447. All that suggests that many registers dating before 1381 had already been lost by 1447.41 Archives may at any point have been destroyed by fire or some other disaster. If the bulk of the Hospital’s archival holdings for the period 1291 to 1346 was lost on Rhodes, it is likely that any Templar archive then there would have been lost as well. Many texts in the Malta archive for the period from 1285 to 1310 are originals or contemporary copies of papal documents. There are also three

36 Ibid., III pp. 65–6. 37 The figuresare approximate since the ‘diverse’ writings cannot be identified. Only 15 registers for the years 1346 to 1400 now survive. 38 Luttrell, The Hospitallers of Rhodes (as note 9), XVIII p. 7. 39 Jürgen Sarnowsky, Macht und Herrschaft im Johanniterorden des 15. Jahrhunderts: Verfassung und Verwaltung der Johanniter auf Rhodos (1421–1522) (Münster, 2001), pp. 323–8, 634–5. 40 Borchardt et al., Documents (as note 32), pp. xv–xvii. 41 However the registers for 1336 and 1364 were extant in 1515: Valetta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of Saint John, Cod. 404, f. 210v–211 (220v–221). The register for 1375 was extant in 1439: Sarnowsky, Macht und Herrschaft, p. 307. Chancery registers were being kept on Rhodes at least from 1311: Anthony Luttrell, The Hospitallers in Cyprus, Rhodes, Greece and the West 1291–1440 (London, 1978), XV pp. 414–15; idem, The Hospitaller State on Rhodes and its Western Provinces: 1306–1462 (Aldershot, 1999), XIX p. 230. The Templars’ archives 45 Magistral bulls, two of 1289 and one of 1295, which were directed to the Hos- pital’s Priory of Saint Gilles in Provence; 42 possibly they were left in the major Provençal house at Manosque where they may at some point have been placed with the pre-1286 Syrian documents preserved there; that would account for their subsequently being sent with Syrian materials to Malta. Among the materials at Manosque the latest clearly from Syria was a document from 13 May 1285.43 At Malta there are, or were, ten papal bulls in original or in contemporary copies for the years 1287 to 129144 but they did not necessarily reach Malta from Syria, Cyprus or Rhodes. A count of documents for the post-1310 decades surviving on Malta would presumably produce a similar result, many such documents being later copies of papal bulls preserved in a series of bullaria.45 It seems, therefore, that much of the central archive on Rhodes was lost or destroyed on at least one occasion before 1447. If, as seems possible, some parts of the Templars’ Syrian and Cypriot central archives went to Rhodes after 1308, they too would have been likely to have been lost along with the Hospital’s documents for the period 1291 to 1346 and later. That however is merely another hypothesis.

42 CH, nos. 4050, 4060, 4276; this assumes that Fr. Rostang de Saint Gieur of 1289 came from Provence. Delaville le Roulx considered that these three documents were at Malta because they were never sent out of the chancery, but that seems unlikely. 43 CH, no. 3901. 44 CH, nos. 4012, 4032, 4044, 4118, 4172, 4258, 4335, 4778, 4803, 4810, 4856. 45 Further research on such post-1310 documents remains desirable.

Section II Charters

Karl Borchardt Templar charters

4 Templar charters and charters for the Templars: self-promotion versus the image of the Order

Karl Borchardt

The Templars certainly wanted to be known. Being a secret society would not have been helpful for attracting men and money in order to support the Holy Land, especially as the Hospitallers and other competing organizations tried to collect alms and donations for more or less the same purposes. Primarily, advertising was probably done orally. As there are no written sources for this, we cannot know for sure how oral communication worked. All we have is written sources, especially sermons and charters. Sermons were preached at mass and on other occasions.1 Charters would be read out at court and elsewhere. Clearly, charters were imitated and used as a means of propaganda. The charters are probably the most numerous extant group of written sources for the military-religious orders. For the Hospital- lers, Joseph Delaville Le Roulx published a four-volume cartulaire between 1894 and 1906 that includes nearly 5000 charters up to 1310.2 For the Templars, we may expect at least the same number of charters, probably many more. There are various regional and local publications containing Templar charters but they are sometimes difficult to find in libraries or on the internet. Of theCartulaire général of the Templars that Marquis André d’Albon (1866–1912) planned, only one vol- ume has been published, posthumously in 1913, containing 619 documents up to 1150.3 Anyone seriously studying the Templars can of course use the 71 ­volumes

1 Penny C. Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge/MA, 1991); Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusade: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thir- teenth Century (Cambridge, 1994); idem, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross (Cambridge, 2000); Ursula Schwerin, Die Aufrufe der Päpste zur Befrei- ung des Heiligen Landes von den Anfängen bis zum Ausgang von Innozenz IV. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der kurialen Kreuzzugspropaganda und der päpstlichen Epistolographie (Berlin, 1937). 2 Joseph Delaville Le Roulx (ed.), Cartulaire général de l’ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jéru- salem (1100–1310), 4 vols. (Paris, 1894–1906), 4912 numbered documents, plus additions in vol. 4 pp. 243–307. 3 [André] Marquis d’Albon, Cartulaire général de l’ordre du Temple 1119?–1150, avec un portrait ex six planches hors du texte (Paris, 1913). This should be used in the reprint edition (Madrid, 2010) which includes the Fascicule complémentaire contenant la table des actes et les noms de lieux (Paris, 1922) and an introduction by Carlos de Ayala Martinez. 50 Karl Borchardt with notes left by d’Albon to the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris,4 but would have to check these late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century notes with the medi- eval originals and copies extant in archives and libraries throughout France and elsewhere in Europe.

1) Which charters should be included in a Templar cartulary?

All charters have an issuer and a recipient. According to their form, Templar charters therefore fall into two classes, those received by the Templars and those issued by the Templars. Modern scholars tend to regard charters as a means of communication and want to study the images people formed about the Templars on the one hand and the images the Templars presented about themselves to their contemporaries on the other hand. For the first purpose charters received by the Templars may be used, for the second purpose charters issued by the Templars. But things are not that easy. Charters were primarily legal documents concerning donations, purchases, sales, leases, payments, wills and the like. Their texts are determined by legal necessities and are not primarily propaganda. Some charters were privileges which had to be kept in perpetuity because they were in theory of perpetual value, others were mandates or briefs which could and often would be destroyed after execution, an important fact that should warn us that the now extant documentary texts are only the tip of an iceberg. Furthermore, there are many documents having issuers and recipients which we do not call charters but letters because they have no legal importance, although this distinction is somewhat artificial. Being asked a favour for example could very well amount to receiving an order if the person who asked the favour was an influential ruler or lord. Letters themselves might of course be an important means of propaganda, and d’Albon’s cartulaire does include a few letters.5 But there are special problems, since many letters may have been stylistic exercises and not genuine documents. An example is d’Albon no. 1, a letter from King Baldwin II of Jerusalem to Bernard of Clairvaux which was not included in the four-volume MGH-edition of the charters of the Latin kings of Jerusalem, first because it is only a letter and not a charter, and second because Hans Eberhard Mayer thinks it is a forgery anyway.6

4 Vols. 1–4 papal bulls, 5–58 France, 59 Syria and Spain, 60–63 British Isles, 64–8 Rules, 69 Trial, Central and Northern Europe, 70 lists of officers, 71 Montjoie, Hospitallers, Antonites: Damien Carraz and Marie-Anna Chevalier, ‘Le marquis d’Albon (1866–1912) et son Cartulaire général de l’ordre du Temple,’ Hereditas Monasteriorum, 1 (2012), pp. 107–28, here p. 113. See also Émile- Guillaume Léonard, Gallicarum militiae Templi domorumque earum preceptorum series secundum Albonensia apographa in bibliotheca nationali Parisiensi asservata (Paris, 1930), with material from d’Albon, short French translation Marion Melville, Traduction de l’introduction au cartulaire d’Albon par E.-G. Léonard avec notes complémentaires, Les Cahiers du Temple (Paris, 1986). 5 From the letter collection of Bernard of Clairvaux, CT, p. 3 no. 5 p. 221 no. 340; PL 182, cols. 135–6 no. 31, cols. 494–6 no. 289. 6 1119/26, CT, p. 1 no. 1; not in Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed., Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, MGH, Diplomata regum Latinorum Hierosolymitanorum, 4 vols. (Hanover, Templar charters 51 Finally, Templars are mentioned in charters which were neither issued nor received by them. For example, charters can mention Templars as witnesses,7 arbiters, or merely as neighbours of real estates.8 Such documents also provide important information about Templar activities. That leads to the question of which documents should be included in any Templar cartulary. In German we distinguish between the Urkundenbuch and Kopialbuch. The Kopialbuch was produced in the Middle Ages and contains copies of original documents given to a specific institution, in our case usually a Templar commandery. The Urkunden- buch is a modern collection of, in theory, all charters mentioning a specific institu- tion and therefore has to include documents that never were in a Templar archive and that were not issued by Templars. This is a rather important point which tends to be marred by the terms cartulary in English or cartulaire in French: for collect- ing historically important sources about the Templars we cannot content ourselves with the former Templar archives. D’Albon’s cartulaire, however, is primarily based on documents from Templar archives. As a consequence, less than perhaps ten per cent of its items are char- ters issued by the Templars.9 Only documents issued by the Templars themselves would of course be authenticated by the signum of individual Templars and/or by Templar seals. In principle these documents should be far more important for the image the Templars wanted to spread about themselves than documents received by the Templars. Yet we should not overemphasize this formal distinction. Some scribes might work both for the Templars and for other issuers of charters. For example, from 1142 to 1148 a certain Berengarius wrote at least five charters, four of them issued by private persons for the Templars, whereas only the fifth one was issued by two Templars.10 All these charters can be used to find out what people thought about the Templars and how successful the Templars were in presenting

2010), here vol. 1, p. 234 no. *87, because it is only a letter ‘ohne rechtssetzenden Charakter’ and not a genuine text. 7 Two Templars as witnesses, 1149/50: CT, no. 566. 8 A donation by the lord of Roussillon to one of his fideles, 1233: Rodrigue Tréton, Diplomatari de Masdéu, 5 vols. (Barcelona, 2010), vol. 2, no. 330, pp. 1019–20, quoddam solum sive pati, quod habemus iuxta villam Perpiniani circa portale de Malloles, et affrontat ab oriente in domibus militie Templi, a meridie vero et occidente in via publica, que ducit apud sanctum Martinum, ab aquilone in quadam vinea Templi. The charter is included in the cartulary of Masdéu merely by chance, perhaps because the piece of land was later given to the Templars. 9 CT, nos. 144, 252 and so on. 10 CT, p. 168 no. 251 [1142, issued by a certain Bertrandus de Favairolas, Berenguerius me fecit]; p. 243 no. 385 [1146, issued by the same Bertrandus de Favairolas, Berengarius me fecit]; p. 319 no. 518 [1148, issued by a certain Guillelmus de Balaniano and his wife Dulcia, Berengarius scriba qui hoc scripsit]; pp. 319–20 no. 519 [1148, issued by two Templars, Petrus de ipsa Ruira et Berengarius Sancti Vincentii, received by Guillelmus de Balaniano and his wife Dulcia, Beren- garius scriba qui hoc scripsit] p. 323 no. 525 [1148, issued by Bernardus Moreira de Fonzilione and his wife Bernarda at Magalas, Berengarius scripsit in Magalato]. Contrary to d’Albon’s index p. 401, Berengarius was not a Templar: CT, p. 244 no. 386 [1146, issued by King Garcia of Pamplona, Navarre, in presentia [de] fratre Berengario, Ioan scribano de Tutela qui hanc cartam scripsit sub iussione domini sui regis]. 52 Karl Borchardt attractive images about themselves. In sum, there is a degree of uncertainty over which charters a modern Templar cartulary would have to include.

2) What do charters tell us about the Templars in general?

Antiquarians and sometimes archivists may be satisfied with compiling as many details as possible about legal acts concerning Templar houses and officers. His- torians should try and ask more general and relevant questions concerning both the activities and images of the Templars. The huge number of Templar charters – however we define this term – permits us to study such problems. This short paper cannot be exhaustive. But a few points may be highlighted: a) The charters use a variety of rather different phrases for the people we usu- ally call Templars. The original group of fighters had been formed at the Holy Sepulchre and had then received its headquarters on the Temple Mount. As a con- sequence, some early donations were made to God, to the Holy Sepulchre and to the caballeria or militia at the Temple of Solomon.11 The same holds true for the Hospitallers who were also founded next to the Holy Sepulchre and exploited this prestigious connection to elicit alms. After the 1130s, however, such references ceased to be included in charters, because meanwhile even in the West it became clear that the Holy Sepulchre, the Templars and the Hospitallers were three dis- tinct and separate institutions. On the Temple Mount the king of Jerusalem had endowed the new militia with his palace, the al-Aqsa Mosque which the Latins called the Templum Salomonis. The Templum Domini, the Dome of the Rock, was a church of canons, later of canons regular, and never belonged to the Templars. Yet sometimes, especially in the 1130s and 1140s, the Templars were said to serve at the more prestigious Templum Domini.12 In 1134/35 one document called the receiving institution the militia Templi Domini and the person who received the goods a frater Templi Salomonis.13 Perhaps not everyone in the West really knew the difference. Some documents evaded the problem by saying militia Templi Iherosolimitani.14 Later the standard reference was to the milites Templi15 only, without distinction between Templum Salomonis and Templum Domini. The connection with Jerusalem was certainly essential for the image of the Templars. Nevertheless, they could also be referred to as the militia of their local saints in the West. In 1136 one charter stated that a certain Ermengaudus de Sono had wanted to be buried with the militia beate Marie, que est in Iherusalem; how- ever, if he did not reach Jerusalem, he had decreed to be buried, and in fact he was actually buried, at Masdéu, a place that was de ipsa cavalleria.16 St. Mary is here

11 CT, nos. 55, 56, 57, 62. 12 CT, nos. 27, 40, 61, 154, 157, 214. Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, no. 22. 13 CT, no. 73. 14 CT, no. 252. 15 CT, nos. 194, 196. One of the last examples for the Templum Salomonis is from 1147: CT, no. 468. 16 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, pp. 368–70 no. 14. Templar charters 53 not an early reference to the Teutonic Order but just the patron saint of Masdéu, as in three similar charters from 1136, 1144 and 1199.17 For similar reasons, in 1181 and 1184 a regional Templar officer was called magister domus sancti Stephani, and his house was said to belong to the militia sancti Stephani, as these two char- ters referred to Saint-Étienne de Larzac.18 The social rank of the Templars can be seen from their position in lists of wit- nesses or guarantors and from epithets. Being not ordained, Templar milites had to give precedence to members of the clergy: In 1142, three Templar milites were placed at the end of a long list of witnesses that started with the bishop of Thé­ rouanne and two archdeacons, the count of Flanders and nine of his barons.19 This underlines that the Templars could be regarded as laymen and not as religious. Single Templars, however, soon started to be called fratres, as was the habit for other military-religious orders in the twelfth century and, later in the thirteenth century, also for the new mendicant orders. Already in the 1140s, however, lead- ing Templar officers might be qualified asdomini and contrasted in the same doc- ument by ordinary fratres.20 After the fratres some charters expressly mentioned servi militie Templi though not necessarily as a second class of members of the order but just as a redundant repetition, fratribus et servis militie Templi.21 b) Charters might expressly refer to prominent supporters of the newly founded military-religious order such as Bernard of Clairvaux. In 1144, a donation was made presente sanctę religionis patrono et patre, videlicet Clarevallensi abbate.22 Two years later, at the beginning of the Second Crusade, a charter was issued in Lorraine abbate Bernardo Clare Vallis predicante exercitum Christi, Conrado existente imperatore,23 although Conrad had never been crowned emperor but was only king of the Romans. Other Templar documents might boast of specific achievements. In 1149 for example, one charter was dated in obsidione Tortose,24 another one anno illo, quo capta fuit Tortosa,25 and a third one in obsidione Ilerde.26 The dating clauses might also highlight other important events for the

17 1136: Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, pp. 370–2 no. 15, donamus Deo omnipotenti et sancte Marie et militie Iherosolimitane Templi Salomonis . . . domino Deo et sancte Marie et militie predicte; 1144: ibid., vol. 2, pp. 394–6 no. 32, dimitto corpus et animam meam in manu Dei omnipotentis et beate Marie Dei genitricis de Manso Dei et in manu de fratribus militie Christi Iherusalem; 1199: ibid., vol. 2, pp. 668–70 no. 178, derelinquo Deo omnipotenti et militie Templi Iherosolimitani et beate Marie de Manso Dei. 18 1181: Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, pp. 529–31 no. 107; 1184: ibid., vol. 2, pp. 560–2 no. 123. 19 CT, no. 275. 20 CT, nos. 415, 475. 21 CT, nos. 592, 594, 1150. 22 CT, no. 332. 23 CT, no. 396. 24 CT, no. 564, referring back to the act, whereas the charter was issued later than no. 544. 25 CT, no. 544. 26 CT, no. 557. 54 Karl Borchardt Templars, for example in anno, quando comes Barchinonensis dedit Montson fratribus Templi.27 c) Donations for the Templars had to be justified. Fighting the infidel was used as an argument.28 But this was convincing only for those who knew the many dan- gers caused by Muslim raids (cf. Spanish, French, German ‘razia’, ‘razzia’ from Arabic ġāzia, ġāziya) on pilgrims travelling from Jaffa to Jerusalem in the first decades of the twelfth century. Other people argued that it was inappropriate if not illicit to shed human blood.29 So defending the Eastern church,30 or later on the church in general,31 was a better argument. These justifications might be expanded into elaborate introductory clauses, arenge as they were called by the contem- porary artes dictaminis. However, such arenge using the various cursus, spe- cial rhythms at the end of clauses destined to impress listeners, were rather rare. We find them primarily in charters issued by popes and monarchs, prelates and princes. Immediately after the Council of Troyes in 1129 Bishop Simon of Noyon (1123–1148) issued a charter that expressly referred to the tres ordines oratorum, defensorum et laboratorum in Christian society and added that the Templars were destined to repair the ordo defensorum:

Gratias agimus Deo, quia per misericordiam suam ordinem, qui perierat, reparavit. Scimus enim, quoniam a Deo tres in ecclesia sunt ordines instituti, oratorum, defensorum et laboratorum. Ceteris vero ordinibus iam in multam partem titubantibus, defensorum ordo fere penitus perierat. Sed Deus pater et Dominus noster Ihesus Christus Deus, Dei filius, ecclesie sue misertus, per infusionem Spiritus Sancti in cordibus nostris in hiis novissimis temporibus ordinem perditum reparare dignatus est, et hoc in sanctam civitatem, ut ubi olim ecclesia cepit oriri, ibi ordo ecclesie perdictus [for predictus] incipiat reparari. Et quoniam Deo in vobis bene complacuit, nos, qui orationi destinati

27 CT, no. 367, dated 1145. The donation by Count Raymond Berengar dates from 1143, CT, no. 314. Yet contrary to d’Albon’s comment, 1145 may not be wrong, because the 1143 donation may have been become effective only in 1144. 28 CT, p. 1 no. 1, 1119/26, King Balduin of Jerusalem, Fratres Templarii, quos Dominus ad defensio- nem huius provincie excitavit et mirabili quodam modo conservavit, . . . — CT, pp. 11–12 no. 17, 1128, militibus Christi de Templo in terra Iherosolimitana adversum paganos Christi legitime militantibus . . . ; CT, no. 33, 1130, Raymond Berengar, Count of Barcelona and Marquess of Provence, . . . omnipotenti Deo, redemptori meo, et sancte militie Ierosolimitane Templi Salo- monis . . . fratribus ibidem ad defensionem Christianitatis militantibus. 29 The Cistercian Abbot Isaac of l’Étoile near Poitiers (d. 1168) criticized in his Sermo 48, delivered on the Feast of St. John the Baptist, that there was a nova militia more appropriately to be called a novum monstrum, cuius, ut lepide ait quidam, ordo de quinto evangelio est, ut lanceis et fustibus incredulos cogat ad fidem, et eos, qui Christi nomen non habent, licenter exspoliet et religiose tru- cidet; si qui autem de eo in depopulatione talium ceciderint, Christi martyres nuncupent . . . Isaac de l’Étoile, Sermones, vol. 3, ed. Anselm Hoste and Gaetano Raciti, trans. Gaston Salet (Paris, 1987), p. 156; Simonetta Cerrini, La révolution des Templiers (Paris, 2007), pp. 35–40. 30 Eugenius IV, 1145/46, CT, p. 383 no. 13, ad defensionem orientalis ecclesie. 31 CT, nos. 194, 196, 1139/40, Queen Elienor and King Louis VII of France, militibus Templi, qui ad defensionem sancte Christianitatis (contra infideles) sunt constituti. Templar charters 55 sumus, debitum officii nostri pro vobis orando persolventes aliquid super- addere curavimus, ut honorificetur Deus. Compatientes enim necessitatibus vestris, aliquid de temporalibus nostris vobis disposuimus ministrare . . .32

This text is more a sermon than an arenga. The document is extant only as a thirteenth century copy, and it remains an open question why such a long sermon was inserted to justify a single donation. As far as we know, later arenge never repeated this. The twelfth century papal arenge have been studied by Rudolf Hiestand33 and others, among them (1) Omne datum optimum34, (2) Quantam utilitatem35 and (3) Ecclesiasticis utilitatibus36 (Innocent II), (4) Milites Templi37 (Innocent II, Celes- tine II) and (5) Militia Dei38 and (6) Non ignorat39 (Eugenius III, the pupil of Ber- nard of Clairvaux):

(1) ‘Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descen- dens a patre luminum, apud quem non est transmutatio nec vicissitudinis obumbratio’. Provide [for proinde], dilecti in Domino filii, de vobis et pro vobis omnipotentem Dominum collaudamus, quoniam in universo mundo vestra religio et veneranda institutio nuntiatur. Cum enim ‘natura’ essetis ‘filii irę’ et seculi voluptatibus dediti, nunc per aspirantem gratiam evan- gelii non surdi auditores effecti relictis pompis secularibus et rebus propriis, dimissa etiam ‘spatiosa via, que ducit ad’ mortem, arduum iter, ‘quod ducit ad vitam’, humiliter elegistis atque ad comprobandam, quod in Dei militia [specialiter] computemini, signum vivifice crucis in vestro pectore assidue circumfertis. Accedit ad hoc, quod tamquam veri Israelite atque instructis- simi divini prelii bellatores vere caritatis flamma succensi dictum evangelium [for evangelicum] operibus adimpletis, quod [for quo] dicitur: ‘Maiorem hac

32 CT, pp. 23–4 no. 31, 1130/31: We thank God because through his grace he has repaired the order which had been destroyed. As we know God has installed three orders in his church, those who pray, those who defend and those who work. Whilst the other orders were faltering in many ways, the order of those who defend had almost been destroyed. But God the Father and our lord Jesus Christ, God and God’s son, has shown compassion with his church, has infused his Holy Ghost into our hearts and has thought it fit to repair the destroyed order in these last remaining [or most recent?] times. And He has done this in His holy city, so that the above-mentioned order of the church has begun to be restored at the same place where the church itself has come into being. And since God is well pleased with you, we whose duty it is to pray discharge our own office by praying for you and intend to add something in order to honour God. Having mercy with your necessities, we have therefore decided to help you with parts of our worldly possessions . . . 33 PUTJ, 1 and 2. 34 CT, pp. 375–9 no. 5; PUTJ, 1, pp. 204–10 no. 3. 35 CT, p. 379 no. 6; PUTJ, 1, pp. 212–13, 249–50 nos. 6, 51. 36 CT, pp. 380–1 no. 7; PUTJ, 1, p. 93. 37 Celestine II, Lucius II, Eugenius III, CT, p. 381 no. 8, p. 381 no. 9, p. 382 nos. 11–12; PUTJ, 1, pp. 203–4, 213–16 nos. 2, 7–9 et passim. 38 Eugenius III, CT, p. 382 no. 10; PUTJ, 1, pp. 216–17, 237 nos. 10, 31. 39 CT, p. 383 no. 13; PUTJ, 1, pp. 105, 109, 143. 56 Karl Borchardt dilectionem nemo habet, quam ut animam suam ponat quis pro animis [for amicis] suis’. Unde etiam iuxta summi pastoris vocem animas vestras pro fratribus ponere eosque ab incursibus paganorum defensare minime formi- datis et, cum nomine censeamini milites Templi, constituti estis a Domino catholice ecclesie defensores et inimicorum Christi impugnatores. Licet autem vestrum studium et laudanda devotio in tam sacro opere toto corde et tota mente desudet, nichilominus tamen universitatem vestram exortamur in Domino . . .40 (2) Quantam utilitatem milites Templi Ierosolimitani orientali ęccelsie conferant, qualiter relictis propriis semetipsos ad impugnationem inimico- rum Christiani nominis et defensionem fidelium penitus tradiderunt, vobis, prout credimus, nequaquam extat incognitum.41 (3) Ecclesiasticis utilitatibus insudantes ecclesiastica digum est remunera- tione gaudere, ut qui se voluntariis obsequiorum necessitatibus sponte sub- iciunt, digne nostris provisionibus consolentur. Quia igitur, dilecti in Domino filii, divino estis obsequio mancipati et ad defensionem orientalis ecclesie specialiter deputati, paterna vobis sollicitudine volumus providere et ea, quę pro sustentatione vestra concessa sunt, sedis apostolicę munimine roborare.42 (4) Milites Templi Ierosolimitani, novi sub tempore gratię Machabei, abnegantes secularia desideria et propria relinquentes, tollentes crucem suam secuti sunt Chrtistum. Isti [for Ipsi] sunt, per quos Deus orientalem

40 ‘Every good gift and every perfect gift is from above, coming down from the Father of lights with whom there is no variation or shadow due to change’ [James 1.17]. Justly, beloved sons in the Lord, we praise you and for you the omnipotent Lord, since your religion and your admirable institution are made known to all the world. Although by ‘nature’ you would be ‘children of wrath’ [Ephesians 2.3] and given over to worldly pleasures, now the moving grace of the gospel has turned you into listeners who are not deaf. Leaving behind you worldly pomp, personal posses- sions and ‘the broad road leading to’ death, you have humbly chosen the narrow path ‘leading to life’ [Matthew 7.13–4, Proverbs 16.25]. And you persistently carry the sign of the life-giving cross on your breasts in order to prove that you are to be [specially] included among God’s troops. To this it may be added that as true Israelites and well-versed fighters of God’s battles you are ignited by the flame of love, and it is by your works that you follow the Gospel which says: ‘Greater love has no one than this: to lay down one’s life for one’s friends’ [John 15.13]. So according to the words of the supreme shepherd you are in no way afraid to risk your souls for your brothers [cf. 1 John 3.16] and to defend them against the attacks of the pagans. And as you are called knights of the Temple, the Lord has installed you to be defenders of the universal church and fighters against the enemies of Christ. Although with your desire and your praise-worthy devotion you exert your- self with all your heart and mind [cf. Matthew 22.37] in so holy an effort, nevertheless we exhort you all in the Lord . . . 41 How useful the knights of the Jerusalem Temple are for the eastern church and how by relinquish- ing their own properties they devote themselves to fighting the enemies of the Christian name and to defending the faithful you will certainly know very well. 42 Those who devote themselves to the necessities of the church deserve to joyfully receive rewards by the church, and those who at their own will undertake to execute necessary tasks are rightfully consoled by our provisions. As you, loved sons of the Lord, have undertaken to serve God and especially to defend the eastern church, it is with paternal care and with the protection of the apos- tolic see that we provide for you and confirm to you those things necessary for your subsistence. Templar charters 57 ecclesiam a paganorum spurcitia liberat et Christiani nominis inimicos expugnat. Ipsi pro fratribus animas ponere non formidant et peregrinos ad loca sancta profiscientes [for proficiscientes] in eundo et redeundo ab incurs- ibus paganorum defensant. Et quoniam ad tam sanctum et pium opus exp- lendum proprię facultates non suppetunt, fraternitatem vestram presentibus litteris exhortamur . . .43 (5) Militia Dei, que dicitur Templi, quam sit orientali ecclesie commoda, meritis digna, Deo grata, universitatem [for fraternitatem] vestram credimus non latere. Exhortatur igitur nos fraterna charitas, ut, in quantum possumus, ei[s] optata solatia ministremus. Et quoniam religiose vivunt et divinis inter- esse affectuose curant officiis, liberam facultatem eis concedimus . . .44 (6) Non ignorat vestra fraternitas, quod religiosi milites Templi Iherosolim- itani specialiter sunt omnipotentis Dei servitio mancipati et ad defensionem orientalis ecclesie constituti. Unde dignum est, ut ecclesiarum Dei rectores ipsos tamquam ecclesie Dei defensores iuvent et manuteneant et bona eorum a pravorum incursione defendant. Audivimus, quod quidam predones . . .45

The example of the papal chancery was followed by bishops such as Bartho- lomew of Laon (1114–1150) in 1149:

Milites in Templo sacrosancte civitatis summi atque pacifici regis militiam professi, quantum solatium quantamque tutelam indigenis peregrinis pau- peribus et omnibus sepulchrum Domini adhire volentibus prebeant, caritati fidelium non credimus esse ignotum. Expedit igitur, ut tam venerabilis locus cum bonis et personis suis tanto attentius diligatur et honoretur, quanto pro salute universorum devota assidue impendit obsequia. Siquidem ad recompensandam tante bonitatis affluentiam fratribus predicti loci non solum nostra largiri, verum etiam beneficia ceterorum fidelium ipsis collata

43 The knights of the Jerusalem Temple, the new Maccabees in the times of grace, have renounced worldly desires and relinquished their personal properties; they have accepted their cross and fol- low Christ. It is through them that God frees the eastern church from pagan filth and defeats the enemies of the Christian name. They are not afraid to lay down their souls for their brothers [cf. 1 John 3.16], and they defend pilgrims going to and returning from the holy places against pagan assaults. And as their own properties do not suffice to carry out a task that is so holy and pious, we exhort you, brothers, with this letter . . . 44 God’s knighthood, which is called the knighthood of the Temple, is extremely beneficial for the eastern church, meritorious and welcome for God, as you all will know very well. Therefore fraternal love exhorts us to provide them with the help they wish as we can best. And as they live in a religious way and eagerly want to participate in divine service, we concede to them the free power to . . . 45 Your fraternity will certainly know that the religious knights of the Jerusalem Temple are special servants of almighty God and devoted to the defence of the eastern church. So it is appropriate that those who govern God’s churches help them as defenders of God’s church and maintain and defend their possessions against perverse assaults. We have heard that certain robbers . . . 58 Karl Borchardt pro modo nostre possibilitatis conservare et memorię commendare iure debemus . . .46 or Henry of Beauvais (1149–1162)47 in the 1150s:

Milites Templi Iherosolimitani cum districte Deo tum pericolosissime proximo­ serviunt, qui proprii sanguinis vilitate concepta telis se obiciunt paganorum et pro ecclesia defensanda lucem istam contempnere animasque suas ponere non reformidant, implentes eam qua maiorem Dominus esse negat in homini- bus caritatem. Quo ergo sanctius et utilius operantur et ad militandum plura eis necessaria sunt, eo diligentius a fidelibus decet eis stipendia provideri, et super hoc ex officio nostro eos resque eorum tueri debemus et, que ipsis pie ac rationabiliter collata fuerint a nobis vel ab aliis, ut fixa et inconculsa rataque eis permaneant satagere.48

Returning from the Second Crusade, in 1149 the French king Louis VII justified a grant to the Templars, the milites Christi, as being an elemosina to the pauperes Christi:

Liberalis munificentia regum recte attendit suę dignitatis officium, quando ad amplianda eorum bona principalem curam impendit, quos pro defensione fidei Christianę principalius laborare cognoscit. Quod nos profecto speciali devotione erga religiosos fratres milites Templi tanto benignius attendendum decernimus, quanto ex ipsa rerum exhibitione in partibus Iherosolimorum virtutem eorum atque religionem orientali ecclesię specialius utilem ac nec- essariam esse cognovimus atque in propriis etiam necessitatibus in nego- tio Domini certiori indicio sumus experti. Tali nimirum consideratione ad

46 CT, pp. 340–4 no. 555: The knights in the Temple of the most holy city, who have professed the knighthood of the supreme and peaceful king, supply great relief and protection for the natives, the foreigners, the poor and for all visitors of the Holy Sepulchre, as the loving faithful will certainly know. It is fitting therefore that this so venerable place shall be held dear and honoured with pos- sessions and people with even closer attention as it provides more and more assiduous services for the well-being of all these people. So we have to compensate the brothers of this place for their abundant generosity not only with our own favours but we have to try and protect as much as we can and to commemorate also the favours granted to them by other faithful people, . . . 47 Henry was a son of King Louis VI and a younger brother of King Louis VII of France. He became a monk at Clairvaux in about 1145 and died as archbishop of Reims in 1175. 48 CT, pp. 351–2 no. 568: The knights of the Jerusalem Temple serve God strictly and their neigh- bours in a very dangerous way. Perceiving the worthlessness of their own blood, they expose themselves to the missiles of the pagans. For defending the church they do not fear to disdain the light and to lay down their souls, and they take up the greatest love that God has provided among human beings. The holier and the more useful they work and the more things are necessary for their fighting, the greater is the care with which the faithful should support them with incomes. In this respect it is our duty to protect both them and their possessions and what has been given to them in a pious and just way both by us and by others, with the intention that these things remain fixed and undisturbed and valid for them. Templar charters 59 augmentandas eorum facultates, quibus et pauperes et peregrinos affluenti cottidię caritate sustentare non desinunt, regalis munificentię manum cum nostrę caritatis helemosina devota benignitate sibi porrigendam decrevimus et de iuris nostri proprietate donavimus eis atque concessimus . . .49

This is an example of the by far best and most frequently used argument used to justify donations to the Templars, that is offering protection for poor Christians:

Quamquam Christiane religionis multa sint studia, quibus eterna promerere posse creditur vita, precipuum tamen est pietatis officium, quod ad eiusdem vite potest perducere questum, militibus Christi prebere solatium, quod non solum procurationi pauperum, verum etiam protectioni proderit Christia­ norum. Dicente autem evangelio, ‘quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, michi fecistis’, ipse sibi procul dubio debitorem eterne remunerationis Christi con- stituit, qui minimis eius solatia necessitatis pie impertit.50

It had the additional advantage of being similar to Hospitaller propaganda that stressed caring for the poor and sick in the Jerusalem hospital. d) Another means for self-promotion could be the seals. In the East the military- religious orders had both leaden bulls and wax seals. The leaden bull of the Tem- plars51 showed on the obverse a galloping horse with two knights on it, and on the reverse a building with a dome. According to a famous example from the Lives of the Early Fathers52 as explained among others by Jacques de Vitry in his

49 CT, pp. 347–8 no. 561: The kings’ liberal munificence correctly respects the obligations of its office when striving primarily to increase the possessions of those people who are known to fight primarily for defending the Christian faith. As we understand it, this has to be considered with spe- cial devotion to the religious brothers and knights of the Temple as we have ourselves seen their virtue and their religion exhibited in the lands of Jerusalem, which is very useful and necessary in the eastern church, and as we have ourselves experienced for certain in our own necessities during the business of the Lord. This is the consideration which makes us augment their resources, with which they continuously support both the poor and the pilgrims with affluent love each day. So we decided that the hand of our royal munificence should help them with devout generosity and with alms of our love. We have donated and conceded to them from our own property . . . 50 1145: CT, pp. 232–3 no. 363, issued by the archbishop of Braga with consent by King Alfonso of Portugal: Although there are many efforts in the Christian religion with which it is believed to be possible to gain eternal life, the major obligation of piety leading towards the acquisition of eternal life is to support the knights of Christ, as this not only helps the poor but also protects the Christians. As the Gospel says: ‘whatever you did for one of the least of these of mine, you did for me’ [Matthew 25.40], it is doubtless those who in a pious way support the necessities of the least of Him to whom Christ will repay the eternal remuneration. 51 Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri. Untersuchun- gen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19–1314 (Göttingen, 1974), pp. 415–7 Abb. 1ab. Sigillographie de l’Orient latin, commencée par Gustave Schlumberger, continuée par Ferdinand Chalandon, annotée et publiée par Adrien Blanchet (Paris, 1877–1943). 52 Vitae Patrum 3.38, 7.36 = PL 73, cols. 763–4, 1054, referring to Arsenios. 60 Karl Borchardt Sermones53 and by the Franciscan Gilbert of Tournai in his Collectio de scandalis eccle- sie of 1274, the two men on one horse referred to the proverb ‘Duo enim superbi in una sella equitare non possunt, quia uterque vult sedere ante et neuter retro’ and thus highlighted humility.54 According to Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, the build- ing on the reverse was clearly the Templum Domini or Dome of the Rock, and not the actual headquarters of the Templars, the adjacent Templum Salomonis.55 Helen Nicholson, however, has cast doubts on this assertion, arguing that the dome on the reverse resembles more closely the dome of the Holy Sepulchre which the Templars might have used as an abbreviation for Jerusalem in general and/or as a reference to their origins as a militia for protecting pilgrims financed through donations to the Holy Sepulchre.56 The reverse side of the royal seals showed both the Holy Sepulchre and the Dome of the Rock. Here the cupola was covered with a round opening in the first case and with a cross in the second case.57 On the Templar seal the cupola was covered with a small globe. So the question cannot be solved. At any rate, the inscription simply said † SIGILLVM MILITVM / CHRISTI DE TEMPLO. Both images could be used separately with wax, the two knights being called the usual seal and the building being called the seal of the tuba (from Arabic qubba) of Christ. The inscriptions were † SIGILLVM MILITVM TEMPLI SALOMONIS and † SIGILLVM TVBE TEMPLI CHRISTI respectively. The leaden bull of the Hospitallers showed on the obverse the master kneeling in front of a patriarchal cross, on either side of which were the letters alpha and omega, and on the reverse a body lying first on a mattress, later on a bier. According to a thirteenth century source quoted by Jonathan Riley-Smith the body referred to a dead man and symbolized the end awaiting all human beings.58 But this is really not consistent with the script which on the obverse names the master, SIGILLVM

53 Die Exempla aus den Sermones feriales et communes des Jakob von Vitry, ed. Joseph Greven (Heidelberg, 1914), pp. 14–15 no. 14. 54 ‘Collectio de scandalis ecclesie, nova editio’, ed. Autbertus Stroick, Archivum Franciscanum his- toricum, 24 (1931), pp. 33–62, here p. 57. 55 Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus (as note 51), p. 370; Ludwig Heinrich Heydenreich, ‘Ein Jerusalem- Plan aus der Zeit der Kreuzfahrer’, in Miscellanea pro arte. Hermann Schnitzler zur Vollendung seines 60. Lebensjahres am 13. Januar 1965 (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 83–90 with fig. LXIIss: Two twelfth century manuscripts with plans of Jerusalem show no dome for the Templum Salomonis and the Salomonis claustrum (Brussels) nor for the domus mil(itie or -itum) Templi and the stabula Salomonis (Cambrai). 56 Helen Nicholson, Love, War and the Grail (Leiden, 2001), p. 39 note 11. 57 Hans Eberhard Mayer and Claudia Sole, Die Siegel der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem (Wies- baden, 2014), p. 61, 125, 174 and figs. 4b to 81b. 58 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Atlas of the Crusades (London, 1990), p. 52; idem, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c.1050–1310 (London, 1967), pp. 277, 278–9, 295; idem, The Knights Hospitaller in the Levant, c.1070–1309 (Basingstroke, 2012), pp. 127–8 and pp. 272–3 note 15; Edwin J. King, The Seals of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem (London, 1932); Zsolt Hunyadi, ‘Hospitaller seals in the Hungarian-Slavonian Priory up to c.1400’, in Selbstbild und Selbstverständnis der geistlichen Ritterorden, ed. Roman Czaja and Jürgen Sarnowsky (Toruń, 2005), pp. 199–212. Templar charters 61 MAGISTRI so-and-so, and continues on the reverse HOSPITALIS IHERVSALEM, referring to the hospital at the headquarters of the order. For dating seals, any cartulary should distinguish between seals mentioned and seals extant. As far as we know, the Templar bull is first mentioned but not extant on a charter dated 1148 or 1149 where it is called sigillum militum, qui de Templo nuncupantur.59 It is first preserved in the Staatsarchiv at Amberg in Bavaria, on a parchment issued by the master Fr. Bertrand de Blanchefort in 1167.60 The master confirmed thatfrater Bonefatius, Lombardie preceptor, had sold lands in Bavaria to Count Palatine Otto of Wittelsbach which the Templars had been donated and did not want to keep, apparently because Bavaria was too remote from all other Templar possessions in the West.61 Most Templar seals we so far know use religious or heraldic symbols. Usu- ally houses referred to their patron saint and officers to their family coat-of-arms. Examples are Fr. Bertram von Esbecke, master in Germany, with an eagle, here in 1296, Fr. Otto of Brunswick, brother to the reigning duke of Brunswick, with the lion of the Welf family, here in 1308.62 But there were exceptions. The house at Čejkovice in southern Moravia, a late and noble foundation, had a coat-of- arms with a cross, whereas its founder, Fr. Ecko, commander of Čejkovice and Uhříněves, used his family coat-of-arms to which he added the Templar cross after he had been appointed regional commander for Bohemia, Moravia and Aus- tria.63 In the 1270s and 1280s two Templar masters in Germany, Fr. Wedekind and Fr. Friedrich Wildgraf, used Christ’s head wearing a crown of thorns, without a nimbus but accompanied by two stars left and right. The text said † SIGILLVM MAGISTRI TEMPLI TEVTONICI or IN THEVTONIA.64 Other such examples are

59 CT, no. 512. 60 1167 April 27, V feria luna V, Thursday, the 5th day after the last new moon, anno IIII Amalrici regis (crowned and anointed 1163 February 18), Amberg, Staatsarchiv, Kloster Waldsassen U 7/1: Joe Labonde, Die Templer in Deutschland (Heimbach, 2010) pp. 223–4 no. 1; Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus (as note 45), pp. 74, 370; Wilhelm Heinrich Grauert, ‘Eine Tempelherrenurkunde von 1167’, Archivalische Zeitschrift, 3 (1878), pp. 294–309; Karl-Heinz Mistele, ‘Zur Geschichte des Templerordens in Süddeutschland’, Mitteilungen für die Archivpflege in Bayern, Sonderheft, 5 (1967), pp.18–24, here p. 20 Abb. 5–6; Helen Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A New History (Stroud, 2001), pp. 114–6 figs. 4a–b. 61 Together with Welf VI, Otto and his brother Friedrich von Wittelsbach were present in the Holy Land in 1167: Reinhold Röhricht, Die Deutschen im Heiligen Lande (Innsbruck, 1894), pp. 42–3; Elena Bellomo, The Templar Order in North-West Italy 1142–c.1330 (Leiden, 2008), pp. 34, 91, 363. 62 Nicholson, The Knights Templar (as note 60) p. 108 figs. 3a and b. 63 Karl Borchardt and Libor Jan, Die geistlichen Ritterorden in Mitteleuropa. Mittelalter (Brno, 2011), Plate viii no. 1, Plate ix nos. 5–6. 64 Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus (as note 51), pp. 372–4 and figs. 2a–2c, from Wolfenbüttel, ­Nie dersächsisches Staatsarchiv, Ehemaliges Ludgeri-Kloster, Helmstedt, 12 Urkunde 61, and ehema- liges Kloster Marienthal, 22 Urkunde 157, and München, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Kloster Steingaden Urkunde 130 (a confirmation of the 1167/68 sale). Fr. Wedekind’s seal at Nichol- son, The Knights Templar (as note 60), p. 119 fig. 4c. Fr. Friedrich’s seal is also mentioned at Klein-Oels in Silesia in 1288: Schlesisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 5: 1282–90, ed. Winfried Irgang 62 Karl Borchardt not known, and any link with Bahomet’s head during the Templar trial remains pure speculation. Interestingly, the Hospitallers sometimes used the cut-off head of St. John the Baptist on a dish,65 and this might look closely similar. In Germany the Templars were much less popular than the Hospitallers and may have imitated their competitors deliberately. Compared with the huge number of Templar charters Templar seals are rela- tively rare. Most countries and regions of Latin Christianity would not regularly use seals to authenticate charters but would rely on the signa or subscriptions of people present at the legal act or on notaries public. Seals would only be used by high-ranking ecclesiastical and lay authorities. So it may not be surprising that Templar seals are seldom mentioned and even more rarely extant. Among the more than 1000 documents edited by Rodrigue Tréton for the Templar house of Masdéu in Roussillon there is just one charter of 1205 which once had a Templar seal.66 e) Finally, charters are indispensable for understanding the development and administration of Templar possessions in the West and comparing this with other military-religious orders. A glance at d’Albon’s cartulaire leads towards the impression that Western possessions were at first administered not by individual officers but by groups of three, four, five or more seniores, senior brethren.67 The domus and the various regional or local magistri,68 dispensatores,69 procuratores,70 baiuli,71 preceptores72 or commendatores73 came later in the twelfth century. When receiving donations such brethren could be ranked according to seniority and not

(Köln, 1993), pp. 301–2 no. 387. The accompanying stars are no longer clearly visible today but are described by Christoph Schmidt-Phiseldeck, Hermäa (Leipzig, 1786), pp. 1ss. as having six points. 65 Borchardt and Jan (as note 63), Plate ix nos. 3–4. Also the hospitaller prior of England Fr. Hugo de Alneto, 1216–1221, the head of St. John the Baptist surrounded with a wreath of several small balls, to the left a star, to the right a halfmoon: King, Seals (as note 58), pp. 97–8 fig. XVII/5; Giacomo Carlo Bascapè, ‘I sigilli degli ordini militari ed ospedalieri’, in Studi storici in onore di Francesco Loddo Canepa (Firenze, 1959), vol. 2, pp. 84–5 fig.V/12. 66 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 1, p. 290; vol. 2, pp. 704–7 no. 194. Poncius de Rigaldo, magister militie Templi, sealed an arbitration between the Templar house at Masdéu and the Cistercian abbey of Fontfroide. The charter is known only from a late thirteenth- or early fourteenth-century copy. 67 CT, no. 404, 1146, vobis Grison et omnibus senioribus Templi Domini. CT, no. 415, 1146, vobis dompno Petro de Robera magistro et dompno Raymundo de Castro Novo et omnes alios seniores [for omnibus aliis senioribus?] militie Templi. See already Christian Vogel, Das Recht der Templer (Berlin, 2007), p. 293. 68 CT, no. 314, 1143, in manu dompni Ebardi magistri Gallię et in manu venerabilis Petri de Roveria magistri Provincie et cuiusdam partis Ispanie et in manu of five further fratres. — CT, no. 589, Paris 1150 May 14, a chapter held by the magister Evrardus. 69 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, nos. 67–8, 99. 70 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, nos. 53, 79, 80, 82–3, 85, 88, 94, 99, 178, 179, 215, 227 and so on from 1154, 1170, 1172, 1174, 1175, 1199, 1208, 1210 and so on. 71 CT, nos. 593 and 596, a baiulus at Richerenches in 1150, with more than ten fratres. Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, no. 178. 72 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, nos. 101, 105, 106, 115 from 1176, 1180, 1182 and so on. 73 Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, no. 69, no. 178 of 1199. Templar charters 63 according to office. For example, in 1146 a charter named five Templars, first Petrus de Rovera magister Provincie, then three fratres, and only after them frater Oliverus magister Yspanie.74 These examples of what charters may tell us about the Templars in general are necessarily incomplete. Charters might also serve as an excellent means to study regional networks provided that it is possible to identify the people mentioned there in other contexts. A lot of work can still be done, and in my view should be done, on Templar charters. Some people may think, and rightly so, that editing and studying charters is tedious and unproductive. Yet charters do not only pro- vide us with minute detail on local houses. Together with the sermons the many charters permit us to find out how the Templars were seen by their contemporar- ies and how they presented themselves vis-à-vis their competitors. The purpose of this paper has been simply to collect some arguments as to why research on charters and related documentary texts is highly desirable if not indispensable for any real progress in Templar studies.75

74 CT, no. 390. The master of Provence Petrus de Roveria often acted together with his carnal brother Berengarius who was also a Templar frater. CT, no. 429, 1146/47, vobis Petro de Roveria et Berengario de Roveria ceterisque confratribus vestris aliis omnibus in ipsa militia Deo servienti- bus; CT, no. 563, 1149, in potestate Petri de Ruira et Berengarii fratris eius et in manu Arnaldi de Sancto Cipriano ministri ipsius honoris. Petrus is mentioned from CT, no. 127, 1136, not yet as a Templar, to CT, no. 597, 1150, Berengarius from CT, no. 115, 1136, not yet as a Templar, to CT, no. 594, 1150, vobis Berengario de Rueria ministro ymmo et servo militie Templi. 75 Existing editions are not always free of mistakes: Tréton (as note 8), vol. 2, no. 51 Deo et militia; ibid., vol. 2, no. 99 dispensator domui; CT, nos. 579 and 581: magistri for correctly magistro. Michael J. Peixoto Copies and cartularies

5 Copies and cartularies: modernizing Templar documents in mid-thirteenth- century Champagne

Michael J. Peixoto

From their earliest foundations, the military orders attracted pious donations from their supporters among the lay nobility. These endowments enabled houses of the military orders in Western Europe to develop in ways that were similar to other regular religious institutions. Most Templar commanderies could not boast the patrimony of the venerable Benedictine houses or the foundation charters of the important monastic centers, such as Cluny. However, they remained equally dependent on interpersonal ties with networks of supporters to grow and con- solidate the wealth of their communities.1 Like their monastic counterparts, they lived by a rule, were governed by the regulations on religious institutions, and prospered, in part, through the exchange of spiritual benefits for property.2 Unlike their monastic counterparts, property given in donation to the military orders was

1 For the most comprehensive overview of the subject of Templar networks of support see Damien Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312). Ordres militaires, croi­ sades et sociétés méridionales (Lyon, 2005); Jochen Georg Schenk, Templar Families: Landowning Families and the Order of the Temple in France, c. 1120–1307 (Cambridge, 2012). 2 The status of Templars vis-à-vis their monastic counterparts has received considerable scholar- ship in recent years. On the religious life of Templars and the question of institutional exemptions see Luis García-Guijarro Ramos, ‘Exemption in the Temple, the Hospital and the Teutonic Order: Shortcomings of the Institutional Approach’, in MO 2, pp. 289–93; Dominic Selwood, Knights of the Cloister: Templars and Hospitallers in Central-Southern Occitania 1100–1300 (Woodbridge, 1999); William Chester Jordan, Unceasing Strife, Unending Fear: Jacques de Thérines and the Freedom of the Church in the Age of the Last Capetians (Princeton, 2005), esp. pp. 25–9; Tom License, ‘The Military Orders as Monastic Orders’ Crusades 5 (2006), pp. 39–54; Damien Carraz, ‘Églises et cimetières des ordres militaires. Conlits, contrôle des lieux sacrés et dominium ecclé- siastique en Provence (XIIe–XIIIe siècle)’, in Lieux sacrés et espace ecclésial (IXe–XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 46 (Toulouse, 2011), pp. 277–312. The restrictions on fiefs held by Templars in the county of Champagne may indicate that the counts viewed the administration of Templar property akin to other religious institutions. Theodore Evergates, The Aristocracy in the County of Champagne, 1100–1300 (Philadelphia, 2007), p. 77. There is extensive scholarship on the exchange of spiritual benefits for property within a more general monastic context. See especially Penel- ope D. Johnson, Prayer, Patronage, and Power: The Abbey of la Trinité, Vendôme, 1032–1187 (New York, 1981); Stephen White, Custom, Kinship, and Gifts to Saints: The laudatio parentum in Western France, 1050–1150 (Chapel Hill, 1988); Barbara Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny’s Property, 909–1049 (Ithaca, 1989); Constance B. Bouchard, Holy Entrepreneurs: Cistercians, Knights, and Economic Exchange in Twelfth-Century Burgundy Copies and cartularies 65 seldom intended for the maintenance or well being of the local community of Templars. Rather, most endowments made to the military orders were, at least partially, intended to aid in the distant goals of the frontiers of crusading.3 A char- ter from 1132 marking one of the earliest donations to the Templars begins with a declaration that:

The knights of the Temple of the most holy city of Jerusalem, having declared a knighthood of the most high and peaceful king, willingly provide so much solace and so much protection to the needy, pilgrims, poor, and all going to the sepulcher of the Lord; we do not believe [them] to be unknown by the charity of the faithful. Therefore in order that a place so venerable may be set free, he regularly devotes his goods and persons as much carefully selected and as they are honored, for the salvation of all the faithful.4

This charter provides some of the earliest documentation for the foundation of a residence of Templars outside of the crusader states. As in its preamble, from the time of the earliest foundations of Templar houses, patrons and Templars alike seemed to have conflated the material needs of the Holy Land with the functional necessities of European religious establishment. In the case of the Templars, donations made initially to the organization as a whole and later to specific houses were still, at least partially, intended to aid in the defense of the Holy Land.5 The orientation of gifts, and the subsequent redirection of their use, was centrally important for the sustainability of Templar houses. The charters of these gifts, as written communications of both the economic value of the pious donation and its social meaning, provided through their preservation in archives and adaptation in other documentary forms the necessary tools for the reorientation of the benefits of gifted property.

(Ithaca, 1991); Gadi Algazi, Valentin Groebner and Berhard Jussen, eds., Negotiating the Gift: Pre- Modern Figurations of Exchange (Göttingen, 2003). 3 Malcolm Barber, ‘Supplying the Crusader States: the Role of the Templars’, in The Horns of Hattïn: Proceedings of the Second Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Jerusalem and Haifa, 2–6 July, 1987, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 314– 26; Michael J. Peixoto, ‘Ghost Commandery: Shaping Local Templar Identity in the Cartulary of Provins’, Proceedings of the Western Society for French History 36 (2009), pp. 7–20; Alan Forey, ‘Royal and Papal Interference in the Dispatch of Supplies to the East by the Military Orders in the Later Thirteenth Century’, in MO 5, pp. 95–102. For a comparable case of Hospitaller property given to support the Holy Land see Judith Bronstein, The Hospitallers and the Holy Land: Financ- ing the Latin East, 1187–1274 (Woodbridge, 2005). 4 Châlons-en-Champagne, Archives départementales de la Marne, 56 H 6, no.1: Milites Templi sancte civitatis Jerusalem summi atque pacifici regis milicia professi quantum solatium quantamque tute- lam indigenis, peregrinis, pauperibus et omnibus sepulcrum Domine ad ire volentibus prebeant, caritati fidelium non credimus esse incognitum. Expedit igitur ut tam venerabilis locus cum bonis et personis suis tanto attencius diligatur et honoretur quanto pro salute universorum devota assidue impendit. 5 On the language used in charters to depict Templar recipients see Peixoto, ‘Ghost Commandery’, as note 3, pp. 13–8. 66 Michael J. Peixoto In Champagne, where more than 1,000 charters survive from more than two dozen Templar establishments, the organization of archival material points to a culture of documentary practices that suggest Templars thought about the chal- lenges presented by their crusade-centered mission, and found solutions through the manipulation of their documents.6 In particular, the re-creation of landed records into new media allowed Templars to modernize their written records and, in the process, exercise greater organizational control over their property assets. In this context, the term ‘modernize’ describes both a social approach to the tem- porality of legal and administrative texts and to the physical alteration of their function. By altering the forms of older documents, new users could reactivate them for their present purposes. As Brigitte Bedos-Rezak has noted:

‘[B]y eschewing precise replication while making “copies”, medieval scribes and their literate superiors demonstrated that their goal was less to reproduce artifacts of the acts themselves than to maintain a process of textualization which would assure these acts’ ongoing canonization as discursive practices.7

In other words, through the creation of new documents from old ones, the texts of those documents, though often unchanged, became relevant to their current users rather than being mere antiques, relics of the past that ‘lack of consequence for the present’.8 The practice of modernizing documents was certainly not unique to the Templars; however, it may have provided them an opportunity to maxi- mize the productivity of their donations in Western Europe, especially those ini- tially given to help the Holy Land. In the case of the Templars, this process of documentary upkeep was accomplished without a uniform, institutional approach to document production. Alan Forey has demonstrated that while some Templar houses produced inquests, cartularies, or written correspondence, the degree to which individual Templars engaged with the written word varied widely and most

6 For an overview of the archival resources for the Templars in Champagne see Robert Fossier, ‘Les Hospitaliers et les Templiers au nord de la Seine et en Bourgogne (XIIe–XIVe siècles)’, Flaran, 6 (1984), pp. 13–6; Jean-Marc Roger, Le Prieuré de Champagne des Chevaliers de Rhodes, 1317– 1522 (Thèse, Université Paris IV–Sorbonne, École Doctorale, 2001); idem, ‘Les différents types de commanderies du prieuré de Champagne au XVe siècle’ in La commanderie: institution des ordres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval, eds. Anthony Luttrell and Léon Pressouyre (Paris, 2001), pp. 29–56; Michael J. Peixoto, ‘Templar Communities in Medieval Champagne: Local Perspec- tives on a Global Organization’ (PhD, New York University, 2013), pp. 37–126. 7 Brigitte Bedos-Rezak, ‘Towards an Archaeology of the Medieval Charter: Textual Production and Reproduction in Northern French Chartriers‘, in Charters, Cartularies, and Archives: The Pres- ervation and Transmission of Documents in the Medieval West, ed. Adam J. Kosto and Anders Winroth (Toronto, 2002), pp. 43–60, at 60. See also Michel Parisse, ‘Les cartulaires: copies ou sources originales?’ in Les cartulaires: Actes de la Table ronde, organisée par l’Ecole nationale des chartes et le G.D.R. 121 du C.N.R.S. (Paris, 5–7 décembre 1991), ed. Olivier Guyotjeannin, Laurent Morelle and Michel Parisse (Paris, 1993), pp. 503–12. 8 David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country (Cambridge, 1985), p. 406. Copies and cartularies 67 commanderies did not even have a scriptorium.9 In the region of Champagne, non- Templar authorities, often bishops, deans, or official representatives of the count issued most Templar charters. Several documents from the Cartulary of Provins offer vivid examples of Tem- plar approaches to the maintenance of written records.10 In these cases, which involve the two Templar houses in Provins as well as the houses of Troyes and Coulours, the Templars seem to have been actively reading, moving, confirm- ing, and rewriting older charters. The first example, an acta reportedly from 1133, depicts the donations by Letheric of Baudement and Andrew, the seneschal of Champagne.11 The copy of a charter for this gift appears in the Cartulary of Provins, and was likely added to the cartulary around 1216.12 The charter relates that Letheric of Baudement gave to God and the Knights of the Temple whatever he had in Baudement and between Baudement and Chantemerle from the fief that he held from Andrew.13 The charter then reports that the gift was approved and conceded by Leo and Eustace, Letheric’s sons before continuing to name several witnesses. Following the list of witnesses, the charter records that Andrew then also made a gift of his own, adding to the gift the serfs that he had control over in Baudement, more fields (agris cultis et incultis), ponds, meadows, bridges, all the revenues from the whole lordship (redditus tocius castri), and a named household servant for the souls of himself, his ancestors, and most of all, for his son, Wil- liam, who ‘was at that time a knight of the Temple of Solomon’.14 All of this was

9 Alan Forey, ‘Literacy and Learning in the Military Orders during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Cen- turies’, in MO 2, pp. 185–206, esp. p. 198. For the structure of Templar commanderies more generally see Anthony Luttrell and Léon Pressouyre, eds, La commanderie: institution des ordres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval. Mémoires de la section d’archéologie et d’histoire d’art, vol. 14 (Paris, 2002). 10 The Cartulary of Provins is preserved in Paris, Archives nationales de France (hereafter AN), S 5162 B. It has been published in an early twentieth-century edition, Victor Carrière, ed., Histoire et cartulaire des Templiers de Provins avec une introduction sur les débuts du Temple en France (Paris, 1919). 11 Carrière, Histoire et cartulaire (as note 10), no. 81. 12 I have argued elsewhere that the cartulary was produced in two distinct phases, initially as two separate books. The first of these cartulary books was likely completed in 1216 (Peixoto, ‘Ghost Commandery’, as note 3, p. 12). I believe this date should be revised to 1216. While most of the documents of the first part of the cartulary were in place by 1212, there is a possibility new docu- ments were added as late as 1216. 13 Carrière, Histoire et cartulaire, no. 81: Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam futuris quam presenti- bus quod dominus Lethericus de Baudimento dei amore et pro anime sue salute et pro animabus suorum antecessorum omnium deo et militibus templi dedit quicquid habebat apud baldimentum et quicquid habebat a cantumerula usque ad baldimentum de feodo domini andree senecalei, dedit etiam quandam mulierem quam habebat apud Alnetum villam, hoc donum laudavit et concessit Leonius filius eius et Eustachius alter filius. 14 Ibid.: Postea uero ipse Andreas pro anima sua et pro animabus omnium antecessorum suorum et maxime pro filio suo nomine Wittero qui miles dei Templi qui Salomonis tunc fuerat eisdem militibus dedit quicquid in domino apud baldimentum habebat in servis et in ancillis dedit etiam quicquid habebat in agris cultis et incultis in aquis et in pratis et in pontibus, videlicet redditus pontium dedit et redditus tocius castri. 68 Michael J. Peixoto praised by Count Thibaud of Champagne, Andrew’s other son and his wife, the count of Brienne, and a host of other witnesses including, most notably, members of the household of the count of Champagne. Letheric’s gift is one of the largest and earliest endowments in the cartulary, and as far as twelfth-century Templar charters go, is relatively straightforward and unremarkable. The Templars elsewhere in the county of Champagne received similarly large endowments that were often recorded in charters containing multi- ple donors and acts. These donations frequently involved networks of aristocrats who were tied to one another through bonds of obligation such as the lord and vassal relationship between Letheric and Andrew.15 The narrative of Letheric’s gift becomes more complicated when compared with the only extant charter of the same gift from the archives of the commandery of Coulours.16 This charter, dated to 1133, reveals a history of augmentation to both the gift and its future documentation. When compared, the cartulary’s version of the charter preserves much of the text and the names of witnesses from the original record, but it also contains significant additional texts. First, it doubles the prayer given in the invo- catio of the charter, combining the original prayer with an added new prayer, more common in later charters: In nomine patris et filii et sancti spiritus from the 1133 charter is added to in the cartulary, which reads In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis. In nomine patris et filii et sancti spiritus amen.17 More than an awkward opening, the double prayer highlights the changes made to the charter. Second, the cartulary adds several minor details, for example, clarifying Eustace as Letheric’s other son, alter filius, instead of just filius as in the charter. It updates the spelling of Baudement, and it adjusts the word order of the phrase, ‘for the souls of all my ancestors’.18 Third, the cartulary adds in the additional gift from Andrew the Sen-

15 For example, large numbers of twelfth-century Templar charters from the region of Champagne appear in printed editions. See Henry d’Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire des comtes de Champagne, 6 vols. (Paris, 1859–1866); Édouard de Barthélemy, ed., ‘Recueil des chartes de la commanderie du Temple de la Neuville-les-Cha^lons’, in Diocèse ancien de Cha^lons-sur-Marne, histoire et monuments (Chaumont, 1861); André le marquis d’Albon, ed., Cartulaire général de l’Ordre du Temple. 1119?–1150: Recueil des chartes et des bulles relative a` l’Ordre du Temple (Paris, 1913). 16 AN, S 4968, no. 13. 17 Ibid.; Carrière, Histoire et cartulaire (as note 10), no. 81. 18 AN, S 4968, no. 13: In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen. Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam futuris quam presentibus quod dominus Lethericus de Baldimento dei amore et pro anime sue salute et pro animabus omnium antecessorum suorum deo et militibus Templi dedit quidquid habebat apud Baldimentum, et quidquid habebat a Canteumerala usque ad Baldimentum de feodo domini Andree senescalei. Dedit etiam quandam mulierem quam habebat apud Alnetum villam. Hoc donum laudavit et concessit Leonius filius euis et Eustachius filius eius. Hoc donum iterum laudavit domius Andreas a quo tenebat. Et quando dominus Letericus Willelmo Falconi hoc donum concessit a militibus Templi centum libras habuit et villam unam scilicet Dolgalt, que erat de elemosina domini Andree. Pactum que fuit quod Eustachius filius Letherici illam vil- lam haberet. Et si moreretur sine legitimo herede terra ad milites Templi reverteretur. Testes sunt huius rei ex parte militum Willelmus Falco qui helemosinas militum Templi extra mare in custodia habebat. Willelmus de Baldimento, Johannes Rufus, Robertus Dorivol, Marcus et Philipus de Plairro. Ex parte Letherici testes sunt, Hecclinus de Cantarana, Witterus de Baldimento, Gonterus Copies and cartularies 69 eschal along with many of the details of the gift. The gift itself, the reason for the gift, that Andrew’s son was a Templar, the connection to the count of Champagne, and some of the finer details, such as that Dreux of Pierrefonds supplied a knife that symbolized the property (Drogo de Petrafonte qui cultrum dedit per quem donum factum fuit), are all absent from the original charter of 1133. Finally, the cartulary version alters the list of witnesses. It removes the names of the speci- fied Templar witnesses, William Falco, whose title is given as the almoner of the knights of the Temple over the sea,19 and William of Baudement, no doubt Leth- eric’s Templar son who also witnesses a gift to the Templars in Coulours in 1143.20 The cartulary record then adds in the names of additional witnesses including the household of the count of Champagne. Like William, many of these added wit- nesses also appear in a pancarte – a single charter typically issued by a bishop or other authority figure that recorded multiple acts by various parties that may or may not have predated the document’s creation – from 1143 that relates many donations to the Templars involving lands near Baudement and Chantemerle.21 Many of the changes that were made to the charter at the time when it was copied into the cartulary are minor. They represent pieces of incidental infor- mation, slight updates or changes in conventions, and involvement of additional people naturally over time rather than a complete overhaul of the gift or, con- versely, scribal error in the creation of the cartulary. Importantly, however, in part because of the inconsequential nature of so many of the changes, they pro- vide evidence that the Templars who possessed the charter of Letheric’s gift were actively involved in reading and thinking about the text of the charter, not just its memorial quality or the real values of the land that it represented. Furthermore, the discrepancies between the two texts suggest that the cartulary version was not copied from the original charter. Details such as the knife that symbolized the gift or the status of Andrew’s son as a member of the Templars are far too esoteric to have been invented 83 years after the initial gift when the cartulary was com- piled. In this case, the original charter remained in the archives of the Templar house of Coulours while other relevant records were moved to the archives of

et Unnanus de Virtutibus, Hecclinus de Anglaura. Facta sunt hec anno ab incarnatione domini millesimo centesimo XXX III, Ludovico rege regnante. Atone Trecis episcopante. Teobaldo comite superstite. 19 On the office of the almoner in the twelfth century see: Alan J. Forey, ‘The Charitable Activities of the Templars’, Viator, 34 (2003), pp. 109–41, at p. 111; Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of the Hospitallers and Templars: History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1120–1310) (Leiden, 2008), p. 56. 20 AN, S 4968A, no. 11. 21 AN, S 4968A, no. 11. On the use of pancartes in twelfth-century northern France see Michel Parisse, ‘Ecriture et réécriture des chartes: les pancartes aux XIe et XIIe siècles’, in Practiques de l’écrit documentaire au XIe siècle, ed. Olivier Guyotjeannin, Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, 155:1 (1997), pp. 247–66; idem, ‘Les pancartes: Etude d’un type d’acte diplomatique’, in Pan- cartes monastiques des XIe et XIIe siècles, ed. Michel Parisse, Pierre Pégeot and Benoît-Michel Tock (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 11–62. 70 Michael J. Peixoto more appropriate houses after their foundation, in this case the commandery of Provins.22 The cartulary version points to the likely existence of a tertiary record that is no longer extant; a copy of the Coulours charter that confirmed the original gift while, perhaps in a later ceremony with the count of Champagne and his reti- nue, augmented the donation. Whatever happened to this hypothetical lost charter, its shadow may now reveal certain information about Templar archival practices in Champagne, where the Templars seem to have been highly adept at adjusting written privileges to conform to local conventions. The copying of charters into new pseudo-pancarte charters may have been standard practice among the Templar houses in southwest Champagne during the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. As a documentary form that was by its very nature retrospective – pancartes were often used to confirm the memory of an older exchange where the legitimacy of the act rested in the authority of the con- firming bishop, not the initial donor – pancartes may have been particularly use- ful for repackaging older records in new forms.23 Another entry from the cartulary of Provins depicts exactly this kind of combined charter. The entry, reportedly from 1164, copies an earlier gift in which Count Henry of Champagne confirmed his father’s perpetual gift of ten and a half silver marks, and converted the pay- ment of that gift into taxes on particular goods in the fairs of Provins and Troyes.24 Along with the copy, the cartulary entry contains additional gifts from the chapter of the church of St Stephen of Troyes, a second gift from Count Henry, and one from the knights, Boson of Bussy and his brothers. Unfortunately, original char- ters from the three subsequent additions to Henry’s gift did not survive, but the first part, explaining the new allocation of revenues to meet the promised ten and a half marks, rephrases a charter from 1159 issued by the count and kept at the Templar commandery of Troyes.25 This charter was also copied into the cartulary at the same time as its 1164 confirmation.26 By the time these documents were added to the cartulary of Provins in 1216, there had been at least three previous written versions of the gift: the first, now lost depicting the initial gift of seven silver marks made to the Templars by Thibaud II; the second, the confirmation of Thibaud’s gift by his son Henry in 1159 which included the addition of three and a half marks and the designation that the money was to come from the fairs; and the third, the confirmation of Henry’s gift five years later along with added gifts of mills, vineyards, and revenues from additional parties. In this case, the changes to the documentary record may point to an ongoing process of nego- tiation, where the rights to property given in perpetuity were used to secure the productive arrangement of revenues for the new Templar houses of Troyes and

22 Many of the Templar houses in Champagne possessed charters that pre-dated their foundation. See Peixoto, ‘Ghost Commandery’ (as note 3), pp. 15–20. 23 Parisse, ‘Les pancartes’ (as note 21), p. 26. 24 Carrière, Histoire et cartulaire, (as note 10), no. 82. 25 AN S 4955, no. 7. 26 Carrière, Histoire et cartulaire (as note 10), no. 91. Copies and cartularies 71 Provins. The confirmation of these gifts, and in particular the pairing of the char- ters of confirmation with the records of other rights, strengthened the Templar’s claims to the property. In a case from 1227 preserved in the archives of the commandery of Coulours, the Templars used a similar pancarte-like charter to secure their rights to posses- sions in Belleville that they had purchased from Garnier IV of Traînel, the lord of the nearby Marigny-le-Châtel.27 Garnier, the eldest son of a venerable aristocratic family from the region near Troyes, had in 1225 dramatically increased his lands and prestige through a marriage to Hélissend, the daughter of the count of Réthel and the widow of the count of le Perche.28 The following year, he sold off his rights to granges, houses, and justice in Belleville to the Templars for 600 livres provinois, a comparatively large sum of money for Templar land purchases in the area. The sale is recorded in a charter from August of 1226 issued by Garnier and his wife in which they recognized their own sale to the Templars.29 At the same time of the sale, Master Hugh, a cantor at the cathedral of Troyes and the official of the bishop’s court there, created three additional charters documenting the sale.30 One of these charters reports the agreement with Garnier in the voice of Hugh, as the issuer of the document, but otherwise provides identical information and text.31 The second copy, also issued by Hugh, specifies the names of knights who had held some part of the rights in Belleville, and clarified the money that Garnier had paid to assure that these other men who held claims to the property would heed his sale to the Templars.32 The final copy, issued by Hugh as well, again restated the sale of Garnier and then explained that the money for the sale would be paid to Garnier by brother Haymard, the treasurer of the house of the Temple

27 AN, S 4968, no. 4. 28 Charles Lalore, ‘Documents pour servir a la généalogie des anciens seigneurs de Traînel’, Mémoires de la Société académique d’agriculture, des sciences, arts et belles-lettres du départe- ment de l’Aube, 34 (Troyes, 1870), p. 198. See also Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152–1284 (Baltimore, 1975), p. 186; Wil- liam Chester Jordan, From Servitude to Freedom: Manumission in the Sénonais in the Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 6–7. 29 AN, S 4968, no. 2: Ego Garnerus de Triangulo, dominus de Marigniaco, et ego Helissandis comi- tissa Partici, uxor ejus, notum facimus universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod quicquid habe- mus et habere debebamus apud Bellam Villam sitam juxta Marigny tam in grangiis quam in aliis domibus, hominibus, terris, redditibus, tenagiis, coustummis justiciis, feodis et in omnibus rebus aliis tam infra eandem villam quam extra ad eandem villam pertinentibus, infra finagium et ter- ritorium ejusdem ville sitis vendidimus fratribus milicie Templi pro sexcentis libris pruvinensium. 30 On the use of these officials for bureaucratic business see Anne Lester,Creating Cistercian Nuns: The Women’s Reform Movement and Its Reform in Thirteenth-Century Champagne (Ithaca, 2011), pp. 182–4. 31 AN, S 4968, no. 3: Magister Hugo, officialis curie Trecensis, omnibus presentes litteras inspec- turis in Domino salutem. Noverint universitas vestra quod Garnerus de Triangulo, dominus de Marigniaco, et Helissandis, uxor ejus, comitissa Partici in nostra presentia sunt confessi se quic- quid habebant vel habere debebamus apud Bellam Villam sitam juxta Marigny . . . 32 AN, S 4968, no. 5. 72 Michael J. Peixoto in Paris.33 Between the multiple purchasing parties and the multiple recipients of the Templar’s money, the sale clearly was complicated enough to necessitate extra documentation for each party that was involved, and these four charters, written in August of 1226, likely satisfied that immediate need. Returning to the charter of 1227, a year after all the copies of Garnier’s sale had been completed, the Templars had all four charters recopied into a single com- bined charter that was inspected and verified once again by Hugh, the official of Troyes, along with another Hugh, the chanter.34 This new charter brought together some of the qualities of the earlier multi-gift charters in the archives of Coulours with a new emphasis on modernizing records through the creation of a vidimus.35 This form of document copied the text of an older record exactly, embedding it between a new protocol announcing that the issuer had seen the present letter, or often, the seal of the letter, and a new eschatocol relating the date of the copy.36 The context of the 1226 transaction makes the choice to create a vidimus some- what peculiar. The lords of Traînel were long-time, multi-generational crusaders and supporters of the Knights Templar and the crusading movement. From 1216 on, the Templars paid twenty livres provinois annually to the lords of Traînel for rents on land in the lordship of Lesmont.37 Garnier IV himself would eventually depart with Count Thibaud on the ‘Barons’ Crusade’ a little more than a dec- ade after his sale of Belleville, and it is likely that his sale in 1226 coincided with a similar commitment to the count’s brief participation in the Albigensian Crusade.38 While the sale was complicated, it is unlikely that it was heavily dis- puted, least of all within a single year of the purchase. It would have been equally unlikely that the official of Troyes who witnessed and authorized the transaction only a year prior, would have had a legal reason to re-inspect his own charters. The decision to combine all four charters in the creation of a vidimus may then rest with the Templars. Beginning in the thirteenth century, and especially around the commandery of Troyes, the Templars made frequent use of vidimus copies to organize, update, and secure their written records. The Templar desire to modernize written records in Champagne seems to have been particularly acute in the middle of the thirteenth century, between the years

33 The original of this fourth recapitulation of the act is no longer extant. Its text is preserved with the others in AN, S 4968, no. 4. 34 AN, S 4968, no. 4: H. cantor et magister H., officialis Trecensis, universis presentes litteras inspecturis, in domino salutem. Noveritis nos diligentur inspexisse et verbo ad verbum legisse litteras nobilis viri Garneri de Triangulo domini de Marigniaco et Helysendis comitissa Partici uxoris eius sigillis eorundem sigillatas sub hac forma. 35 Bedos-Rezak, ‘Towards an Archaeology’ (as note 7), p. 46. 36 Leonard E. Boyle, ‘Diplomatics’, in Medieval Studies: An Introduction, ed. James M. Powell, 2nd ed. (Syracuse, 1992), p. 98. See also Olivier Guyotjeannin, ‘Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique’, in Vocabulaire du livre et de l’écriture au Moyen Age: Actes de la table ronde, Paris 24–26 septem- bre 1987, ed. Olga Weijers (Turnhout, 1989). 37 Dijon, Archives départementales de la Côte d’Or, H 1186. 38 Michael Lower, The Barons’ Crusade: A Call to Arms and Its Consequence (Philadelphia, 2005), p. 43. Copies and cartularies 73 1243 and 1255. It was in these years, the final in the reign of Thibaud IV, that the comital administration increasingly sought to regulate the property rights of religious organizations. An earlier charter issued by Henry II in 1191 restricted specifically the types of land that the Templars could hold. It specified that they ‘may possess freely and quietly whatever they have acquired by alms, purchase, or any other means; however, they are not permitted to obtain the lordship of any town or castle in my land’.39 Subsequent legislation imposed further limitation on Templars’ ability to acquire property, although, Theodore Evergates reports that it was not until later in the thirteenth century that these prohibitions on were actually enforced.40 By the mid-thirteenth century, the reproduction of older documents in new forms seems to have become standard archival practice for the Templars all over the region. It was also at this time that the Templar commanderies increas- ingly differentiated themselves from one another through these same practices of documentary use and upkeep. In the commandery of Troyes, the creation of vidimus became the norm. There are 21 extant vidimuses from the commandery of Troyes produced between the years 1227 and 1285, far more than at any other Templar commandery in the region. As in the case of the earlier copies mentioned above, the vidimus from Troyes were potentially aimed at strengthening the Templar’s ability to marshal a bureaucratic defense of their landed property.41 Situated at the administrative center of the county of Champagne, the commandery of Troyes was especially subject to the politics of the counts. For example, the death of Thibaud IV in 1253 and the subsequent regency of Margaret of Bourbon posed challenges to Templar economic stability.42 In continuing her late husband’s efforts at administrative con- solidation of the county, the duty of settling the disputes with the many religious institutions antagonized by Thibaud’s attempts to limit control of fiefs fell to Mar- garet. Theodore Evergates reports that she allowed most monasteries to acquire limited revenues from fiefs but made an example of the Templars with an ‘outright prohibition’.43 A 1255 document issued by Margaret precisely limited the kinds of lands and rights the Templars could attain, and specified how they could alienate

39 Jubanville, Historie, vol. III (Paris, 1859), no. 417 (see n. 15 above). Translation from Evergates, ed., Feudal Society in Medieval France: Documents from the County of Champagne (Philadel- phia, 1993), p. 14. 40 Richard Keyser, ‘Gift, Dispute, and Contract: Gift Exchange and Legalism in Monastic Property Dealings, Montier-la-Celle, France, 1100–1350’ (PhD, Johns Hopkins University, 2001), p. 45; Evergates, Aristocracy (see n. 2 above), p. 77. See also Jackie Lusse, ‘Les religieuses en Cham- pagne jusqu’au XIIIe siècle’, in Les Religieuses en France au XIIIe siècle: Table ronde organisée par l’Institut d’Etudes médiévales de l’Université de Nancy II et le CERCOM (25–26 juin 1983), ed. Michel Parisse (Nancy, 1989), pp. 11–26. 41 Michael J. Peixoto, ‘Growing the Portfolio: Templar Investments in the Forests of Champagne’, in L’économie templière en Occident: patrimoines, commerce, finances, eds. Arnaud Baudin, Ghis- lain Brunel and Nicolas Dohrmann (Langres, 2013), pp. 207–24, esp. 220–3. 42 Theodore Evergates, ‘Aristocratic Women in the County of Champagne’, in Aristocratic Women in Medieval France, ed. Theodore Evergates (Philadelphia, 1999), pp. 74–110. 43 Evergates, Aristocracy (as note 2), p. 55. 74 Michael J. Peixoto them.44 The document declared that henceforth the Templars ‘may not acquire any of the count’s fiefs, rear-fiefs, non-feudal rents or anything that derives from these, nor anything under his jurisdiction, except by his permission’.45 Any of the count’s property received by gift had to be re-granted to a tenant of the same social rank. The agreement made clear that the only assets the Templars could retain as their own were the ‘inheritances, property, rents, and other rights’ acquired before the death of Thibaud IV in 1253.46 The document marks a series of actions that reveal the count’s, and later coun- tess’, attempt to maintain direct control of the comital property. This control, as in the case of the immense feudal inquest of 1249–51, was punctuated by a renewed effort to manage the county through documentary mechanisms.47 Evergates reports that oral and vernacular testimonies were translated into Latin, and that even doc- uments arriving too late to be included in the inquest were included with it as originals in the archive.48 Thibaud IV placed a premium on having, maintaining, and using administrative documents. In 1251, he made the monks of Cheminon pay hefty fines to maintain titles for which they had misplaced documents.49 This new reliance on written proof of property rights was not lost on the Templars. For example, in 1250, during the feudal inquest, the Templars recopied a 1230 document issued by Thibaud IV reporting the purchase of a lordship in the villas of Rosson and Aillefol. In seeking new authority for the document, they took it before the bailiff of Troyes.50 As the count’s liaison for matters pertaining to fiefs, the bailiff’s presence bolstered the protection of the Templar claims, uniting a charter of Thibaud’s own issue with a format of his own bureaucratic preference to guard against changing laws.51 Other vidimus stressed this same connection to the regulations on land holding. A vidimus from 1252, issued by Henry, the dean of Provins, recognized that the lord of Traînel, in a 1235 document, had overseen an exchange between the Templars and John of Barbone over a similar lordship.52 As in the above cases of Belleville, Roson, and Aillefol, Barbone was an impor- tant lordship under the control of the direct vassals of the count of Champagne. After the death of Thibaud, in 1254, the Templars had a vidimus made by the

44 This prohibition appears in a vidimus from 1256 found in Arch. dép. Marne, 53 H 7, no. 2 issued by the official of Châlons and reporting the agreement made in Paris authorized by Margaret, her son Thibaud and his wife Isabel. A part of the body of the document has been translated from a copy of the charter authorized by the Templar Master, Renaud of Vichier, by Evergates in Feudal Society in Medieval France (see n. 39 above), pp. 14–5. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 47 On the feudal inquest see Auguste Longnon, Documents relatifs au comtéde Champagne et de Brie: 1172–1361, vol. 1, Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France (Paris, 1901); Evergates, Aristocracy (as note 2), pp. 199–201. 48 Evergates, Aristocracy (as note 2), p. 48. 49 Ibid., p. 50. 50 Troyes, Archives départementales de l’Aube, 31 H 14bis*, fol. 9v. 51 Evergates, Aristocracy (as note 2), p. 45. 52 AN, S 5164B, no. 4. Copies and cartularies 75 official of Troyes reporting a 1202 document in which Villain of Aulnay gave, in his own name, all he had in the villa of Sanci to the Templars.53 The connection to the count in the text of this document was particularly pronounced as it specified that the gift was made for Villain’s soul, his family and his lord, ‘Count Henry, who gave me that same villa’.54 For one of their most important purchases in the decade, the Templars in Bon- lieu, near Troyes, used multiple vidimus copies to ensure that any potential chal- lenger was an active participant in the creation of the new records. In July of 1254, almost one year to the day after the cut-off date of Thibaud’s death, but one year before Margaret’s prohibition, the Templars bought 600 arpents of lands and forests in the forest Bateiz, between Brienne, the Templar house of Bonlieu, and the forest of Orient.55 At the same time that the initial charter was created for this sale, the Templars had a vidimus made by a third party, John of Châteauvillain and Joanna, his wife. These were individuals who had the potential to claim or contest some part of the land the Templars had purchased. They conceded and approved the sale in their own vidimus, but not in the original document, which does not name John or Joanna at all.56 There were at least three more copies produced simul- taneous to this record, each time issued by a different person.57 In addition to the four vidimus of Gui and Agnes’ sale, the Templars also produced a contemporary vidimus for a 1228 gift of 400 arpents of land and a 1232 purchase of 120 arpents of land in that same forest.58 By 1254, the Templars were so invested in the region that they needed additional safeguards against losing valuable land to the chang- ing legal and administrative climate. The Templars in Provins preferred the copying of their records into the form of a cartulary. As we have already seen, the cartulary created by 1216 included a number of records that were themselves already copies or recapitulations of older claims. These records were at times even combined with copies of the orig- inal text of the document. The commandery in Provins was the only Templar establishment in the region of Champagne to produce a cartulary.59 Whatever the

53 AN, S 4956, no. 6. 54 Ibid.: pro salute anime mea et parentum mearum et domini mei Comitis Henrici qui eamdem vil- lam michi dedit. 55 AN, S 4958, no. 12. On the forest Bateiz see Karol Polejowski, ‘The Counts of Brienne and the Military Orders in the Thirteenth Century’, in MO 5, pp. 285–96; Peixoto, ‘Growing the Portfolio’ (as note 41), pp. 218–23. 56 Arch. dép. Aube, 31 H 14bis*, fol. 23r–24v. 57 AN, S 4958, no. 8, 9; Arch. dép. Aube, 31 H 14bis*, fol. 19r–20v. 58 AN, S 4958, no. 1; Auguste Pétel, ed., Le Temple de Bonlieu et ses dépendances: Templiers et Hospitaliers dans le Diocese de Troyes (Troyes, 1910), pp. 396–7, no. 8. 59 Cartulary production for northern French Templar houses was rare. There are only three extant cartularies for the Templar province of France: AN, S 5162B (Provins); AN 5235, no. 2 (Saulce- sur-Yonne); Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France (hereafter BN), nouv. acq. lat. 1934 (Som- mereux). In contrast, Templars in other regions, in particular the south of France, produced cartularies in greater numbers and with different administrative purposes. For these cartularies see Alan J. Forey, ‘Sources for the History of the Templars in Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia’, 76 Michael J. Peixoto rationale behind its creation, this particular repackaging of charters in 1216 must have proved effective as the Templars in Provins created a second, much larger cartulary in 1243 that was eventually combined with its predecessor.60 The new cartulary preserved copies of 96 Templar documents, most of which only dated to the third decade of the thirteenth century or later. While perhaps rather removed from my above examples in typology, the obitu- ary of the Temple of Reims may offer some clue as to why the Templars worked so hard to modernize their documents.61 Four charters from the commandery of Reims, all created in 1245 and all issued by Master Lucas of Gilly, the official representing the archdeacon of Reims, were copied into an account book that was added to the back of the manuscript containing the obituary.62 This account book was certainly added to the manuscript during the time that the Templars owned it and around the same time that the Templars made other alterations to the obituary and martyrology sections of the book.63 Indeed some of the entries in the account book correspond directly to the obituaries of donors to the Templars’ church. For example, the obituary records the deaths of John Lilorties and his wife, who gave ‘for the annual celebration of the anniversary Mass 6 deniers of rent on their house situated in the Rue du Temple, and a bed’.64 The account book marks the feasts on which John and his heirs owed their deniers (no mention of the bed, however).65 Unlike John’s obituary, the individuals involved in the four documents from 1245 are not mentioned in the obituary. These documents all concern purchases that the Templars made in the city of Reims. In the first, the Templars pledged 12 sous in annual rents to Gerard and his wife, Hawydis for houses in the city of Reims.66 The charter gives the details of the houses including the names of a few neighbors and specifies that the money would be paid in threesous increments four times a year. In the second charter, the Templars pledged 16 sous annually to Ponce of Nogent, ‘citizen of Reims’, also for a house.67 The third reports ten sous annually to a pair

Archives 21:91 (1994), pp. 16–24; Daniel Le Blévec and Alain Venturini, ‘Cartulaires des ordres militaires XIIe–XIIIe siècles (Provence occidentale – Base vallée du Rhône)’, in Les cartulaires (as note 7), pp. 451–2; Laure Verdon, La terre et les hommes en Roussillon aux XIIe et XIIIe siè- cles: Structures seigneuriales, rente et société d’après les sources templières (Aix-en-Provence, 2001); Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 1). 60 AN, S 5162B. 61 BN, MS lat. 15054. The obituary section of the manuscript has been edited in Éduard de Bar- thélemy, Obituaire de la Commanderie du Temple de Reims, in Mélanges historiques, Choix de documents, IV, Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, série 4 (Paris, 1882), pp. 301–36. For an overview of the contents of the whole manuscript see Michael J. Peixoto, ‘Maintaining the Past, Securing the Future in the Obituary of the Temple of Reims’, Viator, 45:3 (2014), pp. 211–35. 62 AN, S 5033, no. 45; Arch nat., S 5033, no. 46; AN, S 5033, no. 34; AN, S 5036, no. 9. 63 For the account book at the back of lat. 15054 see Peixoto, ‘Maintaining the Past’ (as note 61). 64 BN, lat. 15054, fol. 42v. 65 Ibid., fol. 94r. 66 AN, S 5033, no. 45. 67 AN, S 5033, no. 46. Copies and cartularies 77 of sisters, again for a house in the city.68 Only the fourth charter breaks the trend, making known the payment of five sous and five deniers to an ‘armiger’ for land just outside the city in the suburb of Bremerincourt, an area where the Templars of Reims already held substantial property.69 In all four cases, when the charters were entered into the account book, the texts were abridged, stripping away the authority of the document’s issuer, witnesses, financial guarantees, and seals. The account book lists only the name of the seller, the quantity of money that the Templars owed annually, and the property that the Templars attained. From an administrative perspective, the account book was a useful tool for the fiscal bookkeeping of the Templars of Reims. The combination of this account book with the manuscript of the obituary, a liturgical book more than anything else, may point to a secondary purpose of these copies. By pairing these accounts with a commemorative book, one that was likely read daily and perhaps even displayed, the Templars added a social dimension to their finan- cial records. As in the case of the cartulary and the vidimus copies, the Templars retained the original charters or the purchases but also chose to renovate their forms. By altering the form of the charters, they not only simplified their ability to read and use the information, but also repackaged the written records into a more current form, one that may have had more appeal, or at least familiarity, to the urban, mercantile class of people that the Templars aimed to partner with in the city of Reims. In this way, much like the earlier examples, the Templars were able to manipulate the form of their records to conform to the comforts of their local prospective patrons, thus helping to secure their property even within the context of a donor community that was primarily interested in the Holy Land, rather than an individual Templar house. Documents could and did create an institutional profile. Their creation and re- creation would have been witnessed by any issuing authorities such as the courts of the bishops and counts of the region, and by the Templars’ own members, patrons, business associates, and their families. Thus, written material for the Templars was a partner in the creation of their corporate identity, and the choice to manipulate these documents had social, as well as legal, ramifications. By chang- ing the form of their documents, whether in a cartulary in Provins, a vidimus in Troyes, or an account book in Reims, they found ways to use current documentary conventions to guard against the seizure of their land and to encourage the growth of new patrons in a way that could strengthen individual, and largely independent, western Templar communities.

68 AN, S 5033, no. 34. 69 AN, S 5036, no. 9; Peixoto, ‘Maintaining the Past’ (as note 61). Damien Carraz Private charters and other documents

6 Private charters and other family documents in the Templar archives: commanderies in southern France

Damien Carraz

It is probably not necessary to recall that, for most of the Middle Ages, the large majority of diplomatic sources were written down and preserved by ecclesiastical institutions. If we limit ourselves to southern France, which is the object of this paper, it was only during the twelfth century that old aristocratic families began to constitute their own archives. Thus, some fragmentary charter collections have been preserved for some of the great lineages, such as the lords of Uzès, while the Trencavels and Guillems of Montpellier created their own cartularies at the end of the twelfth century.1 Although southern France stands out for its precocity in relation to northern France, it is important to note that these early archives con- tained very few documents prior to the beginning of the twelfth century and that these archival efforts were limited to old aristocratic families. We must wait for the second half of the thirteenth century to see lordly lineages compile their own charter collections; and the interest in constituting familial archives became more commonplace over the two following centuries. Nonetheless, these family archives that began to be created in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries have never come down to us in their entirety. When they were not simply destroyed, they were dispersed, split up between several archive col- lections, or gathered together into other private collections over time with the successions of family alliances. Martin Aurell, for example, has found 637 acts relating to the Porcelet family between 972–1320 in the Provençal archives. Yet, while 66 per cent of those charters were found in ecclesiastical collections, only a

1 Pierre-Yves Laffont, ‘Les chartriers seigneuriaux du XIIIe siècle: quelques réflexions sur une source méconnue, au travers d’exemples du Haut-Languedoc’, in Comprendre le XIIIe siècle. Études offertes à Marie-Thérèse Lorcin, ed. Pierre Guichard and Danièle Alexandre-Bidon (Lyon, 1995), pp. 41–58; Lucie Fossier and Olivier Guyotjeannin, ‘Cartulaires français laïques: seigneuries et particuliers’, in Les Cartulaires, Actes de la table ronde organisée par l’École nationale des chartes et le GDR 121 du CNRS, Paris, 5–7 décembre 1991, ed. Olivier Guyotjeannin, Laurent Morelle and Michel Parisse (Paris, 1993), pp. 379–410, here at p. 382; and for more important thought on the connections between ‘documentary structures’ and ‘family structures’: Le médiéviste et la monographie familiale: sources, méthodes et problématiques, Actes du colloque de Poitiers, 20–22 novembre 2003, ed. Martin Aurell (Turnhout, 2004). Private charters and other documents 79 dozen (1.88 per cent) remained in the family’s own charter collection.2 Moreover, thanks to an inquest in 1270, we know that the charter collection of the powerful Baux family contained less than 100 charters. The majority of these charters date from the twenty-year period preceding the inventory and only two charters from the twelfth century had been preserved.3 In other words, of the 231 acts known today for the Baux family in years 951–1200, most have come down to us from other channels, essentially ecclesiastical ones.4 Since the nineteenth century, historians have known perfectly well how to explore the various archival collections and the libraries of the érudits to create catalogues and publish the charters of the main aristocratic families.5 Yet, only recently have scholars become interested in the ways in which these acts and family collections have ended up in ecclesiastical archives.6 In southern France, the archives of the Templars and the Hospitallers have preserved a certain num- ber of acts that one may call ‘private’, even though that is a category debated by diplomatists.7 These charters are called ‘private’ because they include a variety of transactions, and in particular land transfers, whose actors were exclusively lay landowners. These documents, in which the military orders do not appear, were deposited into the orders’ archives as munimina, in other words, as proof of ownership.8 When the commanderies inherited property from these lay people, the brothers took care to preserve the documents that attested to their rights on these goods, whether outright ownership (dominium directum), usufruct (domin- ium utile) or properties given as a guarantee by their former owner. As we will see, when a commandery had inherited the entirety of a layperson’s possessions, at least a part of that person’s private charter collection was also transferred into

2 Actes de la famille Porcelet d’Arles (972–1320), ed. Martin Aurell (Paris, 2001), pp. xxvii–xxviii. 3 The inquest contains the transcription of 87 acts produced between 1116–1270: Martin Aurell, ‘Le roi et les Baux, la mémoire et la seigneurie (Arles, 1269–1270)’, Provence Historique, 49 (1999), pp. 47–59. 4 Provençal and Italian archives contain 1528 acts related to this family from between 953 and 1320, Florian Mazel, La noblesse et l’Eglise en Provence (XIe–XIVe siècle). L’exemple des familles d’Agoult-Simiane, de Baux et de Marseille (doctoral thesis, Université de Provence, 2000), vol. 4, p. 201. 5 For example: Louis Barthélemy, Inventaire chronologique et analytique des chartes de la Maison des Baux (Marseille, 1882). 6 For a model study: Miguel Calleja Puerta, ‘Archivos dispersos, fuentes reencontradas. Notas metodológicas al estudio de las elites del reino de León en los siglos centrales de la Edad Media’, Medievalismo. Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, 12 (2002), pp. 9–36. 7 According to a wide definition, ‘on entendra par ‘acte privé’ tout acte émanant d’une personne privée, ou d’une personne publique agissant pour le compte d’une personne privée’, Olivier Guy- otjeannin, Jacques Pycke and Benoît-Michel Tock, Diplomatique médiévale (Turnhout, 1993), p. 104 and pp. 115–18. One of the most extensive studies on the evolution of private acts remains: Alain de Boüard, Manuel de diplomatique française et pontificale, II, L’acte privé (Paris, 1948). 8 Monastic secondary records often copied lay charter collections as munimina; see the case study of S. Clemente of Casauria in Abruzzo: Laurent Feller, Florence Weber and Agnès Gramain, La for- tune de Karol: marché de la terre et liens personnels dans les Abruzzes au haut Moyen Âge (Rome, 2005). 80 Damien Carraz the archives of the order. The fact that these munimina and family charters were preserved in significant numbers in the military orders’ archives attests tothe importance of these institutions in southern French economy and society from the twelfth century. The arrival of the military orders in southern France occurred alongside a gen- eral increase in document production.9 However, the increase in the number of documents drawn up for the commanderies also happened at the same time that real attention was given to managing and preserving archives, which explains why these private acts are extant.10 Southern French commanderies were not deposi- tories for these acts because of their capacity to authenticate charters (juridiction gracieuse), contrary to other ecclesiastical lordships, which were empowered to do so.11 Yet that did not stop people or lay institutions from sometimes entrusting the preservation of their precious documents to the military orders. For example, the Hospitallers at Montpellier housed the archives of the town consuls from 1259 to the mid-fourteenth century, while the Templars at Arles possessed a copy of the communal statutes in 1308.12 In short, the fact that people recognized the brothers had skills in finance as well as in diplomacy may explain why the commanderies were frequently chosen as places to draw up transactions or arbitrations.13 Since the Hospital had the advantage of surviving until the French Revolu- tion, its archives have been better preserved than those of the Temple, and thus offer more interesting subject matter for studying private documents, in particular because certain commanderies integrated notarial archives or merchants’ records.14 However, in the context of this book on the Templars and their sources, I will illus- trate my argument with three case studies from Templar sources. The first deals with a rather modest lineage of the twelfth century, named Gasinel, whose char- ters were recopied into the cartulary of the Templars at St Gilles. The second case deals with lay people from the urban knightly class, who had considerable interac- tion with the Templars throughout the thirteenth century. Two well-documented

9 Damien Carraz, ‘‘Segnoria’, ‘memoria’, ‘controversia’: Pragmatic Literacy, Archival Memory, and Conflicts in Provence (Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries)’, inMO 6, pp. 57–75. 10 In Provence, 6 to 15 per cent of the acts copied in the cartularies of the military orders are private charters: Damien Carraz, ‘Le cartulaire du Temple de Saint-Gilles, outil de gestion et instrument de pouvoir’, in Les cartulaires méridionaux, Actes du colloque de Béziers, 20–21 septembre 2002, ed. Daniel Le Blévec (Paris, 2006), pp. 145–62, here at p. 149. 11 Robert-Henri Bautier, ‘L’authentification des actes privés dans la France médiévale. Notariat pub- lic et juridiction gracieuse’, dans Chartes, sceaux et chancelleries. Études de diplomatique et de sigillographie médiévales (Paris, 1990), I, pp. 269–340, here at p. 288. 12 Pierre Chastang, La ville, le gouvernement et l’écrit à Montpellier (XIIe–XIVe siècle). Essai d’histoire sociale (Paris, 2013), p. 230; Damien Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312). Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales (Lyon, 2005), p. 404. Individuals also entrusted their proofs of ownership to the Templar commandery in Montpellier: Léopold Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers (Paris, 1889), p. 7. 13 Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 427 and 497. 14 Édition des comptes de la commanderie de l’Hôpital de Manosque pour les années 1283 à 1290, ed. Karl Borchardt, Damien Carraz and Alain Venturini (Paris, 2015), pp. xi and cv–cvi. Private charters and other documents 81 examples, at Avignon and at Tarascon, show the ways in which original charters of lay people have come down to us through the Temple’s archives. The third case concerns an archival inventory of the commandery at Pézenas (Hérault depart- ment), which was created at the beginning of the fourteenth century. This inven- tory mentions a surprising number of transactions between lay people: here we are not dealing with family archives per se but acts conducted by numerous individu- als, which give us a glimpse of the economic dynamism of a small local elite that interacted with the Templars. Thus, the cartulary of St. Gilles, the charter collections of Avignon and of Taras- con, and the Pézenas inventory offer three different forms of document transmis- sion and enable us to show between the twelfth century and the beginning of the fourteenth the fabric of socio-economic relationships that connected the Templars and their lay entourage.

Between peasants and knights: allod-holders in the Templar cartulary of St Gilles While there is a wealth of detailed studies on the southern French aristocracy, we must recognize that they remain focused on the best-documented lineages that had most often achieved the rank of powerful castellans or had inherited a viscomital title.15 However, we have long known about the existence of large numbers of lower and mid-level elites, although the social contours of this group are much more difficult to identify. This was the case of the knightly class, well established in the villages as in many towns, but who have never really been stud- ied in depth.16 These milites cannot always be distinguished from another group whose sociological contours are equally difficult to identify: the owners of land freed from feudal obligations that are designated by the name of allod-holders.17 These families, often lower level knights and allod-holders, certainly appear in the sources starting in the tenth century, but most of the time their appearance is too incidental and sparse to be able to reconstruct genealogies and the family patrimo- ny.18 However, these social strata were particularly receptive to the new monas- ticism embodied by the military orders, and from the first third of the twelfth

15 Martin Aurell, Une famille de la noblesse provençale au Moyen Âge: les Porcelet (Avignon, 1986); Florian Mazel, La noblesse et l’Église en Provence, fin Xe–début XIVe siècle. L’exemple des familles d’Agoult-Simiane, de Baux et de Marseille (Paris, 2002); Claudie Duhamel-Amado, Genèse des lignages méridionaux, 1, L’aristocratie languedocienne du Xe au XIIe siècle (Tou- louse, 2001). 16 Martin Aurell, ‘La chevalerie urbaine en Occitanie (fin Xe–début XIIIe siècle)’, in Les élites urbaines au Moyen Age, XXVIIe congrès de la SHMES, Rome, mai 1996 (Paris – Rome, 1997), pp. 71–118. 17 On allodial land and the emergence of some milites among allod-holders: Jean-Pierre Poly, La Provence et la société féodale (879–1166). Contribution à l’étude des structures dites féodales dans le Midi (Paris, 1976), pp. 87–9, 130–60 and 286–300. 18 Without being able to reconstruct full genealogies for these families of humble origins (non-noble or lower level knighthood), it is still possible to analyze their patrimonial transfers. See Cynthia 82 Damien Carraz century, they supplied the commanderies with the majority of their benefactors and economic partners.19 The charters of the Temple, in which this lower-level elite is omnipresent, can therefore provide information on these groups’ wealth and relationship networks. For our discussion here, I will limit my remarks to one cartulary, as this has the advantage of providing a coherent body of documents. Compiled between 1199 and 1203 by a public notary, the cartulary of St Gilles contains 388 acts that are very close to the original charters. The topographical organization of the cartulary shows the regionalizing rationale of the Templar lordship: acts were grouped into five main sections according to the location of possessions and rights managed by the commandery or one of its dependent houses.20 However, this parchment reg- ister also contains 60 transactions that occurred exclusively between lay people, which would have been lost if the Templars had not taken the trouble to collect the originals and especially to have them copied.21 In fact, no original has been preserved because, traditionally, the existence of authenticated copies in the car- tularies rendered the preservation of the original charters unnecessary. Chronologically, this group of private acts extends from 1151 to 1194, and also includes seven undated acts that are probably from the first decades of the twelfth century.22 This group of documents essentially deals with purchases, exchanges, many mortgages of allodial land, land rights and some houses in the surrounding villages (castra) of Nîmes and St Gilles (Aubais, Générac, Souvignargues). These land transactions, sometimes made between members of the same family, reveal the economic dynamism of these allod-holders who participated just as much as the large lay and ecclesiastical lordships in the agricultural development of the plains in the lower Rhone valley. This is not the place for a detailed study reconsti- tuting their patrimonies and the multiple forms of exchange and social practices, yet these charters certainly enable us to reach the world of these small local elites. Among the actors of transactions as well as the witnesses, we find few names that are associated with the group of major lords, even though there is no fixed bound- ary between these different social groups.23

J. Johnson, La face cachée du modèle. Dévolutions et disputes dans les familles de la France méridionale (XIIe siècle) (doctoral thesis, Université de Toulouse-II-Le Mirail, 2006), 3 vols. 19 Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 122–32. 20 Carraz, ‘Le cartulaire’ (as note 10), pp. 151–3. 21 Arch. mun. d’Arles, GG 90; see also Damien Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales. L’ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312) (doctoral thesis, Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2003), vol. 3, Sources: ‘Actes laïques extraits du cartulaire du Temple de Saint-Gilles’, pp. 686–97. 22 Nos. 181, 193/194, 201, 208, 213, 218, 319. The numbers used here refer to the serial number of the acts in the cartulary. 23 Some men among the witnesses have cognomina based on toponyms (Raimundus de Roca, Pon- cius et Raimundus de Marisanicis, Bertrandus de Sancto Justo, Poncis de Elnis, Bernardus Rai- mundus de Turre), but they cannot necessarily be identified as knights. Moreover, we can hardly make a strict distinction between knights and allod-holders as the latter could also hold military and feudal rights (such as albergum, nos. 263, 241). Private charters and other documents 83 The disappearance of the original charters means that we cannot say whether these private acts included particular diplomatic characteristics compared to char- ters issued for ecclesiastical institutions such as the Temple. Nevertheless, it is doubtful that there were real differences, because the writers employed by indi- viduals and by the Templars came from the same social milieu. Until the 1190s, they were mainly scribes – who could be clerics – before the public notaries gained a near monopoly. In our group of documents, Raimundus Bodonus, who presented himself as a scriptor in 1167, used the title notarius the following year.24 Raimundus Bodonus was well known; he worked extensively for the Templars at St Gilles from 1169–1204 and was probably the compiler of their cartulary.25 From a legal point of view, nothing in the exclusion clauses or the processes of authentification distinguishes private charters from ecclesiastical ones. Whether the people asking the document to be drawn up were lay or religious, notaries and scribes followed the same practices.26 Among this group of texts, some transactions reveal the sole occurrence of a person in the extant documentation, while other individuals are documented in several charters, as summarized in the following table:

Table 6.1 Number of occurrences for each recipient in private transactions27

Once Bernardus Azalardus (317); Bernardus Dalmadius (222); Bernardus de Sancto Justo (211); Bertrandus de Sellono (286); Geraldus (196); Guillelmus Bernardus (318); Guillelmus de Rosson (185); Guillelmus Ebrardus (189); Guillelmus Gaufredus (294); Guillelmus Ricardus (263); Michaelus (188); Petrus Bernardus (335); Petrus Bruno (344); Petrus Chatbertus (12); Petrus Christianus (186); Petrus de Croso (195); Petrus Pascal (304); Petrus Rebul (190); Poncius Bernardus (319); Poncius Bertrandus (182); Poncius Caironer and Raimundus de Bainaco (167); Poncius Oliva (142); Poncius Pascalus (183); Raimundus de Fufulcinas (193/194); Simonus presbiter (217); Taviarda (198) Twice Bernardus de Orianicis (199, 249); Bernardus Gaucelmus [de Orianicis] (184, 232); Poncius de Salvanicis (271, 273) Four times Bernardus Ricardus (241, 233, 248, 266) Ten times Raimondus Ricardus (259, 260–6, 268, 287)


24 Nos. 344, 304. At the same time, another Raimundus called himself merely scriptor (nos. 173, 179, 180, 183, 184, 186, 189, 195, 196, 215, 216, 221, 294). Raimundus Bodonus was called scrip- tor et publicus notarius in 1171: Bautier, ‘L’authentification’ (as note 11), p. 283. 25 Carraz, ‘Le cartulaire’ (as note 10), p. 156. 26 In emphyteutic leases, the exclusion clauses concerning ecclasiastical institutions are still succinct: hanc terram predictam tu Viziane non dimittes ospitali neque milicie neque ecclesie (no. 213, undated); excepto comite, abbasse et eorum bailonibus et militi et filio ejus et sancto et sancta nisi domui Templi (nos. 344, 1167); and nos. 216, 304, 335. . . Only one original charter is mentioned as being sealed (no. 259, 1184). 27 Rather than people who issued the acts, I have chosen to focus on the recipients of landed property because the Templars inherited the land (and the charters) through them. 84 Damien Carraz Table 6.1 (Continued)

Once Bernardus Azalardus (317); Bernardus Dalmadius (222); Bernardus de Sancto Justo (211); Bertrandus de Sellono (286); Geraldus (196); Guillelmus Bernardus (318); Guillelmus de Rosson (185); Guillelmus Ebrardus (189); Guillelmus Gaufredus (294); Guillelmus Ricardus (263); Michaelus (188); Petrus Bernardus (335); Petrus Bruno (344); Petrus Chatbertus (12); Petrus Christianus (186); Petrus de Croso (195); Petrus Pascal (304); Petrus Rebul (190); Poncius Bernardus (319); Poncius Bertrandus (182); Poncius Caironer and Raimundus de Bainaco (167); Poncius Oliva (142); Poncius Pascalus (183); Raimundus de Fufulcinas (193/194); Simonus presbiter (217); Taviarda (198) 19 times Vidianus Gasinel (173, 174, 179–81, 191, 192, 200, 201, 206–8, 213, 215, 216, 218, 221, 222, 282)

As mentioned above, these copies of private acts are found in the cartulary in order to certify the origins of properties that were transferred to the Temple either through purchase or donation. The charters documenting all of the acts concern- ing an inheritance from the same owner are grouped together. For example, the charter in which Raimond Ricard gives himself to the order with all his goods in January 1194/5 (no. 261) is grouped together with seven other transactions linking this donor to other lay partners (nos. 259–60 and 262–6). Nearly 30 acts, private or concerning the Temple, also mention individuals carrying the cogno- men Ricardus. We can thus partially reconstruct the kinship of Raimond Ricard, even though such an exercise is risky because of the hom*onyms of several people: during the twelfth century, another individual – perhaps his son – also had the first name Raimond while there probably existed three Bernard Ricards, one of which at least joined the Temple.28 This means it is necessary to have an even greater body of documents and perhaps more original anthroponymic markers if we hope to better understand a kinship group. These conditions all come together for a person named Vidian Gasinel docu- mented between 1159 and 1193. The cartulary of St Gilles contains 31 private transactions by this rich allod-holder, in addition to eight acts revealing his close relationship with the Temple.29 The Gasinel charters are grouped together in the section of the cartulary relating to the castrum of Aubais (fol. 105 to 187v: nos. 167–338), where the Templars had established a dependent house. An unin- terrupted succession of 26 acts (nos. 173–98) suggests that the Templar archivists, and the cartulary writer after them, sought to preserve the coherence of this lay- person’s charter collection. This exceptional series enables us to reconstruct his landed possessions, his choices of patrimonial management, as well as his kin

28 Carraz, ‘Le cartulaire’ (as note 10), p. 159; Carraz, Ordres militaires (as note 21), vol. 3, Sources: ‘Chartes de la maison de Saint-Gilles’, pp. 477–715 (ad indicem: Guilhem Ricard, Bernat Ricard, Raimond Ricard). 29 Nos. 175–8, 187, 191, 197, 205. Private charters and other documents 85 and network of relations.30 In addition to living from his landed income, we also see him patiently acquire shares of a mill and above all, consolidating his allo- dial holdings by exchanges and purchases.31 Undoubtedly, this good management led him into dealings with the Templars starting in 1181.32 Vidian was a leading figure in Aubais society where he had his house: he inherited a fief in Gavernes from his father, his family gave its name to a castrum gate and his first name even denotes the infiltration of a particularly Occitanian epic and warrior culture.33 In fact, the figure of Vivien appears in several romans of the Guillaume d’Orange cycle (Enfances Vivien, Aliscans) and the influence of this epic could have easily been confused with the cult of the martyr Vidian, a military saint venerated in the Toulouse region.34 All this suggests that even though he never bears the title of miles in the charters, Vidian for all intents and purposes lived as part of the ranks of the knightly class.35 His joining the Temple was most likely part of his strategy for social ascent: in 1182, he was accepted as a member of their lay association (confrater), promising half of all his patrimony to the order,36 but not without having previously distributed a portion of his property to his nephews (no. 192). Surely he did not have a direct heir, and that was what prompted his wife Azalaïs in her turn to bequeath all her property to the Templars in 1184 (no. 175). Follow- ing a renegotiation of agreements he had entered into with the brothers in 1191, Vidian confirmed his status asconfrater and the donation of his goods (no. 191).37 Thus, after his death and that of his wife, the commandery of St Gilles inherited a considerable patrimony together with its archives. Ultimately, the cartulary copyist first sought to preserve the charters as a legal record of the goods transferred to the Temple. Yet this memory of patrimony also enabled the perpetuation of the memory of lineages related to the commandery of St Gilles even after their biological extinction, as was the case for Vidian Gasinel and his wife. Possessing landed goods served as a privileged basis for the memo- ria of a family and the cartulary may appear, in the eyes of the Templars as well as their benefactors, as a vehicle for this memoria.

30 Vidian often acted together with his wife Azalaïs and with his brother Bernard (nos. 182, 186, 188, 189, 195); and for a preliminary genealogical diagram: Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 556–7. 31 Exchanges of land: nos. 179, 181, 182, 193/194, 201, 208; purchases: nos. 173, 180, 200, 206–7, 215, 218, 221, 282; emphyteutic leases: nos. 183–6, 188–90, 195–6, 213, 216. 32 Nos. 105, 112, 176. 33 Nos. 190, 192, 193/194. 34 Hippolyte Delehaye, Les légendes hagiographiques (Brussels, 1905), p. 118. 35 Very few members of the old nobility, such as the lords of Aubais (nos. 192, 211) and Raimond of Uzès (no. 179), appeared in Gasinel’s entourage. 36 No. 177/197. This important act was copied twice with different headings and probably from two originals: one from the Temple archives and the other inherited from the Gasinel’s charter collec- tion. The originals were likely chirographs as was often the case for such transactions. 37 The last known act from him is a gift to the Templars in June 1193 (no. 178). 86 Damien Carraz The world of the urban knights: the procuratores of the commanderies of Tarascon and Avignon When they established themselves in certain cities of Provence, the military orders relied on a few urban knights, entrusting them to acquire property for the growing commanderies. They invested them with the office of proctors (procura- tores), that is to say, the legal representatives of the religious institution.38 These laymen worked at constituting the temporal goods of the commanderies, while formalizing their own social and spiritual closeness to the brothers by joining the confraternity or by fully becoming a brother.39 The military orders could certainly find many advantages in this kind of collaboration. It enabled them to better man- age the commanderies that, in their infancy, had only a small number of brothers. Above all, these acquisitions benefited from being carried out by elites who were familiar with the local property market and able to gather together lands without arousing the suspicion of competing lordships (bishoprics, consular authorities). Finally, in this way the commanderies also bound themselves to these proctors who, at their death, ceded their goods to the military orders. This explains how these fragments of private archives were incorporated into the archives of the Temple and Hospital. For example, the miles Catalan was a true architect of the Temple’s establish- ment in Tarascon by negotiating several purchases of land and vineyards between 1200 and 1215.40 Becoming a confrater in 1202, he confirmed his membership at the same time as the donation of all his property in 1215. In all, 20 acts evi- dence his intense activity for the benefit of the order in the years 1200–13. These were not private charters, as sales were made ‘to Catalan and to the house of the Temple’.41 However, the transmission of this documentation was probably done on the benefactor’s initiative: in fact, 16 acts have come down to us in the form of copies transcribed into a compact form in two columns on one large piece of parchment.42 In form as well as in content, this gathering of ‘originals’ authen- ticated by a notary seems like a pancarte.43 However, this documentary type is

38 Laurent Mayali, ‘Procureurs et représentation en droit canonique médiéval’, La représentation dans la tradition du ius civile en Occident, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, Moyen Âge, 114/1 (2002), pp. 41–57. 39 See the case of Brocard (1173–1205) with the Hospitallers in Avignon: Claude-France Hollard, ‘Les Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem à Avignon aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles’, Annuaire de la société des amis du palais des papes, 80 (2003), pp. 13–24, here at pp. 19–20. 40 Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 127 and 554. 41 Carraz, Ordres militaires (as note 21), vol. 3, ‘Chartrier du Temple de Tarascon’ (CT.TLL), pp. 279–317, nos. 1 (16 authenticated copies), 3 (4 purchases on the same parchment, formerly sealed original), 6 (formerly sealed with the lead seal of Tarascon), 7 (formerly sealed original). 42 More precisely: 19 transactions spread among 16 item (CT.TLL, no. 1, 1200–10). The same act (B1), still preserved in the original (CT.TLL, no. 3), indeed includes 4 purchases made between March and November of 1203. 43 Michel Parisse, ‘Écriture et réécriture des chartes: les pancartes aux XIe et XIIe siècles’, Biblio- thèque de l’École des chartes, 155 (1997), pp. 247–65. Private charters and other documents 87 exceptional in the Provençal archives of the Temple and even in the regional doc- umentary tradition.44 Catalan probably commissioned this pancarte as evidence of his activities serving the Templars. In addition to 15 acts of purchasing jointly with the brothers, the pancarte also includes a payment receipt for work done at his own expense in the house of the Temple, as well as the donation of all the goods listed on the parchment to the commandery at Arles.45 However, the inventory of the Templar archives at Arles, made in 1308, enables us to significantly complement the documentation related to Catalan.46 In the part of charter collection grouping the documents of the dependencies that the Arles commandery held near Tarascon, there are 17 documents concerning Catalan and all are duly authenticated by the lead seal of the Consuls at Arles. The table below first gives an idea of the deperdita, since only five charters are still preserved among the 17 item inventoried. If Catalan did compile another pancarte (no. CXCVIII), the charter collection of the Temple only inherited two private acts relating to this one layperson (nos. CCX and CCXX). Does this mean that the knight had hardly any individual activity outside of his involvement in the affairs of the commandery of Tarascon? The selection of archives and their modes of transmission, determined probably while Catalan was alive, gives us an entirely unambiguous picture: that of the total involvement of this benefactor in the local establishment of the Templars. This case thus provides another illustration of the way in which, by the transmission of landed property, archives could be organized to perpetuate the memory of an individual. In a comparable socio-political context, the charter collection of the de Mili- tia family illustrates another form of documentary transmission. This collection deals with a knightly family in Avignon over two generations that bound itself to the Templars.47 Johannes de Militia, well attested in the entourage of the Temple from 1188, conducted some transactions on behalf of the commandery between

44 The use of pancartes is well attested for the Cistercians: Constance B. Bouchard, Holy Entrepre- neurs: Cistercians, Knights and Economic Exchange in Twelfth-Century Burgundy (Ithaca, 1991), pp. 14–20; and Parisse, ‘Écriture’ (as note 43), pp. 252–4. 45 CT.TLL, no. 1.A9 (July 1208), B7 (June 1210): Ego Catalanus dono et in perpetuum trado, libero animo et bona voluntate mea, et jam pridem me donasse profiteor domui milicie Templi et tibi Guillelmo de Sainnone, preceptori domus Arelatensis, presenti et recipienti nomine predicte domus omnia que in presenti pagina continentur, retentis tamen michi omnibus bonis istis usus- fructibus quamdiu vixesimus ego et uxor mea Rixendis. . . The meaning of this last charter is not immediately clear: does it mean that the properties, which were sold both to Catalan and to the Order, partly remained in the ownership of Catalan who financed the purchases? 46 Carraz, Ordres militaires (as note 21), vol. 3, ‘Chartrier du Temple d’Arles’, no. 172, pp. 219–60; on this inventory and the classification of the Arles archives: Damien Carraz, ‘L’emprise économ- ique d’une commanderie urbaine: l’ordre du Temple à Arles en 1308’, in L’économie templière en Occident. Patrimoines, commerce, finances, Actes du colloque international de Troyes – Abbaye de Clairvaux, 24–26 octobre 2012, ed. Arnaud Baudin, Ghislain Brunel and Nicolas Dohrmann (Langres, 2013), pp. 142–77, here at 154–8. 47 Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 405–6. Table 6.2 Charters relating to Catalan of Tarascon in the archives of the Templars at Arles from the inventory of 1308

Num. Dates Summaries Notary Original Description order extant in the inventory cxcviii 1202 Feb. – Sales, donations, and Pons no 16 acts – lead 1210 June quitclaims made to Rainouart seal of Catalan and to the Arles Templars by several people cxcix 1203 Aug. – Sales made by various Pons no three acts on 1204 Sept. people to Catalan and Rainouart the same 1205 Jan. to the Temple parchment lead seal cciv 1202 Catalan gives himself Pons no lead seal wax April 22 with some of his goods Rainouart seal ccvi 1200/1 Jan. – Sales made by various Peire CT.TLL, 1 17 acts on 1210 June people to Catalan and Scriptor the same to the Temple parchment ccviii 1209 Mabile, heir of Peire Estève CTAv, 8 lead seal of March Bermon of Avignon, Avignon sells to Catalan and to the Temple two lands in the place called Altor Porquier ccix 1207 June Bertran de Crypta sells Peire no lead seal of to Catalan and the Scriptor Tarascon Temple vineyards at St Georges ccx 1200/1 Jan. Bertran Moutonier Raimon Copy: lead seal of recognizes that he sold Gancelm CT.TLL, Tarascon a land close to the 1.A1. Hospital to Catalan ccxiv 1214/5 Jan. 30 Catalan gives himself Peire no lead seal of to the Temple at Arles Tarascon with all his goods and his rights ccxvii 1206/7 Berenger de Crypta sells Peire no lead seal of February to Catalan and the Scriptor Tarascon Temple two modiatas of land at St Georges ccxx 1193 Douce and her sons Joan, Raimon no lead seal of Peire and Guilhem Gantelme Tarascon sell to Catalan workshops that are at the foro Tarascone that belonged to their father Peire Bedos Private charters and other documents 89

Num. Dates Summaries Notary Original Description order extant in the inventory ccxxiii 1207/8 March Amixende and her son Peire no lead seal of Joan of St Rémi sell Scriptor Tarascon to Catalan and the Temple two modiatas of vineyards at St Georges ccxxvia 1212/3 Jan. Donation by P. Catalan Peire no two acts on of a vineyard at the the same clos Saint-Georges parchment ccxxvib 1212/3 Feb. Uc Paylas sells to Peire no lead seal of Catalan and the Tarascon Temple a vineyard at Virles ccxxviia 1202/3 Jan. Peire of St Jean sells Pons no two acts on to Catalan and the Rainouart the same Temple a land at Virles parchment facing the road ccxxviib 1202/3 Feb. Peire Uc and Pons Barra Pons no lead seal of sell to Catalan and the Rainouart Tarascon Temple a land in the place called Vinnalia ccxxviiia 1202/3 March Bernat Roman sells Peire CT.TLL, two acts on to Catalan and the Scriptor 3 = the same Temple two lands parchment at the place called Vinnals ccxxviiib 1202 Nov. Raimonde, wife of Peire CT.TLL, lead seal of Lambert, sells to Scriptor 1.B1 Tarascon Catalan and the Temple a house.

1223 and 1239.48 After his death, his work was continued by his son Petrus de Militia, whose important patrimony and political commitments are well known. From 1223, Petrus was very present in the entourage of the brothers, as a witness or a guarantor (fidejussor), advisor to the commander, and in particular, a supplier of liquidity.49 In 1270, Petrus elected to be buried in the commandery at St Gilles and, even though no act attests to this, he probably bequeathed all his property to the order. The archives of the commandery at Avignon have in fact conserved

48 Carraz, Ordres militaires (as note 21), vol. 3, ‘Chartrier du Temple d’Avignon’ (CTAv), pp. 318– 407, nos. 7, 14, 15, 18. 49 CTAv, nos. 28, 39, 51; and for mentions as witness: Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 555–6. 90 Damien Carraz a dozen private charters containing purchases and mortgages contracted by this miles with other lay people.50 Petrus de Militia concentrated his purchases of land in one area, the ‘clos de Picarel’, where the Templars already had several pos- sessions, as if, during his lifetime, the transfer of his patrimony had already been programmed. From a stylistic point of view, nothing distinguishes these private charters from other originals in the Temple’s charter collection: in all cases, the notaries used the same formulas, the same legal clauses and the same signs of authentification (notary’s signature and the seals of the counts of Provence and Toulouse). When the originals have disappeared, another type of source allows us to meas- ure the interweaving between a family’s records and a commandery’s collections: archival inventories.51 For this we will turn to Bas-Languedoc, near the large cas- trum of Pézenas where the Templars had established a powerful commandery before the middle of the twelfth century.

A window onto a vibrant village economy: acts of practice in the archives of the Temple at Pézenas Despite a rich charter collection of some 640 pieces ranging from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, this commandery of the Temple (which devolved to the Hospital in 1313) has not yet been the object of an in-depth study.52 It is not my purpose here to undertake a full archival analysis of this charter collection in the departmental archives of the Haute-Garonne.53 I will limit myself here to a preliminary examina­ tion based on an inventory that provides a hom*ogeneous sample of the archives at a relatively specific time. A detailed exploration of this document would require not only the identification and classification of all the extant Templar charters, but also a comparison with inventories from the eighteenth century.54 The inventory

50 CTAv, nos. 21, 22, 27, 29, 31, 34, 36, 52, 53, 56; and for mentions as witness: ibid., pp. 555–6. According to an inventory, these charters were still preserved in the archives of the commandery in 1677 (Biblioth. Mun. d’Aix, ms 1663, fol. 137). 51 Some scholars have thought of using the inventories of the commanderies’ goods and rights, yet the inventories of the archives are not mentioned by contemporaries, Jochen Burgtorf, ‘The Trial Inventories of the Templars’ Houses in France: Select Aspects’, in Debate, pp. 105–16. 52 Scholars must content themselves with fairly amateurish studies such as: Emile Bonnet, ‘Les mai- sons de l’ordre du Temple dans le Languedoc méditerranéen’, Cahiers d’histoire et archéologie, 8 (1934), pp. 158–78, here at pp. 164–8; and for some remarks on the establishment at Pézenas: Damien Carraz, ‘Les ordres militaires et le fait urbain en France méridionale (XIIe–XIIIe siècle)’, Moines et religieux dans la ville (XIIe–XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 44 (Toulouse, 2009), pp. 127–65. 53 The transcription of the first box (H Malte Pézenas 1: 58 acts) is available on the websiteof Framespa: I owe thanks to Hélène Débax who kindly offered me the ongoing transcriptions of the boxes nos. 2–4 (over a total of 15 boxes related to the Templar and Hospitaller commandery at Pézenas). The Albon Collection has been of some help for an overview on the charter collection of Pézenas: BN, nouv. acq. lat., 15–17. 54 H. Malte Pézenas, 105, 105bis and 106 (these registers can be examined on the website of the Archives dép. de Hte-Garonne: Private charters and other documents 91 is a paper register (21.5 x 16 cm) of 22 folios, cut off both at the beginning and at the end to the point that it is impossible to determine the number of missing folios.55 Therefore, it is undated, but palaeographic characteristics and comparison with other inventories date it, without much doubt, to the arrest of the Templars and the seizing of their goods, thus 1307–12. This register contains summaries of 281 acts primarily relating to the territory of Cazouls (fol. 6r–22v), an important lordship in which the commandery at Pézenas had a house.56 As is often the case, it is difficult to detect the rationale that governed the classification of the archives: no numbering system is mentioned, but different sets of item are often preceded by Roman numerals (from I–XX). Does this numbering correspond to a gathering together of several instrumenta on the same text (roll or register) or does it refer to the contents of a liasse? In addition, most of the acts described are undated and internal dating criteria, such as the mention of the names of the commanders of Pézenas, are rare.57 However, this register caught my attention because it lists at least 127 acts between individuals that had been preserved, mixed together among the Templar documents. This proportion of 45 per cent of private acts included in an ecclesiastical institution’s own charter collection may seem quite considerable. Indeed, according to a provisional count the charter collection preserves only ten munimina in its current state today.58 This suggests that the vast majority of this specifically private documentation was lost at a date that has yet to be determined. With all the caution necessary for such a preliminary approach, based on char- ters whose dates range from the mid-twelfth to the late thirteenth century, what can this inventory tell us about this group of lay people gravitating around the commandery at Pézenas? Charters of a feudal nature, while they sometimes reveal important people (lord of Montpellier, bishop of Agde, viscount of Narbonne),59 remain rather few in number. It is the same for the instrumenta that describe the internal affairs of a family, such as wills or transfers of property between spouses. In fact, what dominates are transactions (sales, mortgages) of lands, vineyards and some houses in Pézenas and the land around the town. As with Aubais, we see here the pri­ mordial role of this group of village notables in the vibrant land market. Some of them are probably milites, others probably probi homines, both groups of elites

55 Arch. dép. des Bouches-du-Rhône, 56 H 2777. 56 As the King of France disputed the Templars’ justice rights at Cazouls for a long time (Bonnet, ‘Les maisons’, as note 52, p. 166), it is possible that royal officers sought to know the exact content of the Order’s rights and properties in this specific area. 57 For the list of commanders: Émile-Guillaume Léonard, Gallicarum militiae Templi domorum earumque praeceptorum seriem secundum Albonensia apographia in bibliotheca nationali paris- iensi asservata (Paris, 1930), pp. 53–4. 58 A dozen lay charters are found in boxes 1–4 of the Archives dép. de Hte-Garonne. A preliminary identification of the private charters was also made in the d’Albon Collection: BN, nouv. acq. lat. 15, fol. 329–31 and 370–71; nouv. acq. lat. 16, fol 145–7; nouv. acq. lat. 17, fol. 71–3, 82–9, 134–7, 301–3. 59 Arch. dép. des Bouches-du-Rhône, 56 H 2777, fol. 11r, no. ix, fol. 13r, no. xiiii, fol. 13v, no. xx, fol. 21r et 21v. 92 Damien Carraz Table 6.3 Typology of private charters inventoried in the archives of the Temple at Pézenas

Mortgages (pigneratio) 32 Payment receipts 2 Donations (exchanges?) 29 Sales of landed property 27 Emphyteutic leases 12 Recognitions of fiefs (castles, rights) 8 Testaments 8 Others: procurations, confirmations, marriage contracts, marking out 7 property boundaries, arbitrations Undetermined 2 Total 127

that are difficult to precisely define and who dominated these small towns of the Bas-Languedoc.60 The majority of the mortgages (pigneratio) (25 per cent of pri- vate acts), that is to say, loans taken out using land as a guarantee, highlight the vibrancy of the credit market between individuals in a highly monetized economy. Moreover, several studies have shown that from the twelfth century, the use of credit expanded exponentially and all social strata were involved.61 The frequency of these extant mortgage charters is in itself noteworthy because these contracts were rarely preserved after the repayment of the credit.62 Although the Temple could also grant loans secured on its lands, we see that the economic activity between ordinary people easily functioned outside the framework proposed or imposed by the great ecclesiastical lordships. Moreover, this inventory reveals the involvement of women in both the property market and in family management, as 26 acts mention a woman accompanied by a man – usually by her husband, sometimes her son – while 25 other summaries in the inventory show the action of single women – mostly widows – who were free to do business with each other, it seems, without any requirement to have a man involved. This evidence would therefore situate the majority of these transactions before the last third of the thir- teenth century, as after that time women began to be excluded from managing the family patrimony.63 Such private acts cite over 400 people – a significant sample of the population of Pézenas and the surrounding area – many of whom would surely be found in

60 Monique Bourin-Derruau, Villages médiévaux en Bas-Languedoc: genèse d’une sociabilité (Xe– XIVe siècles) (Paris, 1987), I, pp. 321–5; and II, pp. 188–93. 61 Notaires et crédit dans l’Occident méditerranéen médiéval, eds. François Menant and Odile Redon (Rome, 2004); Marie-Louise Carlin, La pénétration du droit romain dans les actes de la pratique provençale (XIe–XIIIe siècle) (Paris, 1967), pp. 169–209. 62 There are some pignerationes from individuals to the Templars in the Pézenas charter collection: Arch. dép. de Hte-Garonne, H Malte Pézenas, 4A, act 11 (October 1184) and act 23 (1225); 4, act 10 (1300); nouv. acq. lat. 16, fol. 25 (September 1192). 63 Bourin-Derruau, Villages médiévaux (as note 60), I, pp. 148–9; and II, pp. 232–3. Private charters and other documents 93 the charter collection of the Temple if a detailed examination were done. Some people, who can be provisionally situated at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, are particularly well represented in this body of texts: such as Raimun- dus de Verduno (16 acts), Deodatus Ermengavus (16 acts) and Raimundus Pelif- erro (about nine acts). These were large local property owners who, according to the inventory as well as the charter collection, do not seem to have had intense relationships with the Temple.64 It is necessary, finally, to ask why the Templars at Pézenas kept such a large number of private acts. No doubt there were a number of munimina, similar to wills, which were commonly kept to certify the legacy that had been given to the commanderies. It is also possible that several instrumenta concerned goods under the Temple’s lordship (dominium directum): these transactions required the approval of the commander who in turn received a transfer fee (trezenum).65 This is not sufficient, however, to explain the astonishing proportion of private acts in the collection of the Templars of Pézenas. The frequency of mortgages may sug- gest the level of trust that the Templars had acquired in financial affairs, which has been repeatedly noted by historians: these contracts may have been written within the confines of the commandery where they were then stored, which gave an added assurance to the transaction. Finally, the skills of the brothers in manag- ing the written word probably led many lay people to entrust them with their per- sonal papers – all documents that could have been returned to their owners after the suppression of the Temple and subsequently been lost. As we can see, a fair number of questions remain; the goal of this paper has been merely to highlight some avenues for future research. Two types of secondary records (a cartulary and a pancarte), fragments of charter collections that were transformed into munimina, and archival inventories – so many different ways of documentary transmission – today offer historians access to these private archives, so rarely preserved outside the narrow confines of the aristocracy and great merchants. In this sense, the archives of the military orders, whose proximity with the lay world has often been mentioned, have rich potential. To my knowledge, we currently lack a point of comparison with other religious institutions. It is possible that the commanderies constituted privileged conservatories for these family documents, which otherwise have largely been lost to the hazards of history. Such a study in any case deserves to be pursued, as identifying these private charters enables us to reach a stratum of the population who are rarely documented outside of their relations with the church or state. Despite their fragmentary nature, these original charters, secondary records, and even inventory summaries show the dynamism of a social group on the borders

64 These individuals are rarely mentioned in the charter collection: the originals analyzed for this paper gave only the name of Raimondus de Verduno as a witness in 1177 (H Malte Pézenas, 1, acte 30). 65 The archives of each commandery usually preserved such transactions between individuals related to properties coming under the dominium directum of the Templars, for example: CTAv, nos. 19, 57, 58. 94 Damien Carraz of the military aristocracy and the rich peasantry. Further study needs to be done on these allod-holders living in the villages around St Gilles and on the urban knights of the lower Rhone valley, not to mention the elites from various origins who drew their wealth from the land and who were active in the large villages of the Languedocian plain. In Provence as elsewhere, local antiquarians began to collect copies of medi- eval documents from the seventeenth century onward, while those who claimed to be descended from an old noble lineage collected family papers.66 In these col- lections, which include copies, and occasionally original charters, we often find documents relating to the military orders.67 Yet, several of these copies are filled with errors, sometimes even outright forgeries.68 As the loss of documents since the eighteenth century has been minimal, it is therefore better to use the original collections of the military orders, including transcriptions and inventories made by archivists from the Order of Malta that sometimes mention missing medieval charters.69 In positivist scholarship, Templar specialists know the d’Albon collec- tion in the Bibliothèque nationale de France very well.70 Admittedly, this incredibly rich documentary deposit makes things much easier, because it centralizes copies of documents from many European collections. Yet, although these transcripts make it easier to identify and find document trails, they are often incomplete and their strictly chronological classification does not respect the integrity of the original documents such as cartularies or other secondary records. Moreover, this artificial cartulary of the marquis d’Albon does not respect the order of different original charter collections; its numbering system was determined by the reclas- sifications of the Order of Malta’s archives during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Above all, the copyists employed by d’Albon left out a number of origi- nals that seemed to them to be of secondary interest. Yet, it was precisely these private charters that, they thought wrongly, did not provide information about the Templars. For example, if we take the cases discussed here, it turns out that almost half of these charters are not included in the d’Albon collection:

66 For the Porcelet family, see: Actes de la famille (as note 2), pp. xx–xxi and xxxix–xli. 67 Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple (as note 12), pp. 23–4. 68 For example, the donation from Bishop Augier of Avignon to Hugh of Payns (January 9, 1130) was made by the well-known forger Polycarpe de la Rivière in the seventeenth century. This for- gery deceived d’Albon, CT, p. 23, no. 30, and other scholars until recently, see Dominic Selwood, Knights of the Cloister. Templars and Hospitallers in Central-Southern Occitania (1100–1300) (Woodbridge, 1999), p. 85. 69 On the archival management of the Order of Malta in the Priory of Toulouse: Bernadette Suau, ‘Un centre d’archives régionales créé à Toulouse par l’ordre de Malte aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siè- cles’, in Toulouse, une métropole méridionale: vingt siècles de vie urbaine, Actes du 58e Congrès de la Fédération historique de Midi-Pyrénées, eds. Bernadette Suau, Jean-Pierre Amalric and Jean-Marc Olivier (Toulouse, 2009), pp. 891–901. I am planning a similar study for the Priory of St Gilles. 70 Damien Carraz and Marie-Anna Chevalier, ‘Le marquis d’Albon (1866–1912) et son Cartulaire général de l’ordre du Temple’, Hereditas monasteriorum, 1 (2012), pp. 107–28. Private charters and other documents 95 Without using the cartulary of St Gilles, it is impossible to understand the world of individuals such as Vidian Gasinel who supplied the Temple with the socio- logical bases of its establishment in southern France. Without the original charter collection of the commandery of Avignon, a lineage such as the de Militia, which

Table 6.4 Charters not included in the d’Albon collection

Extant medieval Copies in the documents d’Albon collection

Vidian Gasinel of Aubais Private charters 31 5 Charters with the 7 7 Temple Catalan of Tarascon 22 22 De Militia family from Private charters 10 1 Avignon Charters with the 7 7 Temple Inventory of the archives of the Temple at 1 0 Pézenas TOTAL 78 42

was incredibly close to the brothers, goes unnoticed. Finally, the majority of the inventories that provide further insight into charter collections, such as that of Pézenas, had very little chance of being transcribed in the d’Albon collection. The collections of the military orders, housed in Marseille, Toulouse and Mont- pellier if we consider only southern France, thus remain like archival oceans wait- ing for their explorers. Certainly, significant research has been done, but hundreds of boxes of parchment remain to be analyzed and edited, without even counting the registers from the late Middle Ages and early Modern period that transmitted the memory of previous centuries.

Translated from the French by Cynthia J. Johnson Philippe Josserand Editing Templar charters

7 Editing Templar charters in the Iberian Peninsula at the beginning of the twenty-first century

Philippe Josserand1

Today the history of the Templar order fascinates the public at large. Yet this his- tory is not always as rigorous as one might expect, and many books still continue to display their authors’ ignorance of the sources. This phenomenon is not new. Nevertheless, historians since the mid-seventeenth century have acknowledged the importance of medieval documents. The Dupuy brothers, who worked at Louis XIV’s court, were pioneers in following such a path.2 Despite many diffi- culties the movement that they launched grew progressively stronger and became prevalent in the second half of the nineteenth century, when modern and scien- tific research was first applied to the period of the trial and the dissolution of the Templar order. This research was led by Hans Prutz and Heinrich Finke in Ger- many, by Charles-Victor Langlois and Georges Lizerand in France and by Henry Charles Lea in the United States.3 During the twentieth century the whole history of the Templars, from the outset of the order to its conclusion, has benefited from this renewed documentary interest. Today the best syntheses of the history of the order of the Temple, such as those of Alain Demurger, Malcolm Barber and Helen Nicholson, pay particular attention to the sources in all the regions where the brethren thrived.4

1 Maître de conférences at the University of Nantes (CRHIA). I am grateful to Julia Pavón Benito, Josep Maria Sans i Travé and Joan Fuguet Sans for their help and to Luís Filipe Oliveira for his advice and lecture. For their reading and English corrections I thank John Tolan and Helen Nichol- son, too. 2 Pierre Dupuy, Traittez concernant l’histoire de France: sçauoir la condamnation des Templiers auec quelques actes: l’histoire du schisme, les papes tenans le schisme en Auignon: et quelques procez criminels (Paris, 1654). 3 Hans Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens mit Benutzung bisher unge- druckter Materialien (Berlin, 1888); Heinrich Finke, Papsttum und Untergang des Templerordens, 2 vols. (Münster, 1907); Charles-Victor Langlois, ‘Le procès des Templiers’, Revue des Deux Mondes, 103 (1891), pp. 382–421; Georges Lizerand, Le dossier de l’affaire des Templiers (Paris, 1923); Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, 3 vols. (New York, 1887). 4 Alain Demurger, Vie et mort de l’ordre du Temple (1118–1314) (Paris, 1985), reed. Les Templiers. Une chevalerie chrétienne au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2005); Malcolm Barber, The New Knighthood. Editing Templar charters 97 At a European level, the Iberian Peninsula is not currently the best known area of Templar history. Neither is it the easiest to approach, because the brethren con- sidered it both as rear and as frontier.5 Syntheses of the history of the Templars in the Iberian Peninsula are scarce. At the present time there are two that are accurate works of scholarship, one written by Gonzalo Martínez Díez and the other by Joan Fuguet Sans and Carme Plaza Arqué; yet the former remains mainly descriptive, while the latter deals primarily with art and architecture history.6 The historiographical situation for the different Iberian kingdoms is no better. The Crown of Aragon is undoubtedly the place where the Templars have been best studied on a general level. The doctoral thesis of Alan Forey, defended in 1963 and published ten years later, has not yet been superseded;7 María Luisa Ledesma Rubio and Josep Maria Sans i Travé merely continued it for Aragon and for Cata- lonia respectively.8 On the western side of the Iberian Peninsula, the Portuguese Templars have for 15 years been the object of increased attention, and apart from the (partly redundant)9 dissertations of José M. Valente and Maria Cristina Ribeiro de Sousa Fernandes,10 medieval research can now benefit from the commitment of Saul A. Gomes and Kristjan Toomaspoeg.11 Between Portugal and Aragon, the

A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge, 1994); Helen Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A New History (Stroud, 2001). 5 Philippe Josserand, ‘Entre Orient et Occident: l’ordre du Temple dans le contexte castillan du règne d’Alphonse X’, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios Alfonsíes, 2 (2000–2001), pp. 131–50; ‘In servitio Dei et domini regis. Les ordres militaires du royaume de Castille et la défense de la chré- tienté latine: frontière et enjeux de pouvoir (xiie–xive siècles)’, in Identidad y representación de la frontera en la España medieval (siglos xi–xiv), eds. Carlos de Ayala Martínez, Pascal Buresi and Philippe Josserand (Madrid, 2001), pp. 89–111; ‘Et succurere Terre sancte pro posse: les Templiers castillans et la défense de l’Orient latin au tournant des xiiie et xive siècles’, Cahiers de Recherches Médiévales. A Journal of Medieval Studies, 15 (2008), pp. 217–35; and ‘Entre dos frentes: aproximación a las empresas militares de los Templarios del Occidente peninsular (siglos xii–xiv)’, in Hacedores de frontera. Estudios sobre el contexto social de la frontera en la España medieval, ed. Manuel A. Rodríguez de la Peña (Madrid, 2009), pp. 179–201. 6 Gonzalo Martínez Díez, Los Templarios en los reinos de España (Barcelona, 2001); Joan Fuguet Sans and Carme Plaza Arqué, Los Templarios en la Península Ibérica (Barcelona, 2005). 7 Alan Forey, The Templars in the Corona of Aragón (Oxford, 1973). 8 María Luisa Ledesma Rubio, Templarios y Hospitalarios en el reino de Aragón (Saragossa, 1982); Josep Maria Sans i Travé, Els Templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu (Lerida, 1996). The pub- lished form of the doctoral thesis of Joan Fuguet Sans, L’arquitectura dels Templers a Catalunya (Barcelona, 1995), is, in spite of its title, very useful for historians, too. 9 Luís Filipe Oliveira, Luís Adão da Fonseca, Maria Cristina Pimenta and Paula Pinto Costa, ‘The Military Orders’, in The Historiography of Medieval Portugal, c. 1950–2010, ed. José Mattoso (Lisbon, 2011), p. 432. Another Ph.D. dealing with Portuguese Templars was submitted to the Federal University of Goiás by Luiz Ademir da Silva, ‘Da cruzada à demanda. A tradição épica da ordem dos Templários na Baixa Idade Média portuguesa (séculos xii–xiv)’, Goiânia, 2008. 10 José M. Valente, ‘Soldiers and Settlers: The Knights Templar in Portugal, 1128–1319’, Ph.D. submitted to the University of California, Santa Barbara, 2002; Maria Cristina Ribeiro de Sousa Fernandes, ‘A Ordem do Templo em Portugal das origens à extinção’, Ph.D. submitted to the University of Porto, 2009. 11 Saul A. Gomes, ‘A Extinção da ordem do Templo em Portugal’, Revista de História da Sociedade e da Cultura, 11 (2011), pp. 75–116; Kristjan Toomaspoeg, ‘Historiographie de l’ordre du Temple 98 Philippe Josserand Templar history of the central Iberian Peninsula has not recently aroused much interest, and for Navarre as for Castile it remains necessary to rely on the only old existing syntheses, those of Santos García Larragueta and Gonzalo Martínez Díez, although these are mainly descriptive.12 The historical presence of the Templars was not the same from one Iberian realm to another, and the sources that the brethren left offer an even greater con- trast. Even for the order in a single kingdom some commanderies whose cartulary has been preserved and whose archives are especially rich may present more tex- tual evidence than those elsewhere. This documentary imbalance emphasizes the real differences that existed, and scholarship has routinely stressed the difference between Templar involvement in Catalonia or, to a lesser degree, Portugal and the centre of the Iberian Peninsula, where in Aragon, Navarre and even more Castile the scarcity of the sources has often been interpreted as proof of the historical weakness of the order. Further scholarly research requires a comparative approach to the different Iberian realms, based on critical editions of the documents. At the present time, although the normative texts or those relative to the trial have recently become the subject of increasing attention,13 the Iberian Templar charters are far less studied. In recent decades the Schriftlichkeit has not commonly been considered in Spain or in Portugal, and now at the beginning of the twenty-first century a great effort of editing and analysis is still required. The aim of this paper is to present a status quæstionis of the editing of Templar charters in the Iberian Peninsula. For greater clarity, I will divide my paper into two parts, dealing first with the Crown of Aragon before considering the other Hispanic regions, which call for even greater and certainly much more difficult archival work.

au Portugal: status quæstionis’, in I Colóquio internacional Cister, os Templários e a ordem de Cristo. Da ordem do Templo à ordem de Cristo: os anos da transição, eds. José Albuqueque Car- reiras and Giulia Rossi Vairo (Tomar, 2012), pp. 171–91; and ‘L’ordre du Temple en Occident et au Portugal’, in A Extinção da ordem do Templo, ed. José Albuquerque Carreiras (Tomar, 2012), pp. 17–61. 12 Santos García Larragueta, ‘El Temple en Navarra’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 11 (1981), pp. 635–61; Gonzalo Martínez Díez, Los Templarios en la Corona de Castilla (Burgos, 1993). 13 Judith Mary Upton-Ward, The Catalan Rule of the Templars: A Critical Edition and English Translation from Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cartas Reales, Ms. 3344 (Wood- bridge, 2003); Josep Maria Sans i Travé, Els interrogatoris als Templers catalans durant el procés (1309–1311) (Barcelona, 2013). In this volume our Catalan colleague has integrated, too, the statements of the Castilian brethren given at Medina del Campo in 1310 that he had already pub- lished two decades ago: Josep Maria Sans i Travé, ‘L’inedito processo dei Templari in Castiglia (Medina del Campo, 27 aprile 1310)’, in Acri 1291. La fine della presenza degli ordini militari in Terra Santa e i nuovi orientamenti nel secolo XIV, ed. Francesco Tommasi (Perugia, 1996), pp. 227–64. The manuscript of the enquiry held in Orense actually appears to be lost and in refer- ing to it great confusion prevails even among the most distinguished scholars: Philippe Josserand, ‘Troubles and Tensions before the Trial: The Last Years of the Castilian Templar Province’, in MO, 5, pp. 365–6. Editing Templar charters 99 A status quæstionis for the Crown of Aragon The Crown of Aragon has a very special place and importance in Templar studies. Although the central archives of the order have not been preserved,14 the local sources which exist for the history of the Templars in Aragon, Catalonia, Balearic Islands and Valencia are particularly rich and much more has survived than in any other region of the Christian West, except maybe Provence. In a well-informed presentation written in 1994, Alan Forey pointed out that this documentation ‘is possibly the most extensive that has survived’ for the order.15 Such a bulk of mate- rial has been of great interest to the historians of the Crown of Aragon, and, as Josep Maria Sans i Travé recently noted, ‘tot i que no estan dedicades especifica- ment als Templers, avui disposem de molt diverses col.leccions diplomàtiques que apleguen documents relatius a l’esmentat orde’.16 These diplomatic collections, which long exploited Templar sources – in particular for Catalonia – offer many papal bulls, royal diplomas and private charters organized thematically or geo- graphically and containing (for example) documents about settlement or dealing with the earldoms of Urgel and Pallars or the city of Tortosa.17 But, despite the great number of published works including transcripts, ‘there has been little sys- tematic publication of Templar sources’, and today, just as Alan Forey underlined 20 years ago, ‘the bulk of the documentation relating to the Templars remains unpublished’.18 In 2006, in an assessment of the military orders in Catalonia, Josep Maria Sans i Travé repeatedly indicated that ‘la publicació sistemàtica de fonts ha estat ben minsa’.19 Nevertheless, improvements took place from the end of the twentieth century and they are worthy of note. In Catalonia Templar sources have benefited from more interest than in any other part of the Crown of Aragon. In the last 30 years various diplomatic collec­ tions concerning local commanderies have been published. They refer to Tortosa, Barberà, Gardeny and lastly Masdéu in the northern part of the principality, which

14 Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Zum Problem des Templerzentralarchivs’, Archivalische Zeitschrift, 76 (1980), pp. 17–37. 15 Alan Forey, ‘Sources for the History of the Templars in Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia’, Archives, 21.91 (1994), p. 23. 16 Josep Maria Sans i Travé, ‘Estat de la qüestió sobre l’Orde del Temple a Catalunya: realitat i per- spectives’, in Templers i Hospitalers. Ordes militars a Catalunya (Actes de la XXXVII Jornada de Treball. Barbens, 2006) (Barcelona, 2008), p. 16. 17 Josep Maria Sans i Travé, ‘Introducció’, in Joaquim Miret i Sans, Les cases de Templers i Hospi- talers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics (Lerida, 2006), pp. xxix–xxxii. Signifi- catively in her status quæstionis about Templars in the Crown of Aragon, María Bonet Donato, ‘Historiografía e investigación sobre el Temple en la Corona de Aragón’, in Milites Templi. Il patrimonio monumentale e artistico dei Templari in Europa. Atti del convegno internazionale (Perugia, 6–7 maggio 2005), ed. Sonia Merli (Perugia, 2008), pp. 39–86, did not devote any com- ment to the problem of editing sources, and curiously she reproached the historians for being long ‘demasiado pegados a la documentación’ (p. 56). 18 Forey (as note 15). 19 Josep Maria Sans i Travé, ‘Introducció’, in Joaquim Miret i Sans, Les cases de Templers i Hospi- talers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics (Lerida, 2006), p. xxviii. 100 Philippe Josserand is now in France. In 1984, for his bachelor’s degree, Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté studied the foundation of the Templar commandery of Tortosa and its early growth until 1213. In this work he provided an important appendix of documents dealing with the later implantation of the Templars in Tortosa and the lower valley of the Ebro, which he extended in his doctoral dissertation 15 years later.20 In 1995 the doctoral thesis of Pascual Ortega Pérez, on a similar subject, also presented some Templar charters.21 More documents were published at the end of the twentieth century on Josep Maria Sans i Travé’s and Ramon Sarobé i Huesca’s initiative, in two major diplomatic collections, those of Barberà and Gardeny, extending to 1212 and 1200 respectively.22 In 2010, thanks to the Fundació Noguera, Rodrigue Tréton published more than 1,000 charters relating to the Templar commandery of Masdéu, whose cartulary, compiled in the 1280s, is exceptionally rich.23 This noteworthy collection is a Catalan version of the doctoral dissertation that this French historian completed in 2007 under the aegis of Olivier Guyotjeannin. The Fundació Noguera prided itself upon publishing such a work and it has announced for 2016 an edition of the diplomatic collection of the commandery of Palau Solità, removed in 1282 to within the walls of Barcelona,24 whose charters Josep Maria Sans i Travé and Ramon Sarobé i Huesca are now transcribing. The editing of Templar sources in the Crown of Aragon has not been so active outside Catalonia. In the kingdoms of Aragon, Mallorca and Valencia the surviv- ing documentation of the order is less significant and often more scattered, part of it being in Madrid.25 In 1979 the charters of the twelfth century relative to the Aragonese commandery of Novillas were published by Ana Isabel Lapeña Paul.26 Six years later, in 1985, Antonio Gargallo Moya, María Teresa Iranzo Muñio and María José Sánchez Usón transcribed the cartulary of the Templar commandery of Huesca.27 This is now the best known of the commanderies in the Aragonese kingdom28 because from the end of the 1970s Anchel Conte Cazcarro

20 Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté, La comanda del Temple de Tortosa: primer periode (1148–1213) (Tor- tosa, 1984); and Els Templers de les terres de l’Ebre (Tortosa). De Jaume I fins a l’abolició de l’orde (1213–1312), 2 vols. (Tarragona, 1999). 21 Pascual Ortega Pérez, ‘La sociedad de las tierras del Ebre. El señorío templario y hospitalario de Ribera d’Ebre y Terra Alta (1150–1350)’, Ph.D. submitted to the Univeristy of Tarragona, 1995. 22 Josep Maria Sans i Travé, Col.lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Barberà (945–1212) (Barcelona, 1997); Ramon Sarobé i Huesca, Col.lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Gardeny (1070–1200), 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1998). 23 Rodrigue Tréton, Diplomatari del Masdéu, 5 vols. (Barcelona, 2010). 24 Joan Fuguet Sans, ‘La casa del Palau del Temple, de Barcelona’, Locus Amœnus, 7 (2004), pp. 99–109; and ‘Barcelone’, in Prier et combattre. Dictionnaire européen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge, eds. Philippe Josserand and Nicole Bériou (Paris, 2009), p. 141. 25 Forey (as note 15), pp. 17–20. 26 Ana Isabel Lapeña Paul, ‘La encomienda de la orden del Temple en Novillas (siglo xii)’, Cuader- nos de Estudios Borjanos, 3 (1979), pp. 95–172. 27 Antonio Gargallo Moya, María Teresa Iranzo Muñio and María José Sánchez Usón, Cartulario del Temple de Huesca (Saragossa, 1985). 28 Josep Maria Sans i Travé (as note 16), p. 17; and ‘Introducció’, in Joaquim Miret i Sans, Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics (Lerida, 2006), p. xxxiii and xlix–l. Editing Templar charters 101 published various studies on its estates, each endowed with a rich appendix of documents.29 In the same way, although it is not strictly speaking a diplomatic collection, Francisco Castillón Cortada has transcribed many charters relative to the commandery of Monzón in his works about the local brethren.30 Today, editorial work on the Templar estates of the kingdom of Aragon is not so rich as it was in the 1970s and 1980s,31 and the dynamic has moved to the king- doms of Valencia and even more Mallorca. In the Balearic Islands the twenty- first century has already seen important successes in the publication of Templar sources, first for Pollença,32 the most important dependency of the commandery of Mallorca,33 and more recently for the whole main island of the archipelago.34 A similar process is in train as in Catalonia, but the same is not true of the West- ern regions of the Iberian Peninsula.

Templar sources in Portugal, Castile and Navarre In comparison with the territories of the Aragonese Crown, the kingdoms of Por- tugal, Castile, and Navarre have been slow in editing Templar sources. There, of course, charters are infinitely less numerous than in Catalonia, but for this very reason their publication would be of particular interest. In Portugal, undoubtedly the Western Hispanic kingdom where the Templar presence has been most stud- ied, the documents of the order have not benefitted from any systematic editing: a deficiency noted in 2012 by Kristjan Toomaspoeg,35 who knows the Portuguese history of the Temple well.36 The situation is paradoxical, because Templar ­charters are accessible. Most of them are conserved in Lisbon at the Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais, where they are distributed among three main collections: the Gavetas, the Secretaria do Mestrado da Ordem de Cristo and the Colecção Especial.37 The

29 Anchel Conte Cazcarro, ‘Dominios d’o Temple de Uesca sobre lugares y ilesias d’o Alto Aragón’, Argensola, 79–84 (1975–1977), pp. 85–111; ‘O patrimonio d’o Temple en Chaca y o pleito con l’Espital de Santa Cristina (1175–1242)’, in X Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón (Saragossa, 1979), pp. 131–50; ‘La casa templaria de Luna y su dependencia de la encomienda oscense’, Argensola, 87–8 (1979–1980), pp. 85–111; and La encomienda del Temple de Huesca (Huesca, 1986). 30 Francisco Castillón Cortada, ‘Disensiones entre los obispos de Lérida y los Templarios de Monzón’, Ilerda, 36 (1975), pp. 41–96; and ‘Los Templarios de Monzón (Huesca). Siglos xii–xiii’, Cuadernos de Historia del Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, 39–40 (1981), pp. 7–99. 31 For the Hospitaller order the movement in Aragon seems to take off again thanks to Ángela Madrid Medina, El maestre Juan Fernández de Heredia y el Cartulario Magno de la Castellanía de Amposta (tomo II, vol. 1) (Saragossa, 2012). This volume does not concern the Temple, but further ones of the same series may do so. 32 Àngel Rodríguez Carreño, El territori de Pollença sota el Temple (1298–1304) (Pollença, 2000). 33 Joan Fuguet Sans and Carme Plaza Arqué (as note 6), p. 128. 34 Julián García de la Torre, L’orde del Temple a Mallorca (1230–1312). Establiment, desenvolupa- ment i extinció (Palma de Mallorca, 2007). 35 Toomaspoeg, ‘Historiographie’ (as note 11), p. 190. 36 Ibid., ‘L’ordre’ (as note 11). 37 Maria Cristina Ribeiro de Sousa Fernandes, ‘A Ordem do Templo em Portugal: algumas consider- ações en torno das fontes para o seu estudio’, Revista da Faculdade de Letras. História. III Série, 102 Philippe Josserand whole represents about 500 documents.38 Some have been edited in diplomatic col­ lections which have long exploited Templar sources. The phenomenon began in the modern period,39 and since then royal privileges have been largely published,40 as have been papal bulls although less thoroughly,41 and recently private charters.42 In editing terms the doctoral theses of José M. Valente and Maria Cristina Ribeiro de Sousa Fernandes are both of limited help.43 In view of the potential interest of the Templar documents in Portugal to scholars, it is important to welcome the plan launched by Kristjan Toomaspoeg of producing ‘leur édition complète, munie d’une description diplomatique et d’une introduction historique’.44 In the present volume our colleague returns to this idea.45 It will certainly be difficult to see such a project through, but it is feasible and this is the only means to better integrate Portugal into international Templar studies. The historiography of the Temple in Castile is less developed than that of Portugal. In 1992, in a status quæstionis about military orders in the Iberian

8 (2007), pp. 409–20. Other collections exist that our Portuguese colleague did not mention, such as the Convento de Tomar, with about fiftymaços whose inventory was never made. I am grateful to Luís Filipe Oliveira for this information. 38 Toomaspoeg, ‘Historiographie’ (as note 11), p. 190. 39 Luís Filipe Oliveira, ‘Ordens militares’, in Ordens religiosas em Portugal: das origens a Trento. Guia histórico, eds. Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa et al. (Lisbon, 2005), p. 463. The Anais dos Amigos dos Monumentos da Ordem de Cristo and the Anais do Munícipio de Tomar have contrib- uted to the movement, too. 40 Documentos medievais portugueses. Documentos régios, vol. I: Documentos dos condes por- tugalenses e de D. Afonso Henriques (1095–1185), ed. Rui Pinto de Azevedo, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1945–1962); Documentos de Sancho I (1174–1211), eds. Rui Pinto de Azevedo, Avelino de Jesus da Costa and Marcelino Rodrigues Pereira (Coimbra, 1979); Chancelaria de D. Afonso III, eds. Leontina Ventura and António Resende de Oliveira, 3 vols., (Coimbra, 2006–2011); O Livro das Lezírias d’el-Rei Dom Dinis, ed. Bernardo de Sá Nogueira (Lisbon, 2003). 41 Carl Erdmann, Papsturkunden in Portugal (Berlin, 1927); Avelino de Jesus da Costa and Maria Alegria Fernandes Marques, Bulario português de Inocêncio III (Coimbra, 1989); Portugalia Pontificia. Materials for the History of Portugal and the Papacy (1198–1417), ed. Peter Linehan (Lisbon, 2013). 42 Saul António Gomes, ‘A presença das ordens militares na região de Leiria (séculos xii–xv)’, in As ordens militares em Portugal e no Sul da Europa, eds. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes and Paulo Pacheco (Lisbon, 1997), pp. 165–86, doc. 1–16; ‘As ordens militares e a Coimbra medieval: tópicos e documentos para um estudo’, in Ordens militares. Guerra, religião, poder e cultura, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Lisbon, 1999), vol. 2, pp. 55–71, doc. 1–5, 7–9, 11 and 13–17; ‘Observações em torno das chancelarias das ordens militares em Portugal na Idade Média’, in As ordens militares e as ordens de cavalaria na construção do mundo ocidental, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Lisboa, 2005), pp. 157–62, doc. 1–6; Pombal medieval e quinhentista. Docu- mentos da sua história (Batalha, 2010), pp. 75–82, doc. 1–2; and Reguengo do Fetal (Batalha). Documentos históricos (Reguengo do Fetal, 2012), pp. 36 and 51, doc. 5 and 22. 43 José M. Valente (as note 10), pp. 284–305; Maria Cristina Ribeiro de Sousa Fernandes, ‘A Ordem do Templo em Portugal das origens à extinção’, Ph. D. submitted to the University of Porto, 2009, in particular pp. 232–354. 44 Toomaspoeg, ‘Historiographie’ (as note 11), p. 190. 45 Idem, ‘Marquis of Albon, Carl Erdmann and the Templar sources in Portugal’ (chapter 8 in this volume). Editing Templar charters 103 Peninsula, Carlos de Ayala Martínez pointed out that the Templar settlement in this kingdom urgently required to be better studied.46 Ten years later, in another assessment written with Carlos Barquero Goñi, he considered that during the 1990s the situation had notably improved.47 This seems exaggerated, and in the dissertation I completed in January 2000 and published four years later I showed that the Temple, like the order of Alcántara, did not really benefit from the histo- riographical renewal that characterized studies dedicated to the Castilian military orders at the end of the twentieth century.48 The problem is mainly due to the sources. For the Castilian Templars they are scarce and particularly scattered and so far, unlike the brethren in the Crown of Aragon, this has been an obstacle to any editing. It is revealing that the old synthesis of Gonzalo Martínez Díez makes no comment on Templar documentation49 and that, 20 years later, Castile remains the only Western province where the records of the trial continue to be a problem.50 For a long time, as elsewhere, some published diplomatic collec- tions included Templar charters. This practice, however, is less significant than in Portugal and above all has often lacked the same quality. Two recent studies may illustrate this fact. They deal with sectors of important Templar presence, Galicia and the lower Extremadura, and both include an appendix of documents.51 Most of the texts included were already known to scholars,52 and, although some are described as unpublished, the reality is different.53 These examples clearly

46 Carlos de Ayala Martínez, Carlos Barquero Goñi, José Vicente Matellanes Merchán, Feliciano Novoa Portela and Enrique Rodríguez-Picavea Matilla,‘Las órdenes militares en la Edad Media peninsular. Historiografía 1976–1992. I. Reinos de Castilla y León’, Medievalismo. Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, 2 (1992), p. 128. 47 Carlos de Ayala Martínez and Carlos Barquero Goñi, ‘Historiografía hispánica y órdenes militares en la Edad Media, 1993–2003’, Medievalismo. Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Estudios Medi- evales, 12 (2002), pp. 116–17. 48 Philippe Josserand, Église et pouvoir dans la péninsule Ibérique. Les ordres militaires dans le royaume de Castille (1252–1369) (Madrid, 2004), p. 16. Recently Carlos de Ayala Martínez, ‘Bal- ance y actualidad de la historiografía de órdenes militares en los reinos medievales de León y Cas- tilla (2004–2014)’, in Las órdenes militares protagonistas de la historia en el medioevo europeo. Simposio internacional (Monzón, 26 al 28 de febrero de 2015), forthcoming, came on the same line concluding that ‘el tema del Temple en los reinos de León y Castilla está por acometer’. 49 Gonzalo Martínez Díez, Los Templarios en la Corona de Castilla (Burgos, 1993). 50 Philippe Josserand, ‘Troubles and Tensions before the Trial: the Last Years of the Castilian Tem- plar Province’, in MO 5, pp. 365–6. 51 Carlos Pereira Martínez, Os Templarios. Artigos e Ensaios (Noia, 2000), and Francisco J. Durán Castellano, ‘Los Templarios en la Baja Extremadura’, Revista de Estudios Extremeños, 56 (2000), pp. 99–145. 52 Carlos Pereira Martínez, ‘A Orde do Temple e Cambre’, and ‘A Orde do Temple na comarca brigantina. Os documentos’, in idem, Os Templarios (as note 51), pp. 23–6 and 83–96, offered 22 Templar documents, from which seven are only given as a regestum and three issued after the trial. Of the remaining 12 only two are otherwise unpublished, both conserved in the Arquivo do Reino de Galicia at La Coruña. 53 Francisco J. Durán Castellano, ‘Los Templarios en la Baja Extremadura’, Revista de Estudios Extremeños, 56 (2000), pp. 122–45, gathered 11 Templar documents. Five are described as unpub- lished. The two from the Archivo Histórico Nacional at Madrid have been already edited (Julio 104 Philippe Josserand show the poor state of the editing of Templar sources in Castile, and I think that, as I pointed out twelve years ago, ‘cela impose de mener à bien une col- lecte systé­matique des sources disponibles’.54 The reconstruction of the medieval diplomatic collection of the order of Alcántara that nine colleagues and I have carried through to a successful conclusion under the aegis of Bonifacio Palacios Martín could hopefully be an incentive to undertake such a project.55 The kingdom of Navarre, unlike the Crown of Aragon, does not have any tra- dition of editing Templar sources. Nevertheless this is changing, and this is a major motive for hope on a Hispanic scale. Until the mid-twentieth century Nav- arrese historiography had never focused on the military orders.56 Santos García Larragueta was the first to do so, and in 1957 he published 558 documents in his doctoral dissertation, most of them then unknown, on the Hospitaller priory of Navarre.57 Fourteen years later, during the international Spanish-Portuguese con- ference about military orders whose proceedings only appeared in 1981, he wrote an interesting synthesis on the Templar estates in Navarre.58 Even though he did not edit the diplomatic collection that he had in mind59, the footnotes reveal, as Julia Pavón Benito has recently pointed out, an impressive archival knowledge.60 Santos García Larragueta never completed his Colección diplomática del Temple, but the project has not vanished. In 2016 a Diplomatario del Temple en Navarra is to be published. The undertaking has been managed by Julia Pavón Benito to whom I am especially grateful for the details I will set out before concluding this paper. The team that she has led is formed by María Bonet Donato, Raquel García Arancón, Julia Baldó Alcoz and Ángeles García de la Borbolla. Two hundred documents have been transcribed, for the most part previously unpublished. They

González González, Reinado y diplomas de Fernando III, vol. III: Diplomas [1233–1253] (Cor- doba, 1986), pp. 93–6, doc. 575, and Aurea Javierre Mur, ‘Aportación al estudio del proceso con- tra el Temple en Castilla’, Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 69 (1961), pp. 86–8, doc. 8. It is doubtful that the three others from the Archivo Catedral de Badajoz are unpublished, and for one at least the date is erroneous: the privilege of King Alfonso X, edited as document 6 and situ- ated in 1278, has to be redated to 1276 (Manuel González Jiménez and María Antonia Carmona Ruiz, Documentación e itinerario de Alfonso el Sabio (Sevilla, 2012), p. 500, doc. 2778). A simi- lar error has been reproduced by Julián Clemente Ramos and Juan Luis de la Montaña Conchiña, ‘Las órdenes militares en el marco de la expansión cristiana de los siglos xii–xiii en Castilla y León: la orden del Temple en Extremadura’, e–Spania, 1 (2006), pp. 19–20. 54 Philippe Josserand (as note 48), p. 17. 55 Bonifacio Palacios Martín (ed.), Colección diplomática medieval de la orden de Alcántara (1157?–1494), vol. I: De los orígenes a 1454, and vol. II: De 1454 a 1494, 2 vols. (Madrid, 2000–2003). 56 Julia Pavón Benito, ‘Historiografía de las órdenes militares en el reino de Navarra (Edad Media)’, in As ordens militares. Freires, guerreiros, cavaleiros. Actas do VI Encontro sobre ordens mili- tares, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Palmela, 2012), vol. 1, pp. 62–71 and 81. 57 Santos García Larragueta, El gran priorato de Navarra de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén (siglos xii–xiii), 2 vols. (Pamplona, 1957). 58 Idem, ‘El Temple en Navarra’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 11 (1981), pp. 635–61. 59 Ibid., p. 657. 60 Julia Pavón Benito (as note 56), p. 75. Editing Templar charters 105 stretch from the 1130s to the Templar trial, covering almost two centuries, and shed new light on the Navarrese context of the order, to which an introductory study will be dedicated in the forthcoming book. The Diplomatario del Temple en Navarra will be the essential basis for any local study of the brethren, but at the same time it will serve as an indispensable reference work for a global and comparative approach to the order itself.

Conclusions The reconstruction in the Iberian Peninsula at the beginning of the twenty-first century of the medieval diplomatic collection of the order of Alcántara has been an important success for the history of these institutions. Thanks to this edition of 1,747 documents, 464 of which are prior to the suppression of the Templars,61 a military order that was traditionally considered to be deprived of sources and history62 has recovered its past, and research has become possible. The route that the researchers have to follow for the Hispanic Templars is not very different. The editing of Templar charters in the various territories of the Crown of Aragon, especially in Catalonia, has taken the lead; but some similar undertakings have been proposed for Portugal and Castile, and, above all, this work is poised to succeed in Navarre, where the Diplomatario del Temple en Navarra will soon be available. Its coordinator Julia Pavón Benito has pointed out the obstacles to pub- lication that she has encountered and she has particularly emphasized the decreas- ing interest in publication of diplomatic collections within the Iberian Peninsula and the poor response that such a project may encounter.63 The hazards that our Spanish colleague has stressed are unmerited, but they are a reality that the schol- arly community has to take into consideration, above all in the present context of economic crisis, particularly in the Iberian Peninsula. The solution may require us to work on a different and much larger scale, that of Europe. That is what I tried to do some years ago in collaborating with Nicole Bériou on the Dictionnaire euro- péen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge.64 The editing of Templar sources could certainly make better progress by following such a route. For reasons of finance and efficiency the European route now seems the more appropriate, and this is precisely the route that the Templars followed throughout their history.

61 Bonifacio Palacios Martín (ed.), Colección diplomática medieval de la orden de Alcántara (1157?–1494), vol. I: De los orígenes a 1454 (Madrid, 2000), pp. 1–312. 62 Derek Lomax, ‘La historiografía de las órdenes militares en la Península Ibérica, 1100–1550’, Hidalguía, 23 (1975), p. 718. 63 Julia Pavón Benito (as note 56), p. 79. 64 Philippe Josserand and Nicole Bériou (eds.), Prier et combattre. Dictionnaire européen des ordres militaires au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2009). Kristjan Toomaspoeg The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources

8 The Marquis d’Albon, Carl Erdmann and the Templar sources in Portugal

Kristjan Toomaspoeg

In1 the posthumous, 1913, Cartulaire de l’Ordre du Temple of André marquis d’Albon2 34 Templar charters located in Portuguese archives were published.3 For many scholars, the marquis’ edition gave the first indication of the existence of Templar charters in Portugal, as earlier works such as the History of the Order of Christ of Bernardo da Costa, with a selection of Templar documents, remained relatively unknown outside of the country.4 Eight years later, the future German medievalist Carl Erdmann (1898–1945)5 was forced by the post-First World War crisis to emigrate to Portugal. Working as a private tutor, he spent his free time in the archives of Lisbon, collecting material which served later for his 1927 book on papal documents in Portugal, published in collaboration with Paul Fridolin Kehr and the Prussian Historical Institute in Rome.6 This work offers a description of the Portuguese archives that is still up- to-date in many respects, including the primary sources for the Templar Order,

1 In this paper, the following abbreviations are used: ADB, GNV = Arquivo Distrital de Braga, Gaveta das Notícias Várias; ASV, Reg. Vat. = Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registri Vaticani; BNL, FG = Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Fundo Geral; IANTT, ACE = Lisbon, Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo, Antiga Colecção Especial; IANTT, CHE = ibid., Papeis da Commissão de Historia Ecclesiastica; IANTT, CSC = ibid., Cabido da Sé de Coimbra; IANTT, Gav. = ibid., Gavetas; IANTT, NA = ibid., Documentos particulares do Núcleo Antigo; IANTT, OCCT = ibid., Mesa da Consciência e Ordens. Ordem de Cristo e Convento de Tomar; IANTT, Livro de Mestrados = ibid., Leitura Nova, ʽLivro de Mestrados’; IANTT, RG = ibid., Colecção Reforma das Gavetas. 2 Cartulaire général de l’Ordre du Temple 1119?–1150. Recueil des Chartes et des Bulles relatives à l’Ordre du Temple formé par le marquis d’Albon, ed. Guigues Alexis Marie Joseph André d’Albon (Paris, 1913). 3 CT, nr. X, XI, XIX, XXIII, XXIV, CIII, CXCV, CCX, CCXIII, CCXIV, CCLXXIV, CCLXXXVIII, CCXCI, CCCIX, CCCXX, CCCXLIII, CCCL, CCCLI, CCCLV, CCCLVI, CCCLIX, CCCLXII, CCCLXIII, CCCLXIV, CCCLXXXI, CCCLXXXVII, CCCXCIII, CCCXCIV, CCCXCIX, CCC- CIII, CCCCXXII, CCCCXXXIX, CCCCLIII, DXX. 4 Frei Bernardo da Costa, Historia da Militar Ordem de Nosso Senhor Jesus Christo, Coimbra: Na officina de Pedro Ginioux, 1771 (reprinted Malveira, 1988). 5 See Friedrich Baethgen, ʽGedenkwort’, in Carl Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Frühmittelalters, ed. Friedrich Baethgen (Berlin, 1951), pp. viii–xxi. 6 Papsturkunden in Portugal, ed. Carl Erdmann (Berlin, 1927). The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 107 which provided a significant part of Erdmann’s documentation. In fact, among the 160 sources of the twelfth century he listed or published, 19 are documents, mostly papal letters, regarding the Templars. Erdmann was also interested in the general evolution of the Templar sources in Portugal and included a short but exhaustive description of the issue.7 For him the former Templar archive was ‘per- haps the most complicated and most interesting in all Portugal’,8 in the context of the ‘unholy disorder’ in which he found the Portuguese archives.9 Erdmann was the first historian to provide a scientifically and methodically correct description of the Templar sources in Portugal, material he used not only for his work on papal documents but also for his habilitation thesis on the origins of the idea of crusade in the medieval West.10 From 1934 Carl Erdmann was collaborator of the Monumenta Germaniae His- torica, so that the issue of Templars in Portugal can be related to three crucial elements: the Templar sources, the work of the marquis d’Albon and the Monu- menta, which provides a justification for the presence of my paper on this topic. My aim is to provide a necessarily short overview of the history of Portuguese Templars and their archives, accompanied by a series of observations of statistical nature on the Templar charters in Portugal, with some conclusions on the impor- tance of those sources in the framework of Templar history and some proposals for the processing and dissemination of those materials.

Templars in Portugal The County of Portugal was one of the first Western regions where the Templars of Hugues of Payns settled, shortly before the official foundation of the order. The point of departure was the donation made by Countess Theresa in March 1128 of the castle of Soure, located on the southern boundary of the county, about 30 kilometres from Coimbra. There are two charters of donation, dating 19 March11 and 29 March12 but neither is original. It is possible that the authors of the copies

7 Ibid., pp. 54–61. 8 Ibid., p. 56. 9 Ibid., p. 58. 10 Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1935). In English: The Origin of the Idea of Crusade, trans. Marshall. W. Baldwin and Walter Goffart (Princeton, 1977). 11 IANTT, OC/CT, Regulamentos e Constituicões – Documentos régios, maço 1, nr. 1 (copy, twelfth– thirteenth century), later copies in IANTT, Livro de Mestrados, f. 64v, IANTT, OC/CT, manuscript nr. 234/2, f. 122r–v and BNL, FG, manuscript nr. 736, f. 229v–30r. Editions in Costa, Historia (as note 4), pp. 150–1, CT, nr. X, p. 7, Documentos Medievais Portugueses, Documentos regios, I, Documentos dos condes portugalenses e de D. Afonso Henriques, A.D. 1093–1185, ed. Rui Pinto de Azevedo (Lisbon, 1958), nr. 79, p. 101. 12 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 13, nr. 5 (copy, 12th–Thirteenth century), other copies in IANTT, LN, f. 20v, IANTT, OC/CT, manuscript 234/2, f. 121v–2r, IANTT, OC/CT, manuscript 297, f. 49r–51r, BNL, FG, manuscript 736, f. 229r–v. Editions in Costa, Historia (as note 4), pp. 148–9, CT, nr. XI, pp. 7–8. 108 Kristjan Toomaspoeg made a mistake and that both charters date from 19 March.13 We may also doubt the authenticity of the copy of 29 March, which is more formal in style than the other, but devoid of the signature of King Alfonso VII of Leon and Castile, present in the copy of 19 March. We know that the initial donation was negotiated by a Templar called Ray- mond Bernard, a person documented also in France and Catalonia.14 Soon after the arrival of the Templars the son of Countess Theresa, Afonso Henriques, the future founder of the Kingdom of Portugal, defeated his mother and took over power in the county, so that the possession of Soure had to be reconfirmed to the Temple in March 1129.15 Theresa, together with a long series of noblemen, is supposed to have given to the Templars many lands in the Minho region and in Galicia perhaps even before 1128. Yet another of her donations edited by the marquis d’Albon is nothing but a crude forgery16 and a further early document, a testament dated by the marquis to 26 February 1128,17 was in reality written in 1159.18 The Temple’s first steps in Portugal were made only some years later after 1135, when the Templar Arnal Petri is known to have resided in the country. The castle of Soure was in reality not much more than a ruin, after its destruction by the Muslims in 1116–1117, and the intention of the donation was probably more economic than military.19 There are no sources on the participation of Templars in the defense of Soure against a new attack launched by the Muslims in 1144, but there is much evidence on the acquisition of lands by the order at this period across the whole of the new king- dom of Portugal. In 1145 the brother-in-law of Afonso Henriques, Fernão Mendez de Bragança, gave the Templars the castle of Longroiva, close to the Castilian

13 The first document is dated xiiii kalendas aprilis era MCLXVI and the second one iiii kalendas aprilis sub era MCLXVI, so that the simple omission of x from the date could transform March 19 into March 29. 14 See Alain Demurger, Les Templiers. Une chevalerie chrétienne au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2005), p. 51 and 70 and Luís Filipe Oliveira, ʽOrdens Militares’, in Ordens Religiosas em Portugal: Das Ori- gens a Trento. Guia Histórico, dir. Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa (Lisbon, 2005), V, pp. 453–502, here p. 462 and 465. 15 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 13, nr. 5 (copy, 12th–Thirteenth century), several other modern copies are available. Editions in Costa, Historia (as note 4), pp. 157–8, CT, nr. XXIV, p. 17, Chancelarias Medievais Portuguesas, I. Documentos da chancelaria de Afonso Henriques, ed. Abiah Elisa- beth Reuter (Coimbra, 1938), nr. 14, pp. 20–2, Documentos Medievais Portugueses, Documentos regios (as note 11), I, nr. 96, p. 120. 16 This document is known only as sixteenth century copy (ANTT, OC/CT, manuscript nr. 235, f. 171r, ed. CT, nr. XIX, pp. 12–13). 17 CT, nr. XXIII, p. 16, registered in As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, II, (Lisbon, 1962), nr. 1060, p. 479. 18 Historians still continue to confuse the Era MCXCVI of the datatio (AD 1159) with Era MCLXVI (AD 1129). 19 Those considerations are suggested by a reading of the only narrative source on the installation of the Templars in Portugal, the Vita of St. Martin of Soure: Portugaliae Monumenta Historica a saeculo octavo post Christum usque ad quintumdecimum, jussu Academiae Scientiarum Olisipon- ensis edita. Scriptores, vol. 1 (Lisbon, 1856), p. 61. The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 109 border,20 which became the first headquarters of the Templar Order in Portugal. It may be that the Templars also received from Fernão the castles of Mogadouro and Penas Róias, as there is no other explanation for the acquisition of these fortresses which later belonged to the Templar patrimony.21 In these same years the Templars also took part for the first time in the Portu- guese reconquista, as they were present during the conquest of the city of San- tarèm in 1147 and were rewarded by the king with the concession of ecclesiastical rights and revenues in the city.22 This is the only documented major participation of the Temple in the wars against Muslims in this kingdom and was carried out under the auspices of the pope. Here the history of the order of Temple in Portugal came to a crucial turning-point. The royal concession of 1147 did not respect the authority of the new bishop of Lisbon, the Englishman Gilbert of Hastings,23 and the Templars and the bishop carried on long-term negotiations at the papal court on this issue. As a result, in February 1159 an agreement was signed between the Temple, the king and the bishop of Lisbon: with this document, the Tem- plars gave away their rights and most of their possessions in Santarém (including the new Templar church of Santa Maria de Alcáçova24), but received in compen- sation the castle of Ceras and the lands of the castle of Zêzere,25 exempt from any dependence on the bishop and with the right to build new churches in those lands. Pope Hadrian IV relieved all the churches the order had built in this zone, located between Coimbra and Santarém, from any obligation towards the diocesan

20 10 June 1145, Frei Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Elucidário das palavras, termos e frases que em Portugal antigamente se usaram e que hoje regularmente se ignoram, II, ed. Mário Fiúza (Porto – Lisbon, 1865), p. 587, note 1; CT, nr. 359, pp. 230–31, Portugaliae Monumenta His- torica. Inquisitiones, I (Lisbon, 1856), p. 1279. 21 See Mário Jorge Barroca, ʽA Ordem do Templo e a arquitectura militar portuguesa do século XII’, Portugalia, 17–18 (1996–1997), pp. 175–213, here p. 187; José Valente, Soldiers and Settlers: The Knights Templar in Portugal, 1128–1319, PhD thesis, University of California, Santa Bárbara, 2002, p. 92; Nuno Villamariz Oliveira, Castelos Templários em Portugal (1120–1314) (Lisbon, 2010), p. 402 and 414. 22 IANTT, Livro de Mestrados, f. 61v–3v (a sixteenth–century copy, realized on the basis of two originals without seal but provided with the rota of the king), and many other modern copies. Among the existing editions, see Costa, História (as note 4), pp. 165–6, Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), pp. 587–8, CT, nr. CCCCXXXIX, p. 275, Documentos Medievais Portugueses, Docu- mentos regios (as note 11), I, nr. 221, pp. 272–3, Monumenta Henricina, I (Coimbra, 1960), nr. 2, pp. 3–4, Chancelarias Medievais Portuguesas (as note 15), I, nr. 145, pp. 209–10. 23 See Jonathan Phillips, ʽIdeas of Crusade and Holy War in De expugnatione Lyxbonensi (The Con- quest of Lisbon)’, in Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History, ed. Robert N. Swanson (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 123–41. 24 The foundation of the church is known thanks to an inscription, edited in Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 588 and Mario Jorge Barroca, Epigrafia Medieval Portuguesa (862–1422), II, Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian-Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, nr. 98, pp. 212–6. 25 February 1159, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 3, nr. 8 (original or contemporary copy), IANTT, OC/CT, Regulamentos e Constituicões – Documentos régios, maço 1, nr. 3A (copy of thirteenth century), and many modern copies. Editions in Costa, História (as note 4), pp. 160–2; Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 590; Monumenta Henricina (as note 22), I, nr. 3, pp. 5–9. 110 Kristjan Toomaspoeg bishops,26 so that, in fact, an area without episcopal jurisdiction, a nullius dioec- esis of the Temple was created. The new heartland of the Temple (which continued to acquire possessions also in the other, northern and eastern, parts of the kingdom) was populated, urbanized and fortified by the Templars with the creation of the new castles of Tomar (since 1160),27 Pombal, Redinha, Ega and Almourol. Foundation privileges were given to the new populations: cartas de foro. At the end the whole region of the Beira Baixa was in some way connected with the patrimony of the Temple, divided from the beginning of the thirteenth century into two branches: from Coimbra to Zêzere and from Castelo Branco to Idanha-a-Nova. Another, smaller, group of possessions was created between Longroiva and the castles of Mogadouro and Penas Róias in the eastern Bragança. What is extremely significant is the Templars’ complete lack of interest in expansion towards the South of the kingdom, where the war against Muslims was still going on. In 1169 King Afonso Henriques offered to the master of the Temple, Philip of Milly, represented by Geoffroy Fouchier,28 one third of all the territories that the Templars would conquer south of the river Tagus,29 but the order never followed up this offer. Evidently, the Templars had chosen to remain in the lower Beira where military operations against Muslims were not yet concluded (as late as in 1190 the castle of Tomar was heavily besieged) and especially where they did not have to fear rivalries from the other military orders or the constraints of the royal court and could resist the claims of the local bishops. Relations with local diocesan powers are a leitmotiv of the Templar archives: the agreement of 1159 gave to the Templars lands not only in the diocese of Lis- bon but also in the territories of the bishopric of Coimbra, which explains a long conflict over the payment of tithes on the churches of Pombal, Redinha and Ega.30 From 1182 to 1184, these churches were even subject to a papal interdict.31 They were then exonerated by Pope Urban III, but the question was reopened under Pope Celestine III32 and, again, under Pope Innocent III, with a new interdict

26 15 June 1159, Ea que pro bono pacis, Costa, História (as note 4), p. 187; Papsturkunden in Por- tugal (as note 6), nr. 59, pp. 228–9; Monumenta Henricina (as note 22), I, nr. 6, p. 14. 27 On the castle of Tomar and the existing historiography on the topic, see Oliveira, Castelos Temp- lários em Portugal (as note 21), pp. 317–56. 28 . . . Gaufridus Fulcherii citra mare totius militie predicti Templi procurator sub fratri Garssie Romeo in Campis et in Castella militum predictorum minister, frater Galdinus in Portugali rerum Templi procurator . . . 29 September 1169, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 3, nr. 36 (post 5 July 1199 transcription); ibid., maço 13, nr. 6 (transcription 5 June 1313), ed. Costa, História (as note 4), pp. 193–4; Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), pp. 592–3. 30 See Maria Alegria Fernandes Marques. ʽO litígio entre a Sé de Coimbra e a Ordem do Templo pela posse das igrejas de Ega, Redinha e Pombal’,in Jornadas sobre Portugal medieval. Actas (Leiria, 1987), pp. 349–66. 31 Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 98, pp. 287–8. 32 Ibid., nr. 140, p. 360. The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 111 following.33 Similar conflicts are attested with other bishops34, but in the thir- teenth century these disputes were generally resolved, with agreements signed with bishops of Braga,35 Coimbra,36 Guarda,37 Lamego,38 Lisbon,39 Porto,40 Viseu41 and Zamora (on the issue of Mogadouro).42 The rivalry between the Templars and the other military orders is documented only in the case of the Hospitallers, possessors of lands neighboring the Templar estates in Bragança and in Beira Baixa: in 1179 an abbreviated copy of the agree- ments between Templars and Hospitallers in the Holy Land was also sent to Portu­ gal, probably as some sort of manual for settling disputes.43 Local agreements were signed with the Hospitallers in 1231 for the rights in Vila Chã de Braciosa and Atenor (Miranda de Douro) and then in Ródão44 and in 1239, between the Templar houses of Mogadouro and Penas Róias and the Hospitallers of Algoso.45 The relations between the Templars and the Portuguese royal court represent an extremely important issue. Portuguese historiography has, until the beginning of the 21st century, always considered the Templars as subjects and servants of the king, in the context of a very close relationship between the order and the monar- chy.46 This interpretation, which has also its exoteric extension in the theory of the

33 IANTT, CHE, caixa 1, fasc. 1, 214–5. 34 The earliest documents on a conflict between Templars and local bishops relate to the diocese of Braga where in 1145 the Temple received from the local bishop a hospital (in the city of Braga, CT, nr. CCCLXIII–CCCLXIV, pp. 232–3 and CCCLXXXI, 241), but lost it some time after 1162, see Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 60, pp. 229–30. 35 February 1227, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 12, nr. 13 (original); ibid., maço 12, nr. 4 (thirteenth century copy); modern copies in IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 12, nr. 4, IANTT, Livro de Mestrados, f. 18r–v. 36 30 August 1248, BNL, FG, manuscript nr. 739, f. 53r–4v (modern copy); 5 April 1291, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 7, nr. 22 (original). 37 30 November 1220, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 14, nr. 6 (original); September 1242, IANTT, OCCT, Documentos particulares, maço 1, nr. 20 (original); April 1250, IANTT, Gav., 19, maço 13, nr. 39 (copy from 1534). 38 April 1 1252, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 12, nr. 12 and ibid., maço 13, n. 10 (originals); 21 March 1254, Costa, História (as note 4), p. 279. 39 27 April 1306, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 4, nr. 3 (original). 40 24 March 1244, Costa, História (as note 4), p. 274. 41 29 July 1230, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 13, nr. 24 (original). 42 1 August 1254, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr. 46 (original). 43 Kristjan Toomaspoeg, ʽL’Ordre du Temple en Occident et au Portugal’, in A Extinção da Ordem do Templo, ed. José Albuquerque Carreiras (Tomar, 2012), pp. 17–61, here p. 43; Alan J. Forey, ʽProcedures for the Settlement of Disputes between Military Orders in the Twelfth and Thirteenth centuries’, Ordines Militares, 19 (2014), pp. 27–39. 44 3 January 1231, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 6, nr. 8 and ibid., maço 14, nr. 11 (originals); 3 Janu- ary 1231, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 6, nr. 14 (original); May 1231, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 12, nr. 8 (original). 45 22 July 1239, Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 598. 46 See José Valente, ʽThe New Frontier. The Role of the Knights Templar in the Establishment of Portugal as an Independent Kingdom’, Mediterranean Studies, 7 (1998), pp. 49–65; ibid., Soldiers and settlers; Maria Cristina Fernandes, A Ordem do Templo em Portugal (das origens à extinção), PhD Thesis, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 2009. This theory and the two works I just quoted have been severely criticized in Luís Filipe Oliveira, ʽThe military orders in the 112 Kristjan Toomaspoeg creation of the kingdom of Portugal by the Templars,47 cannot be upheld when we examine the sources. The royal documents regarding the first century of the Templars' presence in Portugal are quite often known only in form of contemporary or later copies and some of them may well be forgeries, such as the charters given by King Sancho I (1185–1211). At the moment of Sancho’s death in March 1211, his son Fernando (since 1212 count of Flanders) gave to the Temple significant landed properties in Vila Franca da Cardosa, about 20 kilometres from the Castilian border,48 where the Templars created the castle and city of Castelo Branco, now together with Tomar the most important centre of their patrimony. In the following decades the Templars’ attitude towards the crown can be considered as ambiguous: dur- ing the internal scissions and conflicts of the reigns of Afonso II (1211–1223) and Sancho II (1223–1248), the order had good relations with both kings,49 but also with their enemies, for example the sister of Afonso and aunt of Sancho, Mafalda, who, titled as ‘queen’, gave to the Temple in September 1230 lands in Britiande (Lamego) in Beira Alta.50 Under the successor of Sancho II, Afonso III (1248–1279), the Templars appear only rarely in the royal charters, with no more than one concession of properties (in Santarém in 1275).51 The submission of the military orders to royal authority in the Iberian Penin- sula, described by Carlos de Ayala Martínez and Philippe Josserand, who date this process to the period between 1250 and 1350,52 becomes evident in the case of the Portuguese Templars only under the rule of King Denis (1279–1325). Denis gave to the Temple a general confirmation of its privileges and possessions,53 together with his protection54 and from the beginning of his reign he acted in favor of the Templars, for example, in the case of their dispute with the citizens of Tomar,55 and gave the order some new possessions and rights.

twelth-fourteenth centuries’, in The Historiography of Medieval Portugal (c. 1950–2010), dir. José Mattoso, ed. Maria de Lourdes Rosa, Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa and Maria João Branco (Lisbon, 2011), pp. 425–39, here pp. 432–3. 47 António Telmo, História Secreta de Portugal (Lisbon, 1977), p. 59. 48 March 12 1211, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 14, nr. 9 (original). 49 For Afonso II, see specially the privilege of 1217, in IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr 12 (transcription in December 18 1290), for Sancho II, the documents edited in Sandra Virgínia Pereira Gonçalves Bernardino, Sancius Secundus Rex Portugalensis: a chancelaria de D. Sancho II (1223–1248). Thesis of Mestrado, University of Coimbra, 2003, p. 163 and pp. 351–2. 50 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 16, nr. 2 (transcription in 30 September 1318), many modern copies are also available. 51 19 April 1275, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 4, nr. 6 (original). 52 Carlos de Ayala Martínez, ʽLas Órdenes militares y los procesos de afirmación monárquica en Cas- tilla y Portugal (1250–1350)’, Revista da Faculdade de Letras-Historia, 15.2 (1998), pp. 1279– 1312; Philippe Josserand, Église et pouvoir dans la Péninsule Ibérique. Les ordres militaires dans le royaume de Castille (1252–1369) (Madrid, 2004), pp. 463–647. 53 30 May 1285, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 16, nr. 2 (transcription in 30 September 1318). 54 August 1279, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr. 12 (transcription in 9 June 1291). 55 See Luís Filipe Oliveira, ʽDuas memórias em conflito: a Ordem de Cristo e o concelho de Tomar’, in Cister, os Templários e a Ordem de Cristo. I Colóquio Internacional. Da Ordem do Templo The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 113 This new interest of the Portuguese kings in the Temple, which had been com- pletely absent since the time of Sancho II, can surely be explained by the opening of relations between Denis and the papacy, but also by the personal links existing or created between the Templars and the king, the infante Afonso (Afonso IV) and some high-ranking members of the royal court. There could have also been some Aragonese influence, transmitted by theinfante and his suite.56 Commanders of the Temple such as Gonçalo Gonçalvez, Lourenço Martins and Vasco Fernandez had close relations with the court,57 although relations were in no way comparable to those in the Kingdom of Aragon, where, for example, King James II had seven Templars as ambassadors in his service.58 On the eve of the Templars’ trial, the Portuguese branch of the order had not yet been subjected to the king’s authority and seems to have been much more inde- pendent than, for example, the local brethren of the Order of Santiago. However, the order’s personnel was composed mostly of noblemen of Portuguese origin who could have been influenced by the king, although the king himself did not exercise a full control on his kingdom. The Templars of Portugal were guided by a local commander who took his orders from the master of the Castilian branch of the Temple and had under his own rule a series of local commanderies located (not always permanently) in Braga,59 Pombal, Tomar, Almourol, Santarém, Coimbra, Longroiva, Rio Frio (Arcos De Valdevez, province of Viana do Castelo), Mogadouro, Castelo Branco, Proença-a-Velha, Soure, Ega, Elvas, Alenquer and finally Lisbon60 and Pussos (Alvaiázere, province of Leiria). Under Denis’ rule, the head of the Portuguese branch began to acquire a certain autonomy: in 1283, a new master of the order in Castile, Leon and Portugal was appointed in Acre,61 but his subordinates, the commanders in Portugal, now frequently used the title of a ‘master’, at first only in the Portuguese and then, with Vasco Fernandez (since 1295),62 also in Latin

à Ordem de Cristo, eds. José Albuquerque Carreiras and Giulia Rossi Vairo (Tomar, 2012), pp. 249–70. 56 See for example the works of Félix Lopes, like ʽDas actividades políticas e religiosas de D. Estêvão, bispo que foi do Porto e de Lisboa.’, Lusitânia Sacra, 6 (1962–1963), pp. 25–90 and Giulia Rossi Vairo, ʽIsabelle d’Aragon, reine du Portugal, ʽconstructrice de la paix’ durant la guerre civile (1317?–1322?) Étude critique des sources portugaises et des Regesta Vaticana‘, in Médiation, paix et guerre au Moyen Âge, ed. Michel Sot (Paris, 2012), pp. 97–107. 57 For example, it seems that Vasco Fernandes had fought at the king’s side in the war between Dinis and his brother Afonso in 129; Francisco Brandão, Quinta Parte da Monarquia Lusitana que contém a história dos primeiros 23 anos de el rei D. Dinis (Lisbon, 1976), f. 283r–v. 58 Stéphane Péquignot, Au nom du roi. Pratique diplomatique et pouvoir durant le règne de Jacques II d’Aragon (1291–1327) (Madrid, 2009), Annexe I, nr. 45, 95, 117, 159, 160, 167, 175, 270, 291, 296, 300, 311 and 318. 59 In June 1146 in Braga there was a certain frater Iohannes qui domum Templi custodit et regit (CT, nr. DXX, p. 320. 60 To my knowledge the first commander in Lisbon is documented in November 1280, IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr. 15. 61 See Demurger, Les Templiers (as note 14), p. 250. 62 Costa, História (as note 4), p. 296. 114 Kristjan Toomaspoeg sources. Vasco definitively took the title of ‘Master of the Order of Temple in Portugal and in Algarve’. At the beginning of the fourteenth century the Temple was one of the biggest landlords in Portugal, dominating a large part of the lower Beira and of the eastern Bragança and holding many possessions in strategic points on the frontier with Castile. The economic wealth administered by the 20–30 Portuguese Templars is difficult to estimate but must have been extremely important. These considerations explain the interest of the Portuguese royal court in the outcome of the Templars’ trial and the particular circ*mstances of the trial in the kingdom.63 In Portugal, the Templars were never persecuted and all the actions King Denis carried out during the trial were intended to incorporate the Templars’ patrimony in the royal domains. Between 1308 and 1310 the king sought to affirm that some possessions of the Temple in the Beira Baixa belonged in reality to the royal court;64 then he and King Ferdinand IV of Castile strove to form a common attitude on the Tem- plar issue vis-à-vis the pope65 and tried to avoid completely the passage of the Templar patrimony to the Hospitallers, requested by Pope Clement V. For this purpose a series of royal enquiries was carried out, culminating in April 1314 with an important examination of the Templars’ rights and customs.66 These enquiries were not interested in the accusations against Templars, and all that they sought to affirm was that the castles and other properties of the Temple had always remained in the king’s possession. The best summary of the results of the enquiries is given by an appeal, addressed on 21 December 1317 by the infante Afonso (at this time at war with his father, King Denis) to the pope John XXII, protesting against the concession of Tomar to the cardinal of Santa Maria in Aquiro, the Franciscan Bertrand de Montfavez.67 This document lists a series of ‘facts’, such as the Templars’ possessions belonging to the royal demesne, an oath of allegiance they had given to every new king of Portugal, the royal authoriza- tion needed for the nomination of the local commanders and for the sending of resources in the East, which are in reality not documented before the trial. On the occasion of the trial, the privileges of the Temple in Portugal were tran- scribed for the king: so, for example, on 18 September 1318 12 charters were cop- ied, in the presence of three former Templars. In the end most of the possessions

63 On the Portuguese Trial, see Lopes, ʽDas actividades políticas’ (as note 56); Clive Porro, ʽReassessing in the Dissolution of the Templars: King Dinis and Their suppression in Portugal’, in Debate, pp. 171–82; Saul António Gomes, ʽA Extinção da Ordem do Templo em Portugal’, Revista de história da sociedade e da cultura, 11 (2011), pp. 75–116. 64 See Lopes, ʽDas actividades políticas’ (as note 56), nr. 2, pp. 143–6 and nr. 3, pp. 146–50 and January 19 1310, IANTT, Gav., 13, maço 4, nr. 7. 65 January 21 1310, Monumenta Portugaliae Vaticana. Súplicas dos pontificados dos Papas de Avin- hão Clemente VII e Bento XIII e do Papa de Roma Bonifácio IX, II, ed. António Domingues de Sousa Costa (Braga – Porto, 1970), pp. XXXII–XXXIII. 66 Gomes, ʽA Extinção da Ordem do Templo’ (as note 63), pp. 100–16. 67 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 11, nr. 1 (original), copy in IANTT, OCCT, manuscript 234/II, f. 4r–9r. The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 115 and of the personnel of the Templar Order in Portugal passed to the new Order of Christ, founded in March 1319.

The Templar archives In the first months of the trial, when King Denis began to take over control of the Templar patrimony in his kingdom, he also asked the Templars for their charters. The Templars answered that their documents were deposited in the East, which was not true. Carl Erdmann assumed that the Templars just sought to win time, to be able to forge new charters in the meanwhile.68 Afterwards, probably at the moment of the official suppression of the Order in 1312,69 the Templar archives passed to the king, who ordered the transcription and the verification of the most important documents: as it could be expected, many of these sources turned out to be of ‘dubious’ form.70 King Denis’s actions could have been influenced by his wish to deny the importance of the royal concessions to the Temple, but a look at the sources that survive today confirms this critical attitude. As it was evident that not all Templar sources were useful or authentic enough to interest the king’s administration, a first division of the former Templar archives was carried out. A series of documents, first of all privileges and private dona- tions, of the order with exception of most papal letters, were transferred to the royal archive, while all the remaining sources remained in their original reposi- tories, in the castle of Tomar, in the possession of the new Order of Christ. This order was an extremely important and active royal and ecclesiastic institution, present at the end of the middle ages and in the modern era not only in Portugal but also in its colonial empire.71 As a consequence, the Order of Christ has col- lected huge archival fonds, including not only original Templar documents but also some volumes with copies of those and other Templar sources made by the members of the order interested in its origins. In 1834 the Order of Christ was suppressed, and shortly afterwards its entire archive was brought to the royal archive of Torre do Tombo in Lisbon (at that time, the archive was located in the monastery of São Bento). As well described by Carl Erdmann, the incorporation of the ecclesiastical archives by the state in nineteenth-century Portugal was carried out in a very chaotic way and sometimes

68 Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), p. 57. 69 The earliest royal transcription of the former Templar charters is dated June 5 1313: IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 13, nr. 6. 70 See Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), p. 57. 71 See for example Fernanda Olival, ʽA ordem de Cristo e a sociedade portuguesa dos séculos XVI– XVII’, in D. Manuel I, a Ordem de Cristo e a comenda de Soure. V Centenário da subida ao trono de D. Manuel I (s.l., 1997), pp. 11–18; Isabel Luísa Morgado de Sousa e Silva, A Ordem de Cristo (1417–1521) (Porto, 2002); Luís Adão de Fonseca, ʽA Ordem de Cristo, o Papado e a Expansão Maritima Portuguesa no século XV’, in Roma e il papato nel Medioevo: studi in onore di Massimo Miglio, ed. Amedeo De Vincentiis (Roma, 2012), I, pp. 553–64. 116 Kristjan Toomaspoeg using erroneous criteria.72 The Templar charters were now separated from the for- mer archive of the Order of Christ and located in a new fond, Colecção Especial, i.e. the Special Collection of the most important pieces from the capitular and monastic archives. The collection had 186 ‘boxes’ and was divided into three series: the papal documents, the royal documents and the so-called private acts. The documents were organized on a chronological basis without regard for the original provenance of the individual charters. As a result, there were now three archive fonds containing original Templar charters or their copies: the old royal archives, i.e. the so-called Gavetas (‘drawers’),73 then the former archive of the Order of Christ74 and, finally, the Special Collection.75 This system could have worked, with some difficulty, if the archivists had redacted repertories and inven- tories and had organized the individual documents with precise and coherent cri- teria, which was unfortunately not done. These were the circ*mstances when Carl Erdmann worked in the Portuguese archives, in the 1920s. Since then there have been some new developments, not always with positive results. In 1946 it was decided with good reason to apply the criteria of provenance to the documents in the Torre do Tombo archive and to abolish Colecção Especial. The single charters had to be located in the original archive collections of their institutions of origin.76 In fact many ‘boxes’ of the col- lection were dismantled, among them all those with royal documents and part of the private charters. No information is available on developments in this project since 1978, and it seems that the work has stopped. As a consequence, today, the Templar charters are considered to be part of the archive collection of the Order of Christ, but many of them, including all papal letters, stand in reality in the ‘boxes’ of the Colecção Especial, which officially no longer exists. Not all documents regarding the Templars were originally preserved in their own archives, and at least 14 major archive collections that concern our topic can be listed, among them the capitular archives of the Portuguese dioceses, some of them transferred to the Torre do Tombo archive in Lisbon and others still pre- served on-site.77 A number of documents are known only thanks to their ­modern copies: the most important sources are in this case the fifteenth-century royal manuscript Livro de Mestrados78 and the manuscripts redacted in the 1550s and

72 Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), pp. 26–7. 73 The Templar sources are mostly located in the Gaveta nr. 7. Every gaveta is divided in maços (ʽbundles’). See the very short descriptions of those documents in As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, II (which is based on the summaries on the dorse of each parchment and contains no few errors), another list is available in Fernandes, A Ordem do Templo em Portugal (as note 46). 74 See Iria Gonçalves, Tombos da Ordem de Cristo (Lisboa, 2002). Quite exhaustive information is now available, on this and other fonds, on the website of the Torre do Tombo archive (http://, including digital copies of many documents and manuscripts. 75 In the Torre do Tombo archive there exists an overview of the Special Collection fonds: IANTT, Indice 208, Corporações Religiosas. Desintegrado da Antiga Colecção Especial. 76 See the Explanatory Note from 24 July 1978, inserted to IANTT, Indice 208. 77 So ADB, GNV and IANTT, CSC. 78 IANTT, Livro de Mestrados. The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 117

City privileges (forais); 4% Court records; Transcriptions; 3% 5% Inventories and lists; 2% Royal privileges and orders; 14% Leases, permutations and trades; 13% Royal enquiries; 2% Others; 4%

Papal letters; 22% Private donations; 31%

Figure 8.1 The categories of Templar sources in Portugal.

60s by Pedro Álvares Seco for the Order of Christ.79 Some archive collections of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries can also be useful, especially for the recon- struction of lost or damaged charters.80 At the moment the exact number of still available original, transcribed or cop- ied Templar sources in Portugal, in the Vatican Archives and elsewhere is yet to be determined: my database contains the transcriptions of more than 400 docu- ments, but the total sum should reach 550–600 units. Nevertheless, it is possible to provide some general observations on these documents. First of all, it is important to evaluate the percentage of the documentary losses from 1312 until today. If we observe the categories of the available documents, we note on the one hand the significant number of public acts and private donations issued to the Temple: these two categories of sources were useful for the heirs and successors of the Portuguese Templars, i.e. the royal court and the Order of Christ, so that they were evidently better preserved than other types of documents. On the other hand, the number of sources on economic activities such as leases is much too low for an ecclesiastical archive. Another consideration is that the number of 400–600 docu- ments is not much for the almost 200-year-long history of the Temple in Portugal, especially when we remember the great number of its possessions in the king- dom. The secondary sources confirm that there have been losses of documents: for

79 IANTT, OCCT, manuscripts 234 and 235. 80 IANTT, CHE and IANTT, RG. 118 Kristjan Toomaspoeg

Rio Frio


Zamora Penas Róias Vilar de Celas (Castile) Porto Mogadouro Atenor Vila Cha Lamego Britiande Longroiva



Coimbra Soure Ega Proenca a Velha Redinha Pussos Pombal Idanha a Nova Ceras Tomar Castelo Branco Zêzere Almourol Elvas

Santarém Alenquer


Castelo Branco: city founded by Templars

Templar castle 10 30 50 km

Figure 8.2 Map of the quoted localities. example some of the Templar documents quoted in the work of Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, who consulted the archive of the Order of Christ in Tomar at the end of the eighteenth century,81 are today no longer available. The geography of the sources is quite varied, as the Temple had numerous possessions everywhere in Portugal, with the exception of its southern part (­especially the Algarve). The border regions of Castile are also concerned in some

81 Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20). The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 119 cases. Nevertheless, the most important part of the documentation is related to the heartland of Templar patrimony, in the lower Beira. This also is also the case for the collection of papal documents for and about the Temple, which deals with most of the relations between the order and the local bishops, especially those of Lisbon and Coimbra, but contains also some generic privileges of the Tem- plar order, among them Ad vestram non dubitamus of Alexander III,82 Ad vestram potest notitiam of Lucius III,83 Militia Dei que dicitur Templi of Innocent III,84 or Ipsa nos cogit pietas of Gregory X,85 or letters to defend their rights specifically in Portugal such as Non absque dolore cordis of Lucius III,86 Iustis petentium desid- eriis of Innocent III,87 Paci et quieti religiosorum of Honorius III.88 The diocesan archives of Portugal and the Vatican Archives also offer other papal documenta- tion on the Portuguese Templars, not always in their favor, like Ex parte venera- bilis of Gregory IX which indicates that the Templars of the diocese of Braga had given ecclesiastical burial to some excommunicated noblemen.89 At the moment, 82 papal letters directly concerning the Templar Order in Portugal are known, issued by Alexander III (12 documents), Adrian IV (2), Lucius III (5), Urban III (6), Celestine III (3), Innocent III (21), Honorius III (9), Gregory IX (4), Inno- cent IV (1), Alexander IV (4), Clement IV (5), Gregory X (5), Clement V (2) and John XXII (3), but I am still collecting papal documents on this issue preserved in the Vatican Archives which offer some new elements and surprises. The collection of the papal letters for Templars in Portugal contains some examples of (well-executed) forgeries, such as Relatum est auribus nostris of Alexander III, from 13 April 1179, which takes the Templar churches in Pombal, Ega and Redinha directly under the authority of the papal see: the section of the text mentioning the origins of those possessions in a donation by illustris memorie mater carissimi in Christo filii nostri illustris Portugalensium, that is the countess Theresa, was transformed into filius noster Portugalensium rex, so that the men- tion of Theresa, mother but also defeated rival of King Afonso Henriques, was

82 25 February 1180, Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 76, pp. 250–51; PUTJ 1, nr. 120, p. 307. 83 19 September 1181–1182, Alexandre Ferreira, Supplemento historico ou memorias, e noticias da celebre Ordem dos Templarios, para a Historia da admiravel Ordem de Nosso Senhor Jesu Christo (Lisbon, 1735), II, p. 806; PUTJ 1, nr. 144, pp. 335–6. 84 24 April 1199, Ferreira, Supplemento (as note 83), pp. 866–8; Bulário Português. Inocêncio III (1198–1216), ed. Avelino Jesus da Costa and Maria Alegria F. Marques (Coimbra – Lisbon, 1989), nr. 40, p. 54. 85 14 October 1274, Monumenta Henricina (as note 22), I, nr. 31; Peter Linehan, Portugalia Pon- tificia: Materials for the history of Portugal and the papacy 1198–1417 (Lisbon, 2013), nr. 743, p. 469. 86 16 December 1184, Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 101, pp. 293–4. 87 4 December 1212, Bulário Português. Inocêncio III (as note 84), nr. 185, pp. 336–7. 88 28 January 1217, IANTT, ACE, caixa 2, nr. 1. Inedited, reg. in Linehan, Portugalia Pontificia (as note 85), nr. 102, p. 152. 89 25 October 1234, Régistres de Grégoire IX, I, ed. Lucien Auvray (Paris, 1896), nr. 2154, p. 1158. 120 Kristjan Toomaspoeg substituted by a politically more convenient expression.90 Another letter, Cum pro defensione of Urban III from 22 May 1187, which confirms a list of possessions the Templars had received from Afonso Henriques, his mother and vassals, is a forgery, destined to help the Templars in the difficult first years of the reign of Sancho I (1185–1211), as its form and contents demonstrate.91 The problem of forgeries becomes strongly evident in the case of the royal privileges of the Templar Order, as was already mentioned. Many important docu- ments, such as the donations of the castle of Soure, are not preserved as originals, but as copies produced sometimes not much later. They are not transcriptions but simple copies imitating the originals, and it is quite difficult to evaluate the degree of their truthfulness. So, for example, there is no reason to doubt the existence of the donation of Soure by Theresa and afterwards by Afonso Henriques, and it can be supposed that the Templars had simply lost the originals during the Muslim attack of 1144. Other documents, like those of the time of Sancho I, are much less easy to evaluate. A series of sources preserved in the ancient fonds of the archives of the Order of Christ consist of simple copies or preparatory drafts of the docu- ments, such as the donation of lands in northern Portugal and Galicia by Theresa and her noblemen, without any corroborating elements. A very interesting category of sources is the foundation privileges of the cit- ies and boroughs given by the Templars to the new habitants of Redinha (1159),92 Tomar (1162),93 Almourol (1170),94 Zêzere (1174),95 Pombal (117496 and 117697), Car­ valhal (1178),98 Castelo Branco (1213),99 Proença a Velha (1218),100 Touro (Cabeça Boa, 1220),101 Mogadouro (1253)102 and Vilar de Celas (1256).103 The Templars’ economy and social life in Portugal were based on these agreements with the local population, invited on-site by the Temple, which are focused on fiscal and juridical obligations of the citizens to the Order. But these documents are also an example of the Order's tradition of redacting charters, as was observed by Saul

90 Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 75, pp. 248–50, reg. in Gavetas, II, nr. 975, p. 436. The forgery must have been carried out before 1186–1187, as it was confirmed at this date by Urban III, Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 10, pp. 301–2. 91 Ed. Papsturkunden in Portugal (as note 6), nr. 118, pp. 333–5. For Erdmann, this letter had a very dubious form, but he did not declare it to be a forgery. 92 IANTT, OCCT, Documentos particulares, maço 1, nr. 4. 93 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 6, nr. 9 (transcription in 24 December 1317). 94 Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 593. 95 IANTT, OCCT, Documentos particulares, maço 1, nr. 7. 96 IANTT, NA, nr. 362. 97 IANTT, OCCT, Documentos particulares, maço 1, nr. 8. 98 IANTT, OCCT, manuscript 234/II, ff. 29v–30r. 99 Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 595. 100 IANTT, Gav., 11, maço 8, nr. 47. 101 Viterbo, Elucidário (as note 20), p. 595. 102 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr. 24. 103 IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 7, nr. 21. The Marquis, Erdmann and Templar sources 121 Gomes with the example of the two forais of Pombal, which may have been writ- ten by notaries belonging to the Templar Order.104 The greatest part of the Templar sources in Portugal, especially the private donations and testaments (altogether c. 130 documents) was not produced by members of the order. The Templars, even in their own transactions, such as leases or permutations of lands (some 40 of those documents are still extant), made use of local notaries. On this point, more than a specific ‘chancellery’ of the Temple, we can observe the evolutions of the Portuguese diplomatic and paleographic traditions. What is worth noting is that the Templar public and private sources are mostly written in Latin, even though from the beginning of the thirteenth century the Portuguese chancelleries and notaries increasingly began to use the local language,105 a fact that in the past sometimes hampered the study of Templar sources in Portugal.

Some conclusions and proposals In this short overview of the Portuguese Templars and their sources, which can and will be completed by other existing and future research, I have aimed to underline that Portugal has played an important role in the history of the Tem- plar Order. The Templars participated in the Portuguese reconquista and, what is even more important, built up an autonomous territory in the kingdom, as did the brethren of the Teutonic Order in the kingdom of Hungary some 60 years later, a territory where all the ecclesiastical and patrimonial rights belonged to the Temple. The relations between the Templars and the Portuguese nobility and their general influence on local society were remarkably intense. The submission of the Portuguese branch of the Temple to the king’s authority came relatively late compared to Aragon and Castile, and accompanied its emancipation, so that the ‘commander’ of the local Templars became in the late thirteenth century an autonomous ‘master in Portugal’. The Templar sources offer information about the relationships between the order and local institutions such as the dioceses or the royal court and those between the Templars and the Hospitallers in the border area between Portugal and Castile. The private documents give indications of the territorial and social development of the kingdom but also of the prosopography of the local Templars. Such rich primary source material should be used and diffused in some way beyond the narrow limits given by the current historiography on this topic. Espe- cially after the recent publication of the suggestive and exhaustive monograph

104 Saul António Gomes, ʽObservações em torno da chancelaria da Ordem do Templo em Portu- gal’, in As Ordens Militares e as Ordens de Cavalaria entre o Occidente e o Oriente. Actas do V Encontro sobre Ordens Militares, 15 a 18 de Fevereiro de 2006, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Palmela, 2009), pp. 122–39. 105 The firstexample of a non-latin source in the former Portuguese Templar archive is a proxy from 1202: IANTT, Gav., 7, maço 10, nr. 5 and (copy) IANTT, Livro de Mestrados, f. 86r. 122 Kristjan Toomaspoeg of Nuno Villamariz Oliveira on the Templar castles in Portugal,106 which had a merited success, it has become evident that there is a need for a new history of the Temple in Portugal and for a new edition of the local Templar sources. This edition should be critical and examine all the existing originals and copies of the individual documents in Portugal and in the Vatican, furnishing also a diplomatic and paleographic description of the sources. There are some excellent models and examples for this kind of work, mostly from the area of the former kingdom of Aragon and its immediate satellites, where the charters of the commanderies such as Gardeny, Barberà and Mas-Deu have been the subject of exhaustive publications. The pre-existing older Portuguese editions of Templar sources, mostly the diplomatic collections of royal docu- ments, can help, but should be revisited. Important steps for the study of Templar documentation have been made in Portugal by Saul Gomes,107 and other historians such as Luís Filipe Oliveira108 have updated the existing historiography on this issue. So, conditions are good for achieving this project and to fill an important gap in knowledge about the Templar Order, a hundred years after the first attempts in this direction made by the marquis d’Albon and Carl Erdmann.

106 Oliveira, Castelos Templários em Portugal (as note 21). 107 Gomes, ʽObservações’ (as note 104); ibid., ʽObservações em torno das Chancelarias das Ordens Militares em Portugal na Idade Média’, in As ordens militares e as ordens de cavalaria na con- struçao do mundo ocidental. Acta do IV Encontro sobre Ordens Militares, ed. Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Palmela, 2005), pp. 111–68 and ibid., ʽA Extinção da Ordem do Templo’ (as note 63). 108 Oliveira, ʽOrdens Militares’ (as note 14); ibid., ʽThe military orders’ (as note 46). Section III Constitution, structure and finance

Alan Forey The office of master deça mer

9 The office of master deça mer in military orders

Alan Forey

The military orders established in the Holy Land in the twelfth century were con- fronted by problems that were not experienced by other religious orders of the time. They needed to be able to channel resources and manpower from western Europe to the East: for this purpose, foundations in a region were grouped into provinces or priories. These orders were also unusual in that, although most of their possessions and members, like those of other religious institutions, were in western Europe, their headquarters were in the Holy Land, and this raised ques- tions of control, as the masters of orders could not be expected to travel regularly to the West. This situation provides the background to the emergence of the office of master deça mer in the leading military orders established in the East. To trace the creation and development of this office is not easy, partly because there was little attempt to achieve precision in the use of terminology in describ- ing officials, and partly because of the nature of the surviving documentation. In 1146 the Templars Peter and Berenguer of Rovira were called magistri milicie que est citra mare in two documents drawn up in Roussillon.1 But the assigning of this title to two Templars implies that this is not a reference to an official with authority throughout the West. Peter of Rovira was in fact master of the recently established province of Provence and parts of Spain, and although Berenguer of Rovira was given the title magister in some other documents,2 this was a term used in early Templar sources of officials at various levels, and Berenguer had no more than local authority. In both the Temple and the Hospital the office of master or grand commander or preceptor deça mer, on this side of the sea, appears to have emerged in the 1160s. The Templar Walter of Beirut was described in French documents drawn up in 1166 as omnium fratrum Jerosolomitani Templi qui sunt citra mare. . . . primatum obtinens and as master of the Temple [in the West], and his successor Geoffrey Fulcher, first mentioned asmagister citra mare

1 CT, pp. 256–7, docs. 408–9. 2 Ibid., pp. 271–2, 289, 356–8, docs. 435, 464, 578, 581; Pierre Gérard and Elisabeth Magnou (eds.), Cartulaires des Templiers de Douzens (Paris, 1965), pp. 45, 158–9, 180–1, docs. 34, 177, 178, 207. 126 Alan Forey two years later, can be traced in both France and Spain.3 The first Hospitaller master deça mer was apparently Raymond of Tiberias, who was called preceptor Ierosolimitani xenodochii when he, listed before the prior of St Gilles, received a grant at St Gilles from the count of Toulouse in 1164, although the first to be named preceptor citra mare was Guy of Mahun in 1170.4 The latter can be traced in documents relating to Burgundy, St Gilles and Aragon. These orders were later imitated by the Teutonic Order, in which the office of masterdeça mer first occurs in 1219.5 The history of the post in the three orders did not, however, follow a paral- lel course. In the documentation of the Teutonic Order the office of master deça mer is not mentioned after 1223.6 This is partly to be explained by the growing authority of the Deutschmeister,7 and subsequently in that Order visitors were dispatched to particular regions in the West: the earliest surviving reference to this practice dates from 1236 when two brothers were sent to visit Prussia.8 A some- what similar development occurred later in the Temple. In the second half of the thirteenth century the office of master deça mer ceased to exist and visitors were appointed to oversee regions in Western Europe: one normally comprised the Ibe- rian Peninsula, and France and England another.9 In the Hospital, on the other hand, the office of master deça mer still existed until the closing years of the thirteenth century, and the office of visitor is apparently not mentioned in Hospi- taller documents before the fourteenth century, although in 1298 the English King Edward I wrote that brother Robert de la Maystre, resident in England, was going to visit Hospitaller houses in Ireland, sicut per magistrum eiusdem Hospitalis sibi

3 Emile G. Léonard, Introduction au cartulaire manuscrit du Temple du marquis d’Albon (Paris, 1930), pp. 15–16; Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Templars. History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1120–1310) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 533–4, 668; Ana Isabel Sánchez Casabón (ed.), Alfonso II Rey de Aragón, Conde de Barcelona y Marqués de Provenza. Documentos (1162–1196) (Zaragoza, 1995), pp. 119–22, doc. 74; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca (ed.), Col.lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Gardeny (1070–1200), 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 328–30, doc. 205. 4 CH, vol. 1, pp. 234–5, 295–6, docs. 333, 426; Sarobe i Huesca, Col.lecció diplomàtica de Gardeny (as note 3), vol. 1 pp. 350–2, doc. 222; Daniel Le Blévec and Alain Venturini (eds.), Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Gilles de l’Hôpital de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem (1129–1210) (Paris, 1997), p. 268, doc. 323; Paul-Antoine Amargier (ed.), Cartulaire de Trinquetaille (Aix-en-Provence, 1972), p. 184, doc. 189; see also Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 55, 557, 635. 5 The title employed was ‘magister summus omnium hospitalium Theutonicorum ex ista parte maris’: Kurt Forstreuter, Der Deutsche Orden am Mittelmeer (Bonn, 1967), pp. 136, 201; Klaus Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg. Verfassung, Verwaltung und Sozialstructur des Deutschen Ordens, 1190–1309 (Marburg, 1999), p. 220. 6 Ibid., p. 221. 7 Ibid. 8 Marian Biskup and Irena Janosz-Biskupowa, Visitationen im Deutschen Orden im Mittelalter, 3 vols. (Marburg, 2002–8), vol. 1, p. 3, doc. 1. 9 Léonard, Introduction (as note 3), pp. 16–17; Alan J. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (London, 1973), pp. 328–9. The office of master deça mer 127 est iniunctum.10 Yet already by the later twelfth century Hospitaller grand com- manders of various regions within the West had begun to be appointed. In the later 1150s and in the 1160s Ordoño and Villano were called priors in Spain;11 but the word Hispania was at that time used in various senses, and the first official who can be shown to have had authority over more than one priory in the Iberian Peninsula was Peter of Arias. In 1173 a grant in Pamplona in Navarre was made to him as master in Spain and to García Ramírez, sub eo prioris in Navarra et in Aragone.12 A preceptor of Italy, presumably superior to priors in the peninsula, was mentioned in 1188.13 Grand commanders similarly appeared in France and Germany. But in the Hospital, as in the other orders, the master deça mer eventu- ally disappeared and was totally replaced by other officials. As orders expanded, it obviously became increasingly difficult for a single official to exercise authority adequately throughout the West. The office of master deça mer, like those of grand commander and visitor within regions of Western Europe, was, however, not in continuous existence. After the early years of the thirteenth century references to the post in the Hos- pital become less frequent: only three masters are known between 1222 and the end of the century.14 Similarly in the Temple references become rarer towards the middle of the thirteenth century: there was apparently no Templar master deça mer between 1216 and 1235.15 Terms of office also varied considerably in length. Although the Hospitaller master deça mer Boniface of Calamandrana is men- tioned over a period of seven years at the end of the thirteenth century, some oth- ers in that order appear to have held office only in one year; and while Amio of Ays is recorded as Templar master deça mer from 1179 until 1186, several holders of that office in the Temple are known from only one reference. It has been pointed out by more than one historian that there was never a Hospi- taller master deça mer and a grand commander of France at the same time.16 There were, however, times when grand commanders in other regions held office while there was a Hospitaller master deça mer. Boniface of Calamandrana, for example, was master deça mer while Ferdinand Pérez and then Raymond of Ribelles were grand commanders of Spain. This could suggest that Hospitaller masters deça

10 London, National Archives, C 66/118 membrane 26 (summarized in CH, vol. 3, pp. 732–3, doc. 4404; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292–1301 [London, 1895], p. 331; Calendar of Documents relat- ing to Ireland, 1293–1301 [London, 1881], p. 230, no. 495). 11 Carlos de Ayala Martínez (ed.), Libro de privilegios de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en Cas- tilla y León (siglos XII–XV) (Madrid, 1995), pp. 222, 229–30, 242–3, 260–1, docs. 67, 72, 80, 95. 12 Santos A. García Larragueta, El gran priorado de Navarra de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén, siglos XII–XIII, 2 vols. (Pamplona, 1957), vol. 2, pp. 45–6, doc. 44. 13 CH, vol. 1, p. 547, doc. 860. 14 See the list in J. Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre (1100–1310) (Paris, 1904), pp. 414–15, although at some points this needs emending. 15 Léonard, Introduction (as note 3), p. 16. 16 Delaville Le Roulx, Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte (as note 14), p. 360; Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights Hospitaller in the Levant, c.1070–1309 (Basingstoke, 2012), p. 199; Alain Demurger, Les Hospitaliers. De Jérusalem à Rhodes, 1050–1317 (Paris, 2013), p. 226. 128 Alan Forey mer were active mainly in France, especially as no grand commanders of France are recorded after 1232, and in Hospitaller statutes issued in 1294 the grand com- manderies only of Spain, Italy and Germany were listed.17 It may also be noted that Templar masters deça mer appear most frequently in French territories: of the 13 holders of the office mentioned in French sources, only four appear in Aragon- ese documentation, even though this is fairly extensive.18 But clearly Hospitaller masters deça mer did not always restrict their activities within the order to French territories. Boniface of Calamandrana in the 1290s became involved in the elec- tion of the prioress of the convent of Hospitaller sisters at Sijena in Aragon and in Hospitaller claims to the monastery of the Holy Trinity of Venosa in southern Italy, while his deputy was active in Navarre.19 Those who were appointed to the post of master deça mer were of varying backgrounds. Some had held offices in the East before being nominated: the Tem- plar Geoffrey Fulcher and the Hospitaller Guy of Mahun had both been precep- tors at their central convents in Jerusalem before being given authority in the West.20 Others, such as the Templar William Cadel and the Hospitaller Raimbaud of Voczon,21 had earlier had charge of provinces or priories in the West; and some, including the Templar Gilbert Eral, had held important posts in both East and West.22 Yet there were also masters deça mer who had apparently not held lead- ing offices in either East or West before being appointed. Although the Templar Amio of Ays was later seneschal of his order, he is not known to have held any important Templar office before becoming masterdeça mer.23 There was clearly no fixed career ladder: appointments were presumably determined partly by proven administrative and managerial competence, although the selection of individuals who had not held important office in an order suggests that there may at times have been other factors at work.

17 CH, vol. 3, pp. 650–2, doc. 4259 (art.1). 18 Léonard, Introduction (as note 3), pp. 15–16. Those mentioned in Aragonese sources are Geof- frey Fulcher, Pons Rigaud, William Cadel and Raimbaud of Caron: Sánchez Casabón, Alfonso II (as note 3), pp. 119–22, doc. 74; Sarobe i Huesca, Col.lecció diplomàtica de Gardeny (as note 3), vol. 1, pp. 328–30, doc. 205; Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cancillería Real, Registro 310, fol. 35; Cancillería Real, Pergaminos, Jaime I 1031. 19 CH, vol. 3, pp. 646, 648, 733–4, docs. 4249, 4254, 4406; Regina Sáinz de la Maza Lasoli, El mon- asterio de Sijena. Catálogo de documentos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón. I (1208–1348) (Barcelona, 1994), pp. 27–9, nos. 86, 88, 90; García Larragueta, Gran priorado (as note 12), vol. 2, pp. 606–7, 610–14, docs. 533, 537; Jochen Burgtorf, ‘A Mediterranean Career in the Late Thirteenth Century: The Hospitaller Grand Commander Boniface of Calamandrana,’ in The Hos- pitallers, the Mediterranean and Europe. Festschrift for Anthony Luttrell, eds. Karl Borchardt, Nikolas Jaspert and Helen J. Nicholson (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 81–2, 84. 20 Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 256–7, 271, 533, 556–7. 21 Léonard, Introduction (as note 3), pp. 16, 25–6; Delaville Le Roulx, Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte (as note 14), pp. 415, 430; Zsolt Hunyadi, The Hospitallers in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary c.1150–1387 (Budapest, 2010), p. 71, 92. 22 Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 543–7. 23 Ibid., pp. 478–80. The office of master deça mer 129 These officials had their own seals. In the Teutonic Order the seal depicted the Virgin Mary, standing, with a cross on the right and a lily on the left: it bore the legend S[igillum] MAG[ist]RI HOSPITAL[is] S[ancte] MARIE CITRA MARE.24 That of the Hospitaller master deça mer was similar to the wax seal of the grand master,25 while Templar masters deça mer employed more than one form of seal.26 They were also accompanied by an entourage, although few details are known of this. In 1294 it was decreed that the Hospitaller master deça mer should not have more than 18 animals in his following,27 but there are only occasional references to personnel, such as a chaplain and scribe.28 To explain the powers and responsibilities of masters deça mer is not a straight- forward task, as most references to them occur in documents which were pre- served because they recorded transactions about property or other rights: in these the master deça mer took precedence over more local officials. The rules, statutes and customs of the orders throw little light on the question. The office is not mentioned by name in Templar regulations: it is merely stated that if the master wanted to send a brother in his place to the West he should consult his chapter.29 The only reference to the powers of a master deça mer in Hospitaller regulations occurs in statutes issued in 1292, when it was decreed that he had the power to give permission to admit knights if they were needed.30 Admittedly, the wording of a Hospitaller statute confirmed in 1206 has been used to suggest that the extent of the powers of a master deça mer varied and depended on the wishes of the master and central convent of the time.31 Yet as the statute, which refers to the official in question as grand preceptor, states that he should in the master’s absence receive responsions sent from the West and have them placed in the treasury, it is clearly

24 Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg (as note 5), p. 221; Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch, 11 vols. (Stuttgart, 1849–1913), vol. 3, p. 147, doc. 670. 25 Joseph Delaville Le Roulx, ‘Note sur les sceaux de l’ordre de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem,’ in idem, Mélanges sur l’ordre de S. Jean de Jérusalem (Paris, 1910), essay 4, pp. 3–4. For examples of the grand master’s wax seal, see Gustave Schlumberger, Sigillographie de l’orient latin (Paris, 1943), Plate XI, nos. 9, 10. 26 Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 478–9, 534, 545–6; Schlumberger, Sigillographie (as note 25), pp. 248–9, no. 245, and Plate XIII, no. 2. 27 CH, vol. 3, pp. 650–2, doc. 4259 (art. 1). 28 Le Blévec and Venturini, Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Gilles (as note 4), pp. 221–2, doc. 273; León Esteban Mateo (ed.), Cartulario de la encomienda de Aliaga (Zaragoza, 1979), pp. 57–61, doc. 42. 29 Henri de Curzon (ed.), La règle du Temple (Paris, 1886), p. 83, art. 92; Giovanni Amatuccio (ed.), Il Corpus normativo templare. Edizione dei testi romanzi con traduzione e commento in italiano (Galatina, 2009), p. 54, art. 17. 30 CH, vol. 3, pp. 608–9, doc. 4194 (art 2). 31 CH, vol. 2, pp. 31–40, doc. 1193; Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus c.1050–1310 (London, 1967), p. 367; idem, Knights Hospitaller (as note 16), p. 200; see also Dominic Selwood, Knights of the Cloister. Templars and Hospitallers in Central-Southern Occitania c.1100–1300 (Woodbridge, 1999), p. 149. 130 Alan Forey referring to an official in the central convent.32 The powers of masters deça mer may possibly have varied, but in no regulations of any order are their functions and responsibilities defined. Of course, this lack does not necessarily mean that customary practices did not develop: although Hospitaller statutes of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are silent about prioral visitations, it is clear from other sources that by the end of the thirteenth century it was being assumed that Hospi- taller priors would carry out visitations, which were sometimes said to be annu- al.33 As the post of master deça mer was not constantly filled, however, it is clear that this official did not have an established role in the transmission of responsions or manpower to the East. This remained the responsibility of heads of provinces or priories. Nor could masters deça mer have undertaken a systematic and regular visitation of the kind that was laid down in the twelfth century in the regulations of the Order of Santiago or in those of the Cistercians, to whom Calatrava and several other military orders were affiliated.34 It has been stated that they might delegate visitors,35 but this assertion is based merely on the wording of a letter of James II of Aragon, in which in 1293 he forbade Boniface of Calamandrana to send visitors or officials to Aragon in time of war who were not natives.36 Yet as this is a royal, and not a Hospitaller, document, it would be unwise to assume that James was using the term ‘visitor’ of an official known in the Hospital by that title. But masters deça mer may have adopted the practice of convening chapters in various provinces or priories in order to discover the situation in these. This is, for example, what Hospitaller regional grand commanders and later Templar visitors at times did,37 and some documents issued by masters deça mer were apparently drawn up during provincial or prioral chapters.38 Although there were other means of discovering the state of provinces or priories, such as the summoning of heads

32 For this interpretation, see Anthony Luttrell, ‘The Hospitallers’ Early Statutes,’ Revue Mabillon, 75 (2003), pp. 16–17; Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 100, 252, 322. 33 CH, vol. 2, pp. 872–4, doc. 2923; vol. 3, pp. 590–1, 714–17, 737–40, docs. 4154, 4375, 4413. 34 For twelfth-century regulations about visitations in the order of Santiago, see José Luis Martín, Orígenes de la orden militar de Santiago (1170–1195) (Barcelona, 1974), pp. 248–54, doc. 73; Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (ed.), Documentos pontificios referentes a la diócesis de León (sig- los XI–XIII) (León, 2003), pp. 103–7, doc. 43; Enrique Gallego Blanco, The Rule of the Spanish Military Order of St. James, 1170–1493 (Leiden, 1971), pp. 122–4, art. 46; Derek W. Lomax, La orden de Santiago (1170–1275) (Madrid, 1965), pp. 221–31, doc. 1, art. 51. Cistercian visitations are fully discussed by Jörg Oberste, Visitation und Ordensorganisation. Formen sozialer Nor- mierung, Kontrolle und Kommunikation bei Cisterziensern, Prämonstratensern und Cluniazen- sern (12.–frühes 14. Jahrhundert) (Münster, 1996). 35 Riley-Smith, Knights Hospitaller (as note 16), p. 200. 36 CH, vol. 3, p. 623, doc. 4225. 37 CH, vol. 2, pp. 701–2, doc. 2547; vol. 3, p. 129, doc. 3199; Forey, Templars in the Corona de Aragón (as note 9), p. 330; Helen J. Nicholson (ed.), The Proceedings against the Templars in the British Isles, 2 vols. (Farnham, 2011), vol. 1, pp. 130, 132, 133, 138, 192, 246, 260, 340, 407; Jules Michelet, (ed.), Procès des Templiers, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841–1851), vol. 2, p. 36. 38 Esteban Mateo, Cartulario de Aliaga (as note 28), pp. 57–61, doc. 42; CH, vol. 2, pp. 416–17, doc. 1997; vol. 4, pp. 331–2, doc. 972 quater; Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (ed.), Documentos de Gregorio IX (1227–1241) referentes a España (León, 2004), p. 179, doc. 170. The office of master deça mer 131 of these to chapters in the East, or communication by letter,39 it would certainly be expected that one of the functions of masters deça mer would be to investigate the state of affairs in the West, and this is also suggested by the fact that in the Temple and Teutonic Order masters deça mer were succeeded by officials called visitors. Templar visitors were also given the power to act in all matters just as the master and central convent could have done if they had been present,40 and it may be suggested that masters deça mer were empowered to act on issues which were normally reserved to the grand master and convent. This is suggested by the 1292 Hospitaller statute, and it may further be noted in this context that in 1259 when the hospital of Beaulieu, which later became a house of Hospitaller sisters, was granted to the Hospital, the commander of Cahors stated that he was acting after receiving a special mandate from the Hospitaller master deça mer.41 Delegation of powers to a master deça mer could in some instances lead to speedier action. Like later Templar visitors,42 they probably also served as channels of communication between the central authorities of an order and western officials. These officials were not necessarily concerned only with the internal affairs of their orders. They could represent their orders’ interests in the outside world; and they were also employed by popes and secular rulers. Boniface of Calamandrana, who was a kinsman of the Aragonese kings and said to be home de grant reno- mée au siecle et en la religion,43 was in the 1290s involved in papal plans to send galleys and troops to the East and in negotiations between the Angevins and the Aragonese and between the Aragonese king James II and Sancho IV of Castile.44 Yet, if masters deça mer performed various functions, they clearly did not become an integral part in an order’s administration, since – as has been seen – the office was not in uninterrupted or regular existence. It is not easy, however, to discover the reasons which led to the naming of a master deça mer at a particular time. The decision to appoint to this post rested with the grand master and convent of an order, but there is little correlation between grand masters’ terms of office and the creation of officials with authority throughout the West. Grand masters who did appoint to the office of master deça mer did not keep the post continu- ously filled. Presumably appointments were made in certain sets of circ*mstances, just as the establishment of a Hospitaller grand commandery of Italy, Hungary, Austria and Sclavonia in the later 1240s appears to have been occasioned by

39 In 1299, for example, a letter was sent from Culm in Prussia about the state of the country to the master of the Teutonic order: Rudolf Philippi et al. (eds.), Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 6 vols. (Königsberg, 1882–2000), vol. 1.2, pp. 444–6, doc. 713. 40 Forey, Templars in the Corona de Aragón (as note 9), pp. 414–15, doc. 44. 41 CH, vol. 2, pp. 872–84, doc. 2923. 42 Monumenta Boica, 60 vols. (Munich, 1763–1956), vol. 29.2, pp. 197–202; Nicholson, Proceed- ings against the Templars (as note 37), vol. 1, pp. 192, 250. 43 CH, vol. 3, pp. 518–9, 655–7, docs. 4007, 4267; Heinrich Finke, Acta aragonensia, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1908–1922), vol. 3, pp. 3–4, doc. 2. 44 Burgtorf, ‘A Mediterranean Career’ (as note 19), pp. 79–83. 132 Alan Forey imperial/papal divisions at that time.45 The nomination of Boniface of Calaman- drana in the later part of 1291 could have been a response to the loss of the Holy Land and the need to seek aid for its recovery. The earlier appointment of Guy of Mahun as Hospitaller master deça mer appears to have been linked with his inclusion in the embassy which the king of Jerusalem sent to the West in 1169.46 Yet on some occasions when the situation demanded it, officials of the central convent were sent to the West. The Hospitaller marshal Raimbaud, for example, was there in 1255–6 and again in 1259.47 Nor, if appointment was occasioned by particular circ*mstances, is it clear why some masters deça mer held office for a considerable number of years, while others were in authority only briefly. There is again no correlation between grand masters’ terms of office and the duration of appointments to the post of master deça mer. It seems, therefore, that much must in fact remain obscure, as it is unlikely that further sources will be discovered which explain more fully the reasons for appointing masters deça mer or their functions and responsibilities.

45 Karl Borchardt, ‘The Hospitallers, Bohemia and the Empire, 1250–1330,’ in Mendicants, Military Orders and Regionalism in Medieval Europe, ed. Jürgen Sarnowsky (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 205–6. 46 Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 431, 557; PL, vol. 200, cols. 599–602. In a detailed discussion of this embassy, Jonathan Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land. Relations between the Latin East and the West, 1119–1187 (Oxford, 1996), p. 172, mistakenly identifies the Hospitaller envoy as Geoffrey Fulcher. The Templar of that name was at the time master deça mer for his order, and was already in the West in 1168: Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), p. 533; Léonard, Introduction (as note 3), pp. 15–16. 47 Burgtorf, Central Convent (as note 3), pp. 115, 625. Christian Vogel Die Prokuratoren der Templer

10 Die Prokuratoren der Templer: Diplomatische und rechtliche Aspekte ihrer Einsetzung und ihrer Aufgaben

Christian Vogel

Unter den zahlreichen Funktionsträgern des Templerordens finden sich neben dem Meister und den zentralen Ordensämtern auch die magistri und preceptores in den Provinzen. Immer wieder findet man in Urkunden und in den Zeugenaussa- gen im Rahmen des Prozesses auch die Bezeichnung procurator, die oft für Kom- mendenvorsteher verwendet wird und ein Synonym für den Begriff preceptor zu sein scheint.1 Prokurator bezeichnet jedoch eine Funktion innerhalb des römischen Zivilprozesses und wurde auch im Mittelalter vor allem in prozessualen Kontex- ten gebraucht. Spätestens ab dem 13. Jahrhundert kommen die Sachverwalter der Ordensverbände hinzu, die deren Interessen an der Kurie wahrnahmen und sich dort als ständige Vertreter und Ansprechpartner aufhielten.2 Für die Templer ist vor allem Petrus de Bononia als ein solcher Prokurator bezeugt.3 Gerade seit dem 12. und 13. Jahrhundert hielt eine mit der erneuten Rezeption des römischen Rechts einhergehende Professionalisierung des Gerichtswesens und der Rechtspraxis Einzug, der auch die Ritterorden Tribut zu zollen hatten. Nicht nur an der päpstli- chen Kurie wurden rechtskundige Sachwalter benötigt, auch die Gerichtsbarkeit der Bischöfe und Archidiakone sowie die weltlichen Gerichte erforderten juris- tisch geschulte procuratores, welche die Interessen ihrer Klienten wahrnehmen konnten.4 Insbesondere die Templer, so James A. Brundage, hätten ihre Rechte aggressiv vor Gericht verteidigt, allerdings wenig Anstalten gemacht, juristisch

1 So auch der Editor in Cartulaire du Temple de Vaulx, hg. Roland Delachenal (Paris, 1897), S. 30. Die dort als Nr. 75–7 (S. 94–5) abgedruckten Urkunden vermitteln tatsächlich diesen Eindruck. 2 Vgl. Rudolf von Heckel, ‘Das Aufkommen der ständigen Prokuratoren an der päpstlichen Kurie im 13. Jahrhundert’, Scritti di storia e paleografia. Miscellanea Francesco Ehrle (Rom, 1924), Bd. 2, S. 290–321; Peter Herde, Beiträge zum päpstlichen Kanzlei- und Urkundenwesen im 13. Jahrhun- dert, 2. Aufl. (Kallmünz, 1967), dort insbesondere S. 125–33. 3 Z. B. Jules Michelet (Hg.), Le Procès des Templiers (Paris, 1841–51) = PT, Bd. I und II, hier: I, S. 108, 172, 199; insbesondere 116: Qui [Petrus de Bononia] nichilominus dicens se esse procuratorem generalem dicti ordinis Templi eciam in curia Romana, in qua curia dicebat suum procuratorem existere. . . . 4 James A. Brundage, ‘The Lawyers of the Military Orders’, in MO 1, S. 346–57, hier S. 348. 134 Christian Vogel geschultes Personal aus ihren eigenen Reihen zu rekrutieren.5 Tatsächlich ist der Einsatz von Laien als Gerichtsprokuratoren mehrfach nachgewiesen.6 Gleich- wohl findet sich die Bezeichnung „Prokurator“ auch für Templer, insbesondere Amtsträger wie Kommendenvorsteher, und zwar solche, die in Angelegenheiten ihrer Kommende tätig wurden. Dennoch bedurften sie vielfach einer Vollmacht des Provinzialmeisters, um nach außen im Rahmen ihres Zuständigkeitsbereichs, also der Kommende, aber als Prokurator im Namen der Ordensprovinz auftreten zu können. Diese Fälle sollen bei den folgenden Betrachtungen im Mittelpunkt stehen. Es stellt sich zunächst die Frage, was unter einem Templer, der procurator genannt wird, zu verstehen ist. Daran schließt sich weiterhin die Frage an, warum Provinzialmeister für ihre Provinz tätig werden konnten, die Kommendenvorste- her aber nicht für ihre Kommende, sondern nur als procuratores für die Provinz. Schließlich waren die Provinzialmeister auch nichts anderes als Vertreter, welche der Konvent in Jerusalem eingesetzt hatte und die gewissermaßen als dessen Prokuratoren auftraten, was sich auch in den frühen Titulaturen niederschlug.7 Klar ist, dass der Orden nicht als eine Reihe voneinander unabhängiger Häuser mit gemeinsamer Regel angesehen wurde, sondern als Ganzes eine Gemeinschaft bildete, der insgesamt eine Rechtspersönlichkeit zuerkannt wurde. Dies wird letzt­ malig deutlich, als die Güter des Ordens mit der Bulle Ad providam an die Johan- niter übertragen wurden.8

Begriff und Funktion Der Prokurator folgte ursprünglich keinem juristischen, sondern einem sozio- ökonomischen Konzept, bis er Eingang in den Codex Iustiniani fand.9 Dement- sprechend begegnet der Prokurator nicht nur im prozessualen Kontext (procurator

5 Brundage, ‘The Lawyers of the Military Orders’ (wie Anm. 4), S. 351. 6 Vgl. in diesem Band den Beitrag von Damien Carraz. 7 Beispielsweise noch im Jahre 1202; Layettes du trésor des chartes, hg. Alexandre Teulet, Bd. I (Paris, 1863), Nr. 655 (Sp. 238a): domorum militiae Templi quae sunt in Francia procurator totumque ejusdem ordinis capitulum. . . . 8 Conciliorum oecumenicorum Decreta, hg. Guiseppe Alberigo et al., 3. Aufl. (Bologna, 1973), S. 343–6, insbesondere 345–6. Bei der separaten Regelung für die Iberische Halbinsel wird nur von den Gütern gesprochen, die der Orden in den betreffenden Königreichen hat, nicht aber von organisatorischen Untereinheiten der Templer, die sich in diesen Gebieten befinden. 9 Piero Angelini, Il ‘procurator’ (Mailand, 1971), S. 255–8. Ulpian beschreibt den Prokurator in Dig. 3, 3, 1 (Corpus Iuris civilis, hg. Theodor Mommsen und Paul Krüger (Berlin, 1902), S. 38) als jemanden, der die Geschäfte eines anderen besorgt, wobei er für alle oder auch nur für einzelne Geschäfte (procurator autem vel omnium rerum vel unius rei esse potest constitutus) eingesetzt werden kann. Allerdings ist der Prokurator vom einfachen Boten, der nur Briefe oder Nachrichten überbringt, abzugrenzen (sicuti ne is quidem, qui rem perferendam vel epistulam vel nuntium per- ferendum suscepit, proprie procurator appellatur). Die Prokuratoren der Templer 135 ad litem)10 und muss insbesondere nicht rechtskundig sein.11 Der Prokurator ist nach klassischem römischem Recht ein Vermögensverwalter, der fremde Ange- legenheiten besorgt, aus dem sich später die Figur des Prozessprokurators entwickelt hat.12 Mit dem Aufkommen des Formelprozesses wurde allerdings die Delegation der Wahrnehmung von prozessualen Handlungen an einen Rechtskun- digen notwendig.13 Vom Römischen Recht aus fand der Prokurator schließlich auch Eingang in das kirchliche Recht.14 Die mittelalterlichen Kanonisten und Prozessrechtler definierten den Prokura- tor genauer, indem sie ihn von anderen Begriffen wie syndicus, actor, defensor oder oeconomus abgrenzten. Tankred von Bologna (ca. 1185–1234/36) bezeichnet Prokuratoren als Personen, die ohne Mandat für einen anderen handeln können (sine mandato pro alio agere possent), was nach seiner Interpretation beispiels- weise auch Kleriker einschließt, die in Angelegenheiten ihrer Kirche tätig werden (item clerici in causa ecclesiae suae).15 Dass es sich für den Kleriker dabei um die Angelegenheit eines anderen handelt, ergibt sich daraus, dass auch ein Prälat nicht Eigentümer (dominus) der Kirche und ihres Vermögens ist, sondern eben nur dispensator seu procurator.16 Etwas anders ist die Lage, wenn für eine Per- sonengemeinschaft, eine universitas oder ein collegium, gehandelt werden soll. Für solche Gemeinschaften könne ein syndicus, den Tankred mit dem defensor gleichsetzt, oder ein actor handeln, wobei der actor nur für aktuelle Streitfälle

10 Die procuratores ad litem waren speziell für die Behandlung von Rechtsstreitigkeiten und für Auftritte bei Gericht zuständig, wo sie ihre Klienten vertraten, vgl. Brundage, ‘The Lawyers in the Military Orders’ (wie Anm. 4), S. 347. 11 Wilhelm A. von Ledersteger-Falkenegg, Die Entwicklung der Stellvertretung im römischen Recht nach den lateinischen Quellen (Erlangen, 1902), S. 46. Auch die mittelalterlichen Prokuratoren, die vor Gericht auftraten, benötigten keine vertieften Rechtskenntnisse. Ausreichend war eine gewisse Vertrautheit mit den Gepflogenheiten des Gerichts, an dem sie auftraten, so James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, London, 2008), S. 355. 12 Vgl. dazu Axel Claus, Gewillkürte Stellvertretung im Römischen Privatrecht (Berlin, 1973), S. 49 ff. Der Prokurator war ursprünglich ein Freigelassener, der als Vermögensverwalter seines Geschäftsherrn auftrat. Schon während der späten Republik gab es daneben auch „selbstständige Prokuratoren in gehobener sozialer Stellung“, denen Generalmandate oder auf Einzelgeschäfte bezogene Spezialmandate erteilt wurden, vgl. Max Kaser und Rolf Knütel, Römisches Privatrecht, 18. Aufl. (München, 2005), S. 233; zum Prokurator als Prozessvertreter, vgl. dort S. 271, 273 und 378. 13 Raoul Naz, ‘Procureur’, in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, Bd. 7 (Paris, 1965), Sp. 324–9, Sp. 327. 14 Naz, ‘Procureur’ (wie Anm. 13), Sp. 327. 15 Tankred, ‘De ordo iudiciarius’, in Pilii, Tancredi, Gratiae libri, hg. Friedrich Bergmann (Göttin- gen, 1842), S. 89–314 und 115, cap. I, 6 (De procuratoribus), § 1. 16 Tankred, ‘De ordo iudiciarius’, hg. Bergmann (wie Anm. 15), S. 116, cap. I, 6 (De procuratori- bus), § 3; vgl. zu Bischöfen: Brian Tierney, Foundations on the Conciliar Theory. The Contribu- tions of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge, 1955; Nachdruck 1968), S. 117–9. 136 Christian Vogel eingesetzt werden könne, der syndicus darüber hinaus auch für künftige.17 Einge- setzt werden actores und syndici durch eine universitas oder ein collegium oder durch denjenigen, den die Gemeinschaft mit der entsprechenden Befugnis aus- gestattet hat.18 Auch nach Hostiensis sind es eher syndici und actores, welche von collegia oder universitates eingesetzt werden.19 In seinen Unterscheidungen zwischen den einzelnen Bezeichnungen folgt er im Wesentlichen den Ausfüh- rungen Tankreds von Bologna.20 Hostiensis lege jedoch keine formaljuristische Definition zugrunde, wenn er Bischöfe zu Prokuratoren ihrer Kirchen erkläre, sondern verstehe diese Ausdrucksweise mehr im Sinne einer Metapher, so Brian Tierney, der eine Änderung dieser Sichtweise erst für die Mitte des 13. Jahrhun- derts konstatieren will.21 Mancherorts wurden diese formaljuristischen Schwier-

17 Tankred, ‘De ordo iudiciarius’, hg. Bergmann (wie Anm. 15), S. 123–4, cap. I, 7 (De syndico et actore). Dolezalek hat in den Aufzeichnungen eines Notars den sindicus als häufigste Form der Prozessvertretung ausgemacht, auf den in der Regel geistliche Korporationen zurückgriffen, vgl. Gero Dolezalek, Das Imbreviaturbuch des erzbischöflichen Gerichtsnotars Hubaldus aus Pisa, Mai bis August 1230 (Köln, 1969), S. 37. Auch die Decretalen Gregors IX. (lib. I, tit. 39, in Corpus iuris canonici, hg. Emil Friedberg, Bd. II: Decretalium Collectiones, Sp. 1–927, Sp. 218) sehen eine Vertretung von Klöstern durch einen Syndicus vor. Religiosengemeinschaften sollen, so die vom Editor gewählte Überschrift, einen syndicus haben, der die Angelegenheiten des Klosters regelt. Die Vertretung der Personengemeinschaften durch syndici und actores hatte ihre Vorbilder in römischer Zeit, als sich Gemeinden und Korporationen entsprechend vertreten lassen konnten, vgl. Max Rümelin, Zur Geschichte der Stellvertretung im römischen Civilprocess (Freiburg i. Br., 1886; Nachdruck Frankfurt a. M., 1970), S. 120. Bernhard von Pavia unterscheidet daher auch zwischen Prokurator und Syndicus derart, dass er den Prokurator als denjenigen ansieht, der fremde Angelegenheiten regelt, während der Syndicus für eine Gemeinschaft tätig werde; vgl. dessen Summa Decretalium, hg. Theodor Laspeyre (Regensburg, 1860; Nachdruck Graz, 1956), S. 25, lib. I, tit. 29: Tractavimus de procuratore, qui agit causam alienam; nunc tractemus de syndico, qui agit causam universitatis. Dass der Prokurator die Geschäfte eines Anderen besorgt, geht auf Ulpian (D 3,3,1) zurück und wurde von dem Legisten Accursius weitertradiert (vgl. seine Glossa ordinaria, in Corpus iuris civilis Iustinianei cum commentariis Accursii et al., Bd. 1: Diges- tum Vetus (Lyon, 1627), Sp. 317 tit. III). 18 Tankred, ‘De ordo iudiciarius’, hg. Bergmann (wie Anm. 15), S. 124, cap. I, 7 (De syndico et actore), § 2. 19 Henricus de Segusio (Hostiensis), Summa (Lyon, 1537; Nachdruck Aalen, 1962), fol. 63r°. Es wurde keineswegs überall zwischen den einzelnen Begriffen (procurator, syndicus) trennscharf unterschieden. In einem sächsischen Formelwerk des 13. Jahrhunderts werden die genannten Funktionsbezeichnungen gleichgesetzt, vgl. Ludwig Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher des elften bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 Bände (München 1863 und 1864; Nachdruck New York, 1961), Bd. I, S. 227: Item statuitur procurator uniuersitatis uel collegii uel alicuius conmunis, qui in iure sindicus appellatur. [. . .] Procurator uniuersitatis, qui et syndicus appellatur, qui uniuer- sitatis negocia procuranda sumit in genere. . . . 20 Hostiensis, Summa (wie Anm. 19), fol. 65v°: ein syndicus wird für aktuelle und zukünftige Fälle von einer universitas eingesetzt, der actor nur für gegenwärtige, der economus ist eine Art Ver- walter und der Prokurator kann im Gegensatz zum syndicus nicht nur von einer Personenmehrheit, sondern auch von einer Einzelperson eingesetzt werden. 21 Tierney, Foundations on the Conciliar Theory (wie Anm. 16), S. 119–20. Hostiensis sieht jeden Diener (minister) der Kirche als deren procurator an, den Bischof explizit als procurator ad nego- tia, vgl. Summa (wie Anm. 19), fol. 63v°, Nr. 3. Dies entspricht einer schon im 12. Jahrhundert verbreiteten Sichtweise. Auch Papst Urban II. verstand unter einem procurator jeden Verwalter in Die Prokuratoren der Templer 137 igkeiten umgangen und die Streitparteien, so auch die Templer, bestellten ihren Vertreter nicht nur zum Prokurator, sondern zugleich auch zum actor, sindicus, yconomus und nuntius.22 Dies passt auch zu den Vollmachtsformularen, die man in Formelsammlun- gen des 13. Jahrhunderts findet, wie etwa in der des Azo-Schülers Martinus de Fano aus dem Jahre 1278, das einen deutlichen Bezug zur Heimatstadt des Ver- fassers an der norditalienischen Adria-Küste aufweist.23 Das dort überlieferte und mit De procuratoris constitutione überschriebene, sehr kurze Formular ist für die Bestellung eines procurator ad litem gedacht und enthält die dafür notwendi­ gen Formeln.24 Auch hier wird der procurator zumindest um zwei weitere Funk- tionsbezeichnungen (actor, defensor) ergänzt, die allerdings den ausschließlich prozessualen Kontext unterstreichen. Das Mandat ist außerdem für einen bestim- mten Fall (ad dictam causam) vorgesehen. Das folgende Formular (Nr. 44) für die Bestellung eines Prokurators für außergerichtliche Verhandlungen nennt den Beauftragten nur procurator. Für den Syndicus sind ohnehin andere Formulare (Nr. 45, 46) bestimmt. Letzteres (Nr. 46) kommt den Generalvollmachten für die Templerprokuratoren am nächsten, denn hiermit wird jemand zum syndi- cum, actorem et procuratorem für sämtliche Angelegenheiten (ad omnes causas) bestellt. Anders als in den vorgenannten Formularen (Nr. 43–45) ist der Voll- machtgeber kein anonymisierter dominus namens „T.“, sondern der Abt eines Klosters, der einen Prokurator für die gerichtlichen und außergerichtlichen (in iudicio et extra) Angelegenheiten bestellt, die andernfalls der Abt im Verein mit seinem gesamten Kapitel (cum universo capitulo)25 erledigen könnte. Die Vollmachten, mit denen die Provinzialmeister der Templer ihre Präzeptoren zu Prokuratoren ernannt haben, folgen weitgehend den gängigen Formularen für diese Art Urkunde. Die Templer hatten hierfür vermutlich auf ordensexterne Schreiber oder Notare zurückgegriffen. Ein konkretes Beispiel dafür bietet eine Vollmacht, die 1263 vom provenzalischen Provinzialmeister ausgestellt und von

kirchlichen Angelegenheiten (Patrologia Latina, hg. Jean-Paul Migne, Bd. 151 (Paris, 1853), Nr. 273, Sp. 529–33, hier Sp. 531), vgl. Charles P. Connors, Extra-Judicial Procurators in the Code of Canon Law (Washington D.C., 1944), S. 18. 22 Chartes et documents de l’abbaye de Saint-Magloire, hg. Anne Terroine und Lucie Fossier (kurz: Saint-Magloire), Bd. II: 1280 à 1330 (Paris, 1966), S. 14, Nr. 12 (Streitfall aus dem Jahre 1283): . . . procuratorem nostrum generalem, actorem, yconomum, sindicum et nuntium generalem ac etiam spezialem, nomine nostro ac domus Templi et fratrum nostrorum, constituimus, facimus ac etiam ordinamus, in omnibus causis et negotiis. . . . Diese umfassende Art und Weise der Bestellung war nicht überall verbreitet. In Laon wurde zur gleichen Zeit der zuständige Präzeptor mit einem ansonsten fast gleichen Formular nur zum Prokurator ernannt, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Nouvelles acquisitions latines (BN, nouv. acq. lat.) 49, 336: . . . in ballivia Laudunensi procura- torem constituimus facimus et ordinamus in omnibus et singulis causis et negociis. . . . 23 Ludwig Wahrmund, Das Formularium des Martinus de Fano (Innsbruck, 1907; Nachdruck Aalen, 1962), S. XI–XII. 24 Wahrmund, Das Formularium des Martinus de Fano (wie Anm. 23), S. 16, Nr. 43. 25 Vgl. Anm. 7, wo der Provinzialmeister als Prokurator des Meisters und des gesamten Kapitels bezeichnet wird. 138 Christian Vogel einem öffentlichen Notar beglaubigt wurde.26 Ähnlich konnte Alan Forey für Aragón nachweisen, dass in den Templerkommenden regelmäßig Gebühren und Honorare für ordensexterne Juristen oder das Herstellen von Urkunden bezahlt wurden.27 Neben der bereits zitierten Formelsammlung des Martinus de Fano bieten auch andere, vornehmlich in Norditalien, aber auch in Frankreich oder England verfasste Sammlungen ähnliche Formulare. Johannes von Bologna, der in Paris lehrte und 1280 Erzbischof von Canterbury wurde, führt mehrere Formulare an, die Prokuratorbestellungen in verschiedenen Zusammenhängen zum Gegenstand haben.28 In den aus England stammenden Beispielen, welche er als Formulare ver- wendet hat, werden die Prokuratoren gleichzeitig zum nuntius specialis ernannt, auch actor, defensor oder negociorum gestor werden als Funktionsbezeichnungen hinzugefügt. Die so Betitelten erhalten potestatem plenissimam und damit verbun- den den Auftrag, verschiedene rechtsgeschäftliche oder prozessuale Tätigkeiten auszuführen (agendi, defendendi, procedendi, probandi, confitendi etc.), und werden autorisiert, ihrerseits Bevollmächtigte einzusetzen.29 Als Betätigungsort für die Prokuratoren steht in den meisten Formularen des Johannes von Bologna die römische Kurie im Vordergrund. Allerdings findet sich auch die allgemeine Formulierung, der Bevollmächtigte solle den Vollmachtgeber vor allen geistli- chen und weltlichen Gerichten vertreten und auch sonst alle Angelegenheiten regeln.30 Das ebenfalls von Ludwig Rockinger edierte Formelbuch des Zister- ziensermönches Bernold von Kaisersheim (Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts) enthält weitere Formulare für die Prokuratorbestellung, die ähnlich aufgebaut und mit den gleichen oder vergleichbaren Formeln bestückt sind. Die dortigen Aufzählungen

26 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 23, 211–12. Im Eschatokoll heißt es: . . . et magister B. Servati, publicus condam notarius Montiscuci, qui requisitus, hanc cartam recepit et in suo libro sic posuit, de quo libro michi comisso [. . .] ego, Petrus de Cantalibus, notarius Regius presentem cartam extrai. . . . Vgl. zur Inanspruchnahme ordensfremder Experten die Schlussfolgerungen von Brundage, ‘The Lawyers of the Military Orders’ (wie Anm. 4), S. 356. 27 Alan J. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (London, 1973), S. 320, die Quelle befindet sich ebendort im Anhang, S. 415–19; vgl. Brundage, ‘The Lawyers of the Military Orders’ (wie Anm. 4), S. 351. 28 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 605–20. 29 Vgl. Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 617–8. 30 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 616: . . . coram quocumque iudice ecclesiastico uel seculari, tam in ciuilibus quam in criminalibus, et ad colligendum et reponendum et distrahendum omnes fructus et prouentus suos et ecclesie sue predicte, presentes et futuros. . . . Die Prokuratoren der Templer 139 von Funktionsbezeichnungen,31 Tätigkeitsanforderungen,32 Gerichtsständen,33 Ermächtigungs- und Verpflichtungsklauseln34 sind den von den Templern über- lieferten Urkunden sehr ähnlich und belegen die überregionale Verbreitung dieser Formulare.

Beispiele Im Kartular von Saint-Magloire sind mehrere Urkunden enthalten, die eine Prokura- torbestellung dokumentieren und mit den oben erörterten Formularen vergleichbar sind. Zwei dieser Urkunden beglaubigen Vertreter des Templerordens, die anlässlich eines Streits mit dem Kloster Saint-Magloire tätig geworden waren.35 Kleinere, eher unbedeutende Unterschiede ergeben sich im Vergleich der beiden Templerurkunden mit gleichartigen Urkunden zur Bestellung eines Prokurators anderer Institutionen. So werden nur bei den Templern die verschiedenen Funktionsbezeichnungen (. . . procuratorem nostrum generalem, actorem, yconomum, sindicum et nuntium gener- alem ac etiam specialem . . .) aufgezählt, während bei den entsprechenden Urkunden der Johanniter oder der Abtei nur ein procurator generalis bestellt wird.36

Fall 1: 1296 vor dem Prévôt von Paris Die beiden dort enthaltenen Templerurkunden (Nr. 12 und Nr. 82) unterschei- den sich kaum voneinander, weshalb die Editoren beim Abdruck der späteren Urkunde längere formelhafte Passagen ausgelassen haben. Lediglich zwei Unter- schiede fallen auf. Während Guillelmus de Mallaio, der in den Jahren 1283–1285 französischer Provinzialmeister war,37 von der domus militie Templi im Singular

31 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 915 (Nr. 3): . . . procuratorem nostrum constituimus, sindicum et actorem et nuncium specialem in omnibus causis motis et mouendis. . . . 32 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 915–6 (Nr. 3): . . . agendi pro nobis, deffendendi nos, reconueniendi aduersarios, litem siue lites contestandi, iurandi in animas nostras de calumpnia . . . ponendi, respondendi posicionibus partis aduerse . . ., conponendi, con- promittendi, transigendi, interlocutorias ac diffinitiuas sentencias audieni, alium procuratorem uel procuratores loco sui substituendi. . . . 33 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 915 (Nr. 3): . . . coram quibus- cumque iudicibus ordinariis, delegatis, subdelegatis, arbitris, conseruatoribus, baliuis, prepositis maioribus, seu etiam coram aliis iudicibus quibuscumque tam ecclesiasticis quam secularibus. 34 Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher (wie Anm. 19), II, S. 915–6 (Nr. 3): . . . dantes eidem tali procuratori nostro plenariam potestatem, et speciale mandatum [. . .] et omnia et singula ad nos et ad monasterium nostrum siue ad homines nostros spectancia faciendi que faceremus si presentes essemus, ratum et gratum pariter habituri quidquid per predictum N seu substitutum vel substitutos ab ipso factum fuerit in premissis seu in aliquo premissorum, promittentes sub ypoteca rerum monasterii nostri si necesse fuerit iudicatum solui. 35 Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 12 (März 1283) und Nr. 82 (Februar 1296). 36 Vgl. Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 21 (Abtei); Nr. 60 (Johanniter). 37 Vgl. Émile-Guillaume Léonard, Introduction au Cartulaire manuscrit du Temple (Paris, 1930), S. 115. 140 Christian Vogel spricht, als er 1283 den Präzeptor von Beauvais-en-Gâtinais zum Prokurator bestellt, verwendet sein Nachfolger dreizehn Jahre später regelmäßig den Plural (domorum). Hugo de Peraudo nennt sich selbst preceptor domorum milicie Templi in Francia und ermächtigt auch den Priesterbruder Robert von Saint-Just, den Präzeptor von Sommereux,38 den er zum Prokurator bestellt, in seinem Namen und „im Namen der Häuser und der Brüder“ (nomine nostro ac domorum Tem- pli et fratrum nostrorum)39 zu handeln. Der andere Unterschied besteht in der Aufzählung der Gerichtsstände, zu denen in der Urkunde von 1296 noch lokale Gewalten in der Champagne und der Normandie treten.40 Eine weitere Beson- derheit ist beim späteren Dokument hinsichtlich der Überlieferungslage zu kon- statieren. Während die Vollmacht von 1283 wie die anderen von den Templern erhaltenen Dokumente dieser Art in eine andere Urkunde, welche einen konk- reten Streitfall behandelt, inseriert ist, steht die Vollmacht von 1296 zwar im Zusammenhang mit einer Streitbeilegung,41 ist aber als gesonderter Eintrag ins Kartular von Saint-Magloire kopiert worden. Es handelt sich um ein Vidimus des Prévôts von Paris ohne weitere, unmittelbar erkennbare Einbettung in einen konkreten prozessualen Kontext.42 Dieser Kontext ergibt sich erst aus einer wei- teren, in altfranzösischer Sprache überlieferten Urkunde vom 1. Mai 1296, die den Schiedsspruch von Vermittlern dokumentiert, welche vom Prokurator Robert von Saint-Just und dem Vertreter der Gegenseite eingesetzt worden waren.43 Vor dem eigentlichen Schiedsspruch wird kurz der Verhandlungsverlauf und das Verfahren geschildert, wobei vor allem die Legitimation der Prokuratoren durch den Prévôt, der den Schiedsspruch bezeugt und gesiegelt hat, bestätigt wird. Der Templer- prokurator habe eine ausreichende Vollmacht vorgelegt, um als Generalprokura- tor des französischen Templermeisters auftreten zu können.44 Dieses Schreiben hatte der Prévôt in der bereits beschriebenen Weise beglaubigt. Die Vollmacht war

38 Die Häuser in Sommereux und in Beauvais-en-Gâtinais gehören zur gleichen Ballei, die sowohl nach dem einen wie dem anderen Haus benannt wird, vgl. Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 130; zwischen Vorstehern von Haus oder Ballei lässt sich kaum unterscheiden, vgl. ebd., S. 131. 39 Archives nationales (Paris) = AN, LL 39, Nr. 56; die zitierte Stelle ist in der Edition den schon erwähnten Kürzungen zum Opfer gefallen. 40 Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), S. 111, Nr. 82: . . . consiliariis seu magistris ipsius domini regis tenetibus dies suas et placita in Campania et in Escacariis Normannie et allibi, videlicet in regno Francie, ab eodem deputatis. . . . 41 Vgl. Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 84. 42 Dem Text im Kartular geht eine Notiz des Prévôts voraus, AN, LL 39, Nr. 56: A touz gens qui ces lettres verront Jehan de Saint Lienarz garde de la preuoste de Paris salute. Sachent tuit que nous lan de grace mil cc IIII/XX et seze le jeudi devant la feste saint matthia lapotre veismes unes let- tres seellées contenant la fourme qui sensuit. Es folgt der Text der Vollmacht vom 15. Februar des gleichen Jahres, danach der Siegelbefehl des Prévôts. 43 Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 84 (S. 113–6). 44 Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 84 (S. 114): . . . et monseigneur Robert de Saint Just, prestre, procureur general du grant commandeur de France et des freres de la maison de la chevalerie du Temple dessus dite, autre part, qui avoient povoir de compromettre et de faire compromis, si comme il estoit contenu es lettres de leurs procuracions souffisanz. . . . Die Prokuratoren der Templer 141 am 15. Februar ausgestellt worden, so dass die Beglaubigung unmittelbar danach, am 23. Februar erfolgte.45

Fall 2: 1283/1285 vor dem Prévôt von Paris Dreizehn Jahre zuvor, als Robert von Saint-Just schon einmal vom damaligen Provinzialmeister Guillelmus de Malaio zum Prokurator bestellt worden war, war die zeitliche Abfolge zwischen Erteilung der Vollmacht durch den Meister und deren Beglaubigung durch den Prévôt deutlich gestreckt. Anders als 1296 hatte der Prokurator das entsprechende Schreiben nicht unverzüglich registrieren las- sen, sondern erst anlässlich eines später aufgetretenen Streitfalls vorgelegt. Der Prévôt fertigte dann eine Urkunde über den Streit und das verabredete Schlich- tungsverfahren an, in dem auch die Vollmacht im Wortlaut wiedergegeben wird.46 Der Prévôt gibt an, das Schriftstück in Gegenwart der Notare verlesen und das Siegel des Provinzialmeisters geprüft zu haben; das Schriftstück folgt auf Bitten der Streitparteien in Abschrift und ist auf den 13. März 1283 datiert. Anschließend folgt der ausdrückliche Hinweis, die Vollmacht sei auf Bitte des Prokurators auf- genommen und vom Prévôt gesiegelt worden.47 Dieser Vorgang wurde seinerseits am 31. März 1283 beurkundet, so dass man kaum davon wird ausgehen können, die Vollmacht sei eigens für diesen Streitfall erteilt worden.

Fall 3: 1283/1284 vor dem Offizial von Laon Es ist allerdings auch nicht – jedenfalls nicht in diesem Fall – anzunehmen, dass die Prokuratoren auf einem Provinzialkapitel ihre Vollmachtsurkunden erhielten. Denn aus der gleichen Ordensprovinz ist im Jahre 1283 eine weitere Prokura- torbestellung überliefert. Der Provinzialmeister Guillelmus de Malaio bestellt den örtlich zuständigen Präzeptor der Ordensballei Laon zum Prokurator für

45 Die Editoren datieren die Beglaubigung auf den 20. September (Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), S. 111). Im Vidimus-Vermerk, der ins Kartular (AN, LL 39, Nr. 56) eingetragen ist, wird als Datum „der Donnerstag vor dem Fest des Apostels Matthias“ (vgl. Anm. 42) genannt. Die zeitli- che Abfolge (Vollmacht am 15. Februar; Streitbelegung unter Berufung auf die Vollmacht am 1. Mai) legt es allerdings nahe, den 25. Februar hinter dem Fest des Apostels zu vermuten. 46 AN, S 1158, Nr. 7; Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), S. 80–2, Nr. 22 (Dokument des Prévôts in französischer Sprache vom 31. März 1283), darin als Inserat enthalten: Nr. 12 (Vollmachtsurkunde in lateinischer Sprache vom 13. März 1283). 47 Saint-Magloire, II (wie Anm. 22), Nr. 22 (S. 82): Et nous, la procuration de frere Robert desus dit, la quele nous feismes lire en jugement, pardevant nous, mot a mot, en la presence de Symon Païen et de Hervi de la Trinité, notaires communs en nostre court, et de Phelippe de Saint Just, nostre auditeur, seellee du seel au commandeeur de la chevalerie du Temple desus dite, et la quele nous trouvasmes saine, enterine, leal et sanz vice en chacune partie de soi, a la requeste des parties, feismes ramener et faire en commune escriture, a greigneur seurté des choses desus dites, mot a mot, en la maniere qui s’ensuit: [es folgt der Text der Vollmacht]. Der Abt, der vermutlich auch seinen Konvent vertreten hat, hatte keine Vollmacht vorgelegt; zumindest wird nichts dergleichen im Text erwähnt. 142 Christian Vogel die französische Ordensprovinz. Dies geschah allerdings nicht am 13. März, wie im zuvor geschilderten Fall, sondern erst im Juli des gleichen Jahres.48 Das Verfahren, zu dessen Überlieferung die Urkunde gehört, wurde vor dem Offizial von Laon ausgetragen und betraf einen Streit der dortigen Templerkommende von Seraincourt mit den benachbarten Rittern und Bürgern. Daher wurde Petrus Normannus, der Präzeptor der Ballei Laon, der das Haus Seraincourt zugeordnet war, zum Prokurator bestellt. Die Urkunde schließt mit dem Vidimus-Vermerk des Offizials von Laon. Der Einleitung ist zu entnehmen, dass die Vollmacht dem Offizial am 3. Oktober 1284 vorgelegt worden war. Schon vorher,49 im Juli 1284 wurde unter Vermittlung eines Kanonikers und des Offizials von Reims ein Schiedsgericht eingesetzt, welches einen Kompromiss aushandeln sollte.50 Darauf bezieht sich auch ein Schreiben in französischer Sprache von August 1284, mit dem Petrus Normannus, der coumanderes des maisons dou temple en la baillie de Loonois, einen Kompromiss festhält, den er mit dem Abt und dem Konvent von Chaumont vereinbart hat.51 Der Unterschied zur vorgenannten Urkunde der bei- den Vermittler aus Reims liegt darin, dass neben dem Verfahren zur Schlichtung auch die Streitgegenstände benannt werden. Außerdem tritt hier der Präzeptor, der sich aber noch nicht als Prokurator bezeichnet, in Erscheinung, während er zuvor nicht genannt wurde. Erst in einer weiteren, ebenfalls in Französisch verfassten Urkunde, die auf den 28. Oktober 1284 datiert ist,52 also nach der Beglaubigung, nennt sich Petrus Normannus procureur und segnet die erzielte Einigung ab. Wie in seinem vorigen Schreiben versprochen, versieht er den Kompromiss mit sei- nem Siegel.53

Fall 4: 1286/1289 vor dem Offizial von Sens Wiederum als Inserate sind die Vollmachten des Templerpräzeptors von Coulours und des Zisterzienserabtes von Vauluisant überliefert, in einem Streitfall, der vor dem Offizial von Sens verhandelt und am 25. Mai 1289 entschieden54 wurde. Darin enthalten sind die Vollmachten beider Prokuratoren, zunächst die des Abtes vom Juli 1286,55 danach die des Templerpräzeptors vom September 1287.56 Der

48 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 336–7. Das Formular weicht nur unwesentlich von dem der zuvor zitierten Vollmacht ab. 49 Sofern die erwähnte Beglaubigung korrekt auf den 3. Oktober datiert ist. Angegeben ist lediglich in festo beati Dyonisii, womit auch der 22. April gemeint sein könnte. 50 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 338. 51 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 339. 52 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 340–1. 53 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 341: Après je freres Pieres li Normans coumanderes de la chevalerie dou Temple de la baillie de Looinois proumet comme procureures a tenir et afaire tenir toutes les choses devant dites fermes . . . je ai ces presentes letres seeles de mon propre seel . . . . 54 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 70–80. 55 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 70–1. 56 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 66–8. Die Prokuratoren der Templer 143 Generalvisitator für England und Frankreich, Gaufridus de Vicherio,57 hatte den örtlich zuständigen Präzeptor der Ballei Coulours zum Prokurator für die fran- zösische Ordensprovinz bestellt.58 Die Urkunde gleicht im Aufbau zwar der des Zisterziensers, verwendet aber andere Formulierungen. So erhält der Templer mehrere Funktionsbezeichnungen (procuratorem nostrum, actorem, yconomum, sindicum et nuncium spezialem) anders als sein Gegenspieler (procuratorem nos- trum generalem et spezialem), so wie dies auch in der Überlieferung von Saint- Magloire der Fall war. Darüber hinaus sind die Aufzählungen der Gerichtsstände und der Befugnisse beim Templer etwas ausführlicher, unterscheiden sich aber in der Sache nicht von der Zisterzienservollmacht. Die zeitliche Differenz zwischen der Ausstellung der Vollmachten und der Streitentscheidung durch den Offizial deutet darauf hin, dass es sich um Generalvollmachten handelt, die nicht nur für einen speziellen Fall erteilt wurden. Dabei war der Templerprokurator nur für Fälle zuständig, die in seiner Ballei auftraten, was anders als in den oben geschil- derten Fällen schon angedeutet wird, weil der Provinzialmeister seinen Prokura- tor ausdrücklich im Namen der Häuser von dessen Ballei einsetzt.59

Fall 5: 1303/1304 vor dem Offizial von Laon Vom Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts ist ein weiterer Streitfall überliefert, der wiederum vor dem Offizial von Laon ausgetragen wurde und dessen Dokumenta- tion in Gestalt von zwei Urkunden in der Überlieferung des Offizialats wiederzu- finden ist. Die Vollmachtsurkunde vom August 1303 ist auch hier nur als Insert im Schreiben des Offizials erhalten.60 Der Provinzialmeister und Generalvisitator Hugo de Peraudo hatte den örtlich zuständigen Präzeptor von Laon, Gervasius de Luciaco, zum Prokurator für die französische Ordensprovinz bestellt. Das

57 Gaufridus de Vicherio war 1286–90 Generalvisitator für Frankreich, England und Deutschland, vgl. Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 17. Die Ämter von Provinzialmeister und Visitator wurden in dieser Zeit oftmals miteinander verbunden; vgl. Christian Vogel, Das Recht der Temp­ ler. Ausgewählte Aspekte des Templerrechts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Statutenhand- schriften aus Paris, Rom, Baltimore und Barcelona (Münster, 2007), S. 285 m. w. N.; für die spanischen Ordensprovinzen vgl. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (wie Anm. 27), S. 329. 58 Der Kopist, der die Urkunden für die Collection d’Albon transkribiert hatte, hat nach der Vollmacht eine weitere eingefügt, die im Juni 1288 vom gleichen Provinzialmeister für den gleichen Präzep- tor ausgestellt worden war, aber mit dem hier beschriebenen Streitfall in keinem Zusammenhang steht. In französischer Sprache wird der Präzeptor von Coulours ermächtigt, mit Thiebaut II., dem Grafen von Bar, zu verhandeln. Diese Urkunde (BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 69) war bereits damals ediert: Chartes du Clermontois conservées au musée Condé à Chantilly (1069–1352), hg. André Lesort (Paris, 1904), S. 170–1. 59 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 66: Noverint universi quod nos de fratrum nostrorum consilio et assensu, dilectum nostrum fratrem Henricum de Souppi, preceptorem baillivie de Collatoriis, exhibitione presencium procuratorem . . ., nostro et fratrum nostrorum et domorum dicte baillivie nomine constituimus ac eciam ordinavimus in omnibus causis et singulis negociis . . .. 60 AN, S 4949A, Nr. 39. Die Vollmacht ist kopiert in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 401–2; das Schreiben des Offizials in fol. 403–6. 144 Christian Vogel Formular folgt bekannten Mustern, doch findet sich hier erstmals eine klare Begrenzung für den Prokurator auf den Amtsbereich, der ihm als Präzeptor zugewiesen ist. Hugo de Peraudo, der sich Generalvisitator nennt, bestellt Ger- vasius zum Generalprokurator für alle Fälle, die in der Ballei Laon auftreten.61 Der Offizial hingegen nennt den „Präzeptor und die Brüder der Templerhäuser in Frankreich“ (. . . preceptorem et fratres domorum milicie Templi in Francia) als Prozesspartei. Erst, als er das Vollmachtsschreiben anfügt, nennt er die Namen und Titel der beiden Templer. Gervasius, der Präzeptor der Ballei Laon, sei von Hugo de Peraudo, dem Generalvisitator, als Prokurator eingesetzt und mit einem gesiegelten Schreiben ausgestattet worden, das jener vorgelegt habe, weshalb er nunmehr im Namen des Visitators und der Templerbrüder zu handeln berechtigt sei.62 Die Urkunde des Offizials vom 11. Januar 1304 enthält die Einsetzung eines Schiedsgerichts.63 Dieses soll zwischen dem Templer und dem Hospital einer- seits und dem Kloster Saint-Vincent andererseits, die sich um Zehnt- und Ger- ichtsrechte streiten, in deren langjährigen Besitz sich beide Seiten zu befinden behaupten, vermitteln. Ein zweifach gesiegeltes Schreiben des Abtes von Saint- Vincent vom 16. Februar 1304 in französischer Sprache stimmt inhaltlich mit dem Dokument des Offizials überein. Es werden die Streitpunkte aufgezählt und ein Schiedsgericht eingesetzt, das den Streit bis Ostern beilegen soll. 64 Die Templer werden als commanderes et les freres de la cheualerie dou Temple bezeichnet.

Prokura und Ordensstruktur Ein Prokurator war vom zuständigen Organ zu bestellen und mit einem entspre- chenden Schriftstück auszustatten, das auch den Prozessgegner und den Stre- itgegenstand enthalten musste oder durch das der Prokurator generell für alle Streitigkeiten bestellt wurde.65 Das zuständige Organ war durch die Struktur des jeweiligen Ordens vorgegeben. Bei den Templern sieht Jonathan Riley-Smith

61 AN, S 4949A, Nr. 39 / BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 401: Universis presentes litteras inspecturis frater Hugo de Peraudo generalis visitator domorum milicie Templi salutem in Domino. Noverint uni- versi quod nos dilectum et fidelem nostrum filium in Xpisto Gervasium de Luciaco latorem seu exhibitorem presentium facimus, constituimus et ordinamus procuratorem generalem et specialem in omnibus et singulis causis et negociis nostris et fratrum nostrorum et specialiter in baillivia Laudunensi motis et movendis . . . . 62 AN, S 4949A, Nr. 39 / BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 405: Tandem vir religiosus frater Gervasius pre- ceptor domus milicie Templi de Lauduno procurator constitutus a religioso viro et honesto fratre Hugone de Perauto domorum milicie predicte generali visitatore per litteras sigillo dicti fratris Hugonis prout prima facie apparebat sigillatas formam que sequitur continentes: [es folgt der Text der Vollmacht] coram nobis personaliter constitutus super omnibus et singulis discordiis et articulis predictis recognovit se procuratorio nomine dictorum visitatoris fratrum militie Templi predicte . . . . 63 AN, S 4949A, Nr. 39 / BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 403–6. 64 AN, S 4949A, Nr. 38 / BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 407–9. Ein Siegel, vermutlich dasjenige des Abtes, ist stark beschädigt; das andere ist nicht mehr vorhanden. 65 Wiesław Litewski, Der römisch-kanonische Zivilprozeß nach den älteren ordines iudiciarii (Krakau, 1999), Bd. I, S. 161. Die Prokuratoren der Templer 145 die Kompetenz für die Einsetzung von Prokuratoren zur Behandlung aktueller Streitigkeiten allgemein bei den Provinzialkapiteln.66 Notwendig war ein Kapitel unter Leitung des Meisters oder anderen Oberen, wie es in den Prozessprotokol- len heißt.67 Die Bestellung zum Prokurator, gleichgültig ob zum procurator generalis oder zum procurator specialis, erfolgte durch ein schriftlich erteiltes Mandat, dessen Fehlen schon im klassischen römischen Zivilprozess zur Abweisung der Klage führte.68 Dieses Erfordernis einer Vollmacht war auch kirchenrechtlich verankert, wurde schon von Innocenz III. gefordert und hat auch Eingang in die Dekretalen Gregors IX. gefunden.69 Das Schreiben musste mit einem Siegel beglaubigt und einem Notar oder sonstigen Zeugen vorgelegt werden.70 Dabei musste auch der Abt oder der Prior, der für seinen Konvent oder sein Kapitel tätig wurde, von diesem ein Schreiben vorweisen, das ihn als Prokurator auswies.71 So wird in einer Urkunde vom August 1259 über eine Streitsache zwischen den Templern von Coulours und der Abtei Saint-Rémy in Sens den Vertretern beider Seiten bestätigt, über eine schriftliche Vollmacht (cum litteris procuratoriis) zu verfügen.72 Der Tem- plerpräzeptor von Coulours weist ein Bestätigungsschreiben des Provinzialmeis- ters und anderer Brüder des Ordens vor, während der Abt sich selbst in eigener Person (per se personaliter) und zusätzlich den Konvent, dem er vorsteht, nicht

66 Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘The Structures of the Orders of the Temple and the Hospital’, in Medieval Crusade, hg. Susan J. Ridyard (Woodbridge, 2004), S. 125–43, hier S. 135; mit Verweis u. a. auf Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (wie Anm. 27), S. 317–23 (vgl. dort insbesondere S. 321). 67 PT, I (wie Anm. 3), S. 133: responderunt, quod habent superiorem suum, videlicet Magistrum Templi majorem, sibi propinquum, ut credunt, et alios majores capitaneos ejusdem ordinis in spiri­ tualibus et temporalibus, cum quibus loquerentur, deliberarent super procuratoribus constituendis . . . . Der Vorgesetzte war dabei unverzichbar, PT, I, S. 101: Item, quod non videtur eis quod possit facere procurator sine consensu Magistri sui, sub cujus obediencia ipsi et omnes alii fratres dicti ordinis sunt et esse debent. Besonders deutlich der übernächste Absatz (ebd.): Item pecierunt quod Magister, et fratres et alii preceptores provinciarum insimul congreguntur, ut super constituendis procuratoribus et aliis peragendis possint deliberare. 68 Vgl. Rümelin, Zur Geschichte der Stellvertretung (wie Anm. 17), S. 101. 69 Brief XI/259, in Die Register Innozenz’ III., 11. Band, hg. Othmar Hageneder und Andrea Som- merlechner (Wien, 2010), S. 429–33, hier insbesondere S. 431; Decr. Gregors IX., lib. I, tit. 38, c. 1, hg. Friedberg, II (wie Anm. 17), Sp. 211; vgl. auch Connors, Extra-Judicial Procurators (wie Anm. 21), S. 10. 70 Connors, Extra-Judicial Procurators (wie Anm. 21), S. 8. m. w. N.; vgl. auch Brundage, The Medi- eval Origins (wie Anm. 11), S. 359. In einem Streitfall mit Beteiligung der Templer (1283/1284) ist ein Dokument des Offizials von Laon überliefert, mit dem dieser bestätigt, die Vollmacht eines Templerpräzeptors gesehen und geprüft zu haben. Die Vollmacht, die im Folgenden wortgetreu wiedergegeben wird, wurde vom Provinzialmeister der Templer gesiegelt, BN, nouv. acq. lat. 49, 336: Universis presentes litteras visuris Officialis Laudunensis salutem in Domino. Noveritis nos anno Domini M°CC°LXXX° quarto in festo beati Dyonisii quasdam litteras sigillo religiosi viri fratris Guillermi de Malaio preceptoris domum milicie Templi in Francia sigillatas vidisse et diligenter inspexisse in hec verba: [es folgt der Text der Vollmacht]. 71 Litewski, Der römisch-kanonische Zivilprozeß (wie Anm. 65), S. 159. 72 AN, S 4967, Nr. 8 (28. August 1259); Abschrift in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 54, 48 ff. 146 Christian Vogel etwa in seiner Funktion als Abt, sondern als Prokurator des Konvents mit Beglaubi- gungsschreiben, vertritt (et procuratore dicti conventus cum litteris procuratoriis ipsius conventus). Als Streitparteien werden auf der einen Seite Abt und Konvent genannt, auf Seiten der Templer religiosi viri preceptor et fratres militie Templi iherosolimitani in Frantie [sic]. Der Provinzialmeister, den der Prokurator vertritt, ist an anderer Stelle mit Namen genannt und für den gesamten Orden in der Fran- cia (. . . per litteras fratris Furconis de sancto Michaele preceptoris tocius ordinis Templariorum in Francia . . .) zuständig. Er bildet gemeinsam mit den anderen Templern der Ordensprovinz die Personengemeinschaft, auf die als Rechtsperson rekurriert wird. Der für den Orden handelnde Prokurator ist wie in den zuvor angeführten Beispielen der Präzeptor der Kommende, mit der das Kloster in Streit geraten ist, agiert aber nicht in seiner Funktion als Kommendenvorsteher, sondern ist vom Provinzialmeister und den Brüdern der Provinz eigens mit der notwen- digen Vollmacht ausgestattet worden, um in dieser Sache tätig werden zu kön- nen. Bei der erneuten Nennung von Abt und Präzeptor-Prokurator werden beide mit sämtlichen, ihre Legitimation begründenden Umständen benannt: uoluntate et assensu presentibus abbate per se personaliter et procuratore dicti conuentus cum litteris procuratoriis ipsius conuentus et fratre Roberto preceptore de Col- latoris cum litteris procuratoriis predicti fratris Furconis et aliorum fratrum mili- tie Templi. In einem Tauschvertrag zwischen den beiden Institutionen hingegen, der 25 Jahre später geschlossen und von Seiten der Abtei ausgestellt wurde, wird als Vertragspartner der Präzeptor von Coulours oder Präzeptor und Brüder der Templer in Coulours (dicti preceptor et fratres pro domo ipsorum de Collateriis) genannt.73 Die exakten Formalien und Formulierungen eines Gerichtsverfahrens waren in diesem Fall entbehrlich. Die Beispiele zeigen, dass die Ordensprovinz mit dem Provinzialmeister an der Spitze als die zu vertretende Rechtsperson den Kommendenvorsteher (Präzeptor) für Angelegenheiten, die seinen ihm ordensintern zugewiesenen Zuständigkeits- bereich betrafen, mit einer Vollmacht ausstatten musste, damit dieser auch nach außen in seinem Bereich tätig werden konnte. Es verbleibt dabei noch die Frage nach der Rechtsfähigkeit der Ordensprovinz. Das Aufkommen neuer Orden zwang die Kanonisten zur Weiterentwicklung des Kirchenrechts. Sowohl die Mendikan- tenorden als auch die Ritterorden waren nicht mehr als ein Zusammenschluss von einzelnen Klöstern organisiert, sondern als einheitlicher Personenverband, oft ausgehend von einem Haupthaus. Galt der Gesamtorden als Korporation, die sich von ihrem Oberen vertreten lassen konnte,74 so blieb die rechtliche Klas-

73 AN, S 4967, Nr. 13 (23. Mai 1284). 74 Seit Innocenz IV. folgten die Rechtsgelehrten der damals herrschenden Fiktionstheorie, nach der ein Vorsteher einer klösterlichen Gemeinschaft diese wie einen Minderjährigen vertreten könne. Er handelte insofern nicht als Organ, sondern als Vertreter. Vgl. dazu Alkuin Stillhart, Die Rechts­ persönlichkeit der klösterlichen Verbandsformen nach kanonischem und schweizerischem Recht (Freiburg/Schweiz, 1953), S. 71–2; Otto von Gierke, Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht, Bd. 3: Die Staats- und Korporationslehre des Altertums und des Mittelalters und ihre Aufnahme in Deutschland (Berlin, 1881; Nachdruck Graz, 1954), S. 226, zur Fiktionstheorie S. 279–81. Die Prokuratoren der Templer 147 sifizierung der unteren Organisationseinheiten schwierig. In den kanonistischen Rechtssammlungen ist erstmals in den Extravagantes Johannes’ XXII. – also erst nach der Auflösung des Templerordens – auch von der Rechtspersönlichkeit der Ordensprovinzen zentralisierter Orden die Rede.75 Doch bereits die Dekretalen Gregors IX. enthalten einschlägige Regelungen. Dass überhaupt Ordensprovinzen zu existieren haben, wurde bereits den Zisterziensern verordnet, deren Äbte und Priore verpflichtet wurden, regelmäßig Kapitelsversammlungen in den einzelnen Reichen bzw. Provinzen (in singulis regnis sive provinciis) abzuhalten.76 Dadurch wurden abgrenzbare Untereinheiten zentralisierter Orden oder Ordensverbände geschaffen. Die Befugnisse des Leiters einer solchen korporativen Einheit waren zumeist in der Ordensverfassung geregelt.77 Daneben bestand die Möglichkeit, ein Ordensmitglied für bestimmte Handlun­ gen mit einer Vollmacht auszustatten.78 Im Rahmen der eingangs dargestellten Beispiele sind jeweils beide Typen von Vertretern zu beobachten: der Provin- zialmeister als durch Rechtsregel bestimmter Repräsentant oder Vertreter des Ordens bzw. der Ordensprovinz und der Präzeptor als durch Vollmacht bestellter Prokurator, der für den Provinzialmeister und die gesamte Ordensprovinz tätig zu werden berechtigt ist. Im Falle der Templer sind deren Regel und Statuten79 sowie natürlich die päpstlichen Privilegierungen die einschlägigen Rechtsquellen, nach denen die vertretungsberechtigten Personen und die rechtsfähigen und damit vertretbaren Ordensprovinzen zu bestimmen sind.80

Kritisch gegenüber der Fiktionstheorie: Alois Hanig, ‘Innozenz IV., Vater der Fiktionstheorie?’, in Österreichisches Archiv für Kirchenrecht, 3 (1952), S. 177–213. Ausführlich dazu: Santiago Panizo Orallo, Persona jurídica y ficción. Estudio de la obra de Sinibaldo de Fieschi (Inocencio IV) (Pamplona, 1975). 75 Stillhart (wie Anm. 74), S. 73. 76 Decr. Gregorii IX, lib. III, tit. 35 (de statu monachorum), c.7, hg. Friedberg, II (wie Anm. 17), Sp. 600–1. 77 Vgl. Stillhart (wie Anm. 74), S. 72; Gierke, III (wie Anm. 74), S. 310–11. 78 Stillhart (wie Anm. 74), S. 73; Gierke, III (wie Anm. 74), S. 338. Dass sich eine Personengemein- schaft überhaupt von Prokuratoren vertreten lassen kann, wird in Bezug auf die universitas scho­ larium ebenfalls in den Decretalen geregelt, lib. I, tit. 38 (de procuratoribus), c.7, hg. Friedberg, II (wie Anm. 17), Sp. 215–6. Die Grenzen für die Einrichtung solcher anerkannter Gemeinschaften und die Abhängigkeit von der Zustimmung der Vorgesetzten werden in anderem Zusammenhang ebenfalls aufgezeigt (lib. V, tit. 31, c.14). 79 Die Statuten, also die über die Regel hinausgehende ordensinterne Gesetzgebung, enthalten regelmäßig Bestimmungen zur Organisation und zur Ordensverfassung, so auch in anderen Orden, zu den Cluniazensern beispielsweise vgl. Gert Melville, ‘Ordensstatuten und allgemeines Kirch- enrecht: Eine Skizze zum 12./13. Jahrhundert’, in Proceedings of the Ninth International Con- gress of Medieval Canon Law Munich, hg. Peter Landau und Jörg Müller (Vatikanstadt, 1997), S. 691–712, hier S. 710. 80 Durch päpstliches Privileg hatten die Templer das Recht, sich Regel und Statuten zu geben, die von Meister und Kapitel zu beschließen waren; PUTJ, 2, S. 97: Porro consuetudines ad uestre religionis et officii obseruantiam a magistro et fratribus communiter institutas nulli ecclesiastice seculariue persone infringere uel minuere sit licitum. Easdem quoque consuetudines a uobis ali- quanto temporis obseruatas et scripto firmatas nonnisi ab eo, qui magister est, consentiente tamen saniori parte capituli liceat immutari. 148 Christian Vogel Die Ordensprovinzen der Templer werden in den Statuten des Ordens mehr vorausgesetzt, als dass sie begründet werden. In § 87 wird der Meister bei der Einsetzung bestimmter Amtsträger (comandeors) an den Beschluss des Kapi- tels gebunden.81 Es werden dann die Regionen benannt, mit deren Verwaltung die angesprochenen Amtsträger betraut werden. Damit sind die entsprechenden Regionen als Ordensprovinzen unter je einem von der Zentrale eingesetzten ­Befehlshaber vorausgesetzt. Gleichwohl stellen die in § 87 aufgezählten Provinzen nur eine Momentaufnahme dar, da sich die Verwaltungsstrukturen des Ordens kontinuierlich weiterentwickelt haben. Festsetzungen zu diesen Veränderungen sind in den Statuten nicht überliefert und können nur aus den Titulaturen der Provinzialmeister in den vorwiegend urkundlichen Quellen erschlossen werden. Ausgangspunkt ist zunächst die Bulle Omne Datum Optimum. In dieser ersten päpstlichen Privilegierung (1139) erklärte Papst Innocenz II. das Gründungshaus der Templer in Jerusalem als „Quelle und Ursprung“ des Ordens zum Haupt aller weiteren, auch der künftig zu erwerbenden Besitzungen.82 Alexander III. bestätigt 1179 den Templern ihre Besitzungen in der Provence und in Spanien. Adressat dieser Bestätigung sind jedoch nicht der Ordensmeister oder die Templer in ihrer Gesamtheit, die in anderen Papsturkunden dieser Zeit mit Dilectis filiis magistro et fratribus milicie Templi83 angeredet werden. Stattdessen wendet sich der Papst direkt an den zuständigen Provinzialmeister der betroffenen Gebiete. Diesen, der für die Häuser des Ordens in Spanien und der Provence zuständig ist, und alle gegenwärtigen Brüder und auch die, welche in Zukunft ihre Gelübde ablegen werden, spricht der Papst als Personengemeinschaft an,84 und unterstellt damit implizit ihre Rechtsfähigkeit, mindestens aber ihre Vermögensfähigkeit. Die Ordensprovinz und das Amt ihres Provinzialmeisters gelten als gefestigte Institu- tion, zumal auch der Vorgänger des angesprochenen Meisters in diesem Amte in der Narratio genannt wird. Dieser Amtsvorgänger war im Namen der Templer mit dem Bischof von Barbastro-Roda eine Vereinbarung eingegangen. Bei der erstmaligen päpstlichen Bestätigung der in Rede stehenden Besitzungen durch Eugen III. im Jahre 1150 war es allerdings noch der Meister des Gesamtordens,

81 La Règle du Temple, hg. Henri de Curzon (Paris, 1886) = RT. 82 PUTJ, 2, S. 97: Preterea quemadmodum domus ipsa huius sacre uestre institutionis et ordinis fons et origo esse promuerit, ita nichilominus omnium locorum ad eam pertinentium caput et magistra in perpetuum habeatur. 83 Vgl. PUTJ, 1, Nr. 3 (Omne datum optimum, 1139; erneut ediert in PUTJ, 2, S. 96–103), Nr. 13 (1150) oder Nr. 41 (1163), wo jeweils die gegenwärtigen und künftigen Brüder einbezogen werden, ebenso wie die Nachfolger des Meister in Nr. 43; vgl. auch Nr. 238, als Honorius III. neben Meister und Brüdern die „gesamte Familie“ des Ordens in die Anrede aufnimmt: Dilectis filiis et magistro et fratribus et uniuerse familie domus militie Templi Ierosolimitani. 84 PUTJ, 1, Nr. 103, S. 289: Dilectis filiis Arnaldo de Turre rubea magistro domorum militie Templi in Provincia et in partibus Ispanie eiusque fratribus tam presentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis. Es fällt auf, dass er die Zuständigkeit des Meisters auf „die Häuser“ (domorum – Plu- ral) bezieht, anstatt wie sonst üblich von der auf Jerusalem bezogenen domus militie Templi zu sprechen. Die Prokuratoren der Templer 149 der vom Papst als zuständiger Vertreter des Ordens angesehen wurde.85 Die Ordensprovinz war noch nicht als solche ausgebildet und wurde dementsprechend nicht als rechtsfähige Untergliederung des Ordens angesehen.86 Dies änderte sich, als die Ordensprovinzen zu abgrenzbaren Einheiten ­wurden und deren Vorsteher, die Provinzialmeister, nur jeweils für eine bestimmte Region die Befugnisse des Meisters wahrnahmen und dabei die Grenzen ihrer Provinz, also ihres Zuständigkeitsbereichs, strikt beachten mussten.87 An mehreren Stellen der Templerstatuten werden verschiedene Ordensprovinzen erwähnt. Einer der dort aufgeführten Beispielsfälle macht deutlich, dass die Provinzen, in diesem Fall Spanien, ein gewisses Eigenleben entfalten konnten. In der Mitte des 13. Jah- rhunderts hatte der dortige Provinzialmeister kurz vor seinem Tod seinen Nach- folger bestimmt, der nicht auf allgemeine Akzeptanz stieß, was in der Folge zu einer Teilung der Ordensprovinz führte, bis die Zentrale ordnend eingriff.88

Regionale Unterschiede Was das Verhältnis von Ordensprovinz und Kommende betrifft und die damit verbundene Frage nach der Rechtsperson und der Befugnis zur Bestellung von Prokuratoren, wird man jedoch regionale Unterschiede zu beachten haben. In Frankreich treten auch im 13. Jahrhundert immer noch Provinzialmeister in Erscheinung, die zugleich als Visitator der Ordenszentrale fungieren und sich in dieser Funktion procurator nennen. Dies gilt erst recht für das 12. Jahrhundert.89 Danach sind es immer wieder Präzeptoren einzelner Häuser, die sich als procu- rator bezeichnen.90 In der nordfranzösischen Ordensprovinz (Francia) steht die Ordensprovinz in Gestalt der Gemeinschaft von Provinzialmeister und Brüdern

85 PUTJ, 1, Nr. 13, S. 219: Dilectis filiis Euerardo dominici Templi magistro eiusque fratribus tam presentibus quam futuris regularem uitam professis in perpetuum. Gleichwohl schreibt Alexander III. in den Jahren 1164/5 an die Templer in „Teilen Spaniens und der Provence“. 86 Erstmalig ist der Provinzialmeister „für die Provence und Teile Spaniens“ allerdings schon 1143 belegt, vgl. Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 23. Die Ordensprovinz, die aus Aragón, Katalonien und der Provence gebildet wurde, ist damit eine der ältesten, vgl. Damien Carraz, L’ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312). Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales (Lyon, 2005), S. 93. 1164/5 schreibt Alexander III. an die Templer in „Teilen Spaniens“ ohne einen regional zuständigen Meister anzusprechen oder namhaft zu machen, so dass man auch hier von der Existenz einer regional abgrenzbaren Einheit des Ordens wird ausgehen können, PUTJ, 1, Nr. 50: Dilectis filiis fratribus Templi in partibus Hispanie commorantibus . . . . 87 The Catalan Rule of the Templars, hg. Judi Upton-Ward (Woodbridge, 2003), Nr. 43; vgl. auch für die Ordensprovinz des Königreichs Jerusalem: RT, § 118. Vgl. dazu Vogel, Das Recht der Templer (wie Anm. 57), S. 286–7. 88 RT (wie Anm. 81), §§ 582–3; Catalan Rule (wie Anm. 87), Nr. 159–60. 89 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 56 (Burgund), 92 (1191): Ego frater Gerbertus Herac, extramarinorum Tem- plariorum humilis procurator, nosterque conventus . . . . 90 Dass in solchen Fällen der Begriff procurator aber keineswegs mit preceptor gleichgesetzt werden kann, zeigt der zuweilen angefügte Zusatz nomine procuratorio wie in einer Streitbeilegung aus dem Jahre 1291 in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 57, 241. 150 Christian Vogel eben dieser Provinz im Mittelpunkt und verdrängt im Vergleich zu den südlichen Gebieten die einzelne Kommende als korporationsrechtlichen Anknüpfungspunkt. Nur selten findet sich ein Prokurator, der explizit als Vertreter einer Kommende auftritt.91 Demgegenüber geben mehrere Dokumente Zeugnis von den Bestellun- gen der Prokuratoren durch die Provinzialmeister. Es handelt sich dabei meist um formelhafte Urkunden, die den ortsüblichen Formularen weitgehend folgten. Obwohl ein Prokurator für einen bestimmten Streitfall eingesetzt war, blieb der Provinzialmeister als gesetzmäßiger Vertreter der Ordensprovinz in das Verfahren involviert und konnte an Stelle des Prokurators die Streitbeilegung besiegeln. So wird in einem Fall von Juni 1263 der französische Provinzialmeister als Vertrag- spartei genannt, während der Präzeptor, der speziell für diesen Fall als Prokurator eingesetzt wurde, erst als einer derjenigen benannt wird, die an den Verhandlun- gen beteiligt waren.92 In der aquitanischen Ordensprovinz treten ebenfalls Templer als Prokuratoren ihres Ordens auf. Im September 1232 wurde ein Streit zwischen den Templern von Les Épaux und einem lokalen Adligen beigelegt, bei dem der Präzeptor der dortigen Kommende als Verhandlungsführer auftrat. In der Urkunde, die jener Adlige über die getroffene Übereinkunft ausstellte, wird dem Templerpräzep- tor ausdrücklich bestätigt, ein entsprechendes Beglaubigungsschreiben des namentlich genannten Provinzialmeisters vorgelegt zu haben, durch welches er bevollmächtigt wurde, in allen Angelegenheiten tätig zu werden, welche in der Baillie von Les Épaux auftreten: et fratre [sic] P. Bos, tunc temporis preceptorem domus fratrum milicie Templi dos Epaus, qui generalem habebat procurationem et mandatum a fratre G. de Brees tunc temporis magistro in Aquitania, in omnibus negociis et causis expendiendis que ballia dos Epaus accidunt pro ut per patentes litteras ejusdem magistri nobis constitit evidenter.93 Ebenso wie in der Provence ist die Vollmacht auf die Kommenden einer bestimmten Baillie beschränkt, muss aber in jedem Fall schriftlich erteilt und nachgewiesen werden.94

91 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 47, 151 (a.1301): . . . quod cum discordia verteretur inter religiosos viros pre- ceptorem et fratres baillivie domus milicie Templi Montis Suessonensis ex parte una . . . scilicet idem frater Matheus nomine procuratoris ipsorum preceptoris et fratrum et pro ipsis . . . et prom- iserunt dicti fratre Matheus pro dictis preceptore et fratribus . . . . Eine Schenkungsbestätigung von 1188 zeigt eine Sonderstellung der Templerkommende in Paris schon im 12. Jahrhundert: PUTJ, 1, Nr. 204, S. 384: Dilectis filiis . . . magistro domus militie Templi que Parisius sita est, et fratribus eius. 92 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 57, 28: Nos, frater Humbertus de Peraut, preceptor domorum milicie Tem- pli in Francia, notum facimus universis presentibus et futuris, quod cum discordia verteretur inter nos et fratres nostros et homines de Capella, Cabilonensis dyocesis, ex una parte, et viros religiosos abbatem et conventum Maceriarum, Cisterciensis ordinis, ex altera [. . .] tandem post multas altercationes dilecti fratres nostri frater Henricus de Dola, preceptor passagii, et frater Durandus, preceptor domus milicie Templi de Belna, specialis procurator a nobis in dicta causa constitutus . . . . 93 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 254–7. 94 Auch auf das Siegel des Provinzialmeisters wird ausdrücklich hingewiesen, BN, nouv. acq. lat. 38, 166 (Juli 1303), obwohl der Präzeptor in diesem Fall als Prokurator nicht der Provinz, sondern seiner Kommende bezeichnet wird: a frere Audebert de la Porte commandeur, procurator de la Die Prokuratoren der Templer 151 Eine weitere Vollmachtserteilung durch den Provinzialmeister ist einige Jahre zuvor erfolgt, als dieser im Rahmen eines bestimmten Streitfalls in einem von den beiden Richtern ausgestellten Dokument erklären lässt, mittels schriftlicher Erklärung (per litteras) den Präzeptor der streitenden Kommende zum General- prokurator zu bestellen (generalem constituit procuratorem). Gleichwohl ist die Vollmacht beschränkt, denn sie wird für die Verhandlungen über die zuvor in der Urkunde beschriebenen Streitpunkte (in prosecutione tocius cause predicte) erteilt.95 In einem ähnlichen Fall, der 1207 vor päpstlichen Richtern verhandelt wurde, wird zunächst ausdrücklich auf die Zustimmung des Provinzialmeisters bzw. des magister cis mare rekurriert (Actum est hoc assensu fratris Willelmi Oculi Bovis domorum cis mare magistri). Erst unter den Zeugen findet sich dann der speziell für diesen Fall eingesetzte Prokurator (frater Martinus, procurator supra dicte querimonie cum testimonio litterarum fratris Willelmi Oculi Bovis cis mare magistri).96 Die Legitimation für den im Einzelfall handelnden Präzeptor leitet sich somit vom Provinzialmeister ab und ergibt sich nicht automatisch aus seiner ­Stellung als Kommendenvorsteher. Die erteilte Vollmacht berechtigte ihn auch nur zur Wah- rnehmung der Ordensinteressen in einem bestimmten Streitfall oder im Rahmen der Verwaltung und gerichtlichen Vertretung der Kommende, der er vorstand.97 Die Kommende wurde gleichwohl als abgrenzbare Einheit angesehen, in deren Namen zumindest in Einzelfällen gehandelt wurde.98 Allerdings zeigt sich auch in Aquitanien eine Tendenz, die Ordensprovinz und die in ihr zu einer Gemein- schaft zusammengefassten Brüder als Korporation und damit als eigentlichen Rechtsträger zu sehen. In einer Urkunde von Januar 1287 tritt ein Priester als Prokurator des Präzeptors und der Brüder der Templer in Aquitanien auf in domo de Andrivals.99 Während in Urkunden des 12. Jahrhunderts oftmals keine bestim- mte Niederlassung als Bezugspunkt genannt wird,100 handeln Kommendenvor- steher oder Provinzialmeister im 13. Jahrhundert häufiger für eine bestimmte Kommende. Die Provinzialmeister führen in solchen Fällen immer wieder die

maison dou Temple de Fretoy si comme il apart par la procuracion saellée dou seau frere Geoffroy de Gone Vile, mestre des maisons de la chevalerie dou Temple en Aquitaine . . . . 95 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 345–6. 96 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 340–2. 97 In einem Dokument, das der Provinzialmeister 1226 anlässlich der Aufnahme neuer Brüder aus- gestellt hatte (BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 354), wird angedeutet, dass der Präzeptor grundsätzlich nur bis an die Grenzen seiner Ballei zuständig ist, wo sich seine Untergebenen gegebenenfalls einzufinden haben. 98 Z. B. in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 61; 37, 71, jeweils Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts. 99 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 102: Helia Bocha, presbitero, procuratore ut dicebat, preceptoris et fratrum Templi in Aquitania in domo de Andrivals, Petragoricensis diocesis. . . . 100 Vgl. BN, nouv. acq. lat. 38, 223 ff. 152 Christian Vogel Zustimmung des jeweiligen Kommendenvorstehers an.101 In Einzelfällen handelt der Provinzialmeister sogar ausdrücklich in deren Namen.102 Auch aus der Provence sind Urkunden für die Bestellung von Präzeptoren zumindest abschriftlich erhalten. In einem Schiedsspruch vom 18. August 1265 findet sich ein Insert einer solchen Urkunde, die ihrerseits auf den 15. Oktober 1263 datiert ist.103 Der damalige Provinzialmeister Roncelinus de Fos bestellte Petrus Boneti zum Prokurator. Dieser ist in den Jahren 1262 und 1263 als Präzep- tor für die Häuser in Martel und Saint-Julien nachgewiesen.104 Der Unterschied zu den aus der französischen Ordensprovinz überlieferten Dokumenten dieser Art besteht darin, dass der Präzeptor nicht zum Prokurator der gesamten Provinz im Namen des Provinzialmeisters bestellt wird, sondern ihm explizit die baju- lia domus capelle zugewiesen wird. Im Süden des heutigen Frankreichs stand die einzelne Kommende deutlich mehr im Vordergrund als in der französischen Ordensprovinz im Norden des heutigen Frankreichs.105 Dabei wurde der Kom- mende auch verstärkt die Eigenschaft als Rechtsträger zuerkannt sowie in ihr der Bezugspunkt für eine Gemeinschaft gesehen, die den Charakter einer Korporation haben konnte. Schenkungen beispielsweise, die den Häusern in Arles und Saint- Gilles gemacht wurden, waren regelmäßig an den Präzeptor gerichtet, verbunden jedoch mit dem Nachsatz, dass durch seine Vermittler die Brüder des Hauses in Arles die eigentlichen Empfänger sein sollen. Diese Mittlerstellung wurde durch die Formel et per te ausgedrückt.106 Dass es sich bei den Brüdern sowohl um die

101 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 38, 22 (1239). Ähnlich verhält sich 1258 der Präzeptor für die Häuser der gesamten Diözese, als er für das Haus in Andrivaux eine Schenkung annimmt, BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 76: . . . fratri Roberto del Teulet, preceptori domorum et fratrum milicie Templi Petragoricen- sis diocesis, nomine et ad opus domus milicie Templi de Andrivals et preceptoris et fratrum ipsius domus, qui pro tempore fuerint,. . . . 102 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 37, 39 (Januar 1264): . . . cum fratre Guidone de Basenvilla, humili preceptore domorum milicie Templi in Aquitania, nomine preceptoris et fratrum domus milicie Templi de Marsanes quicquid juris habent et habere debebat . . . . 103 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 23, 211–2. 104 Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 72, danach war Petrus Boneti auch procurator der Ballei La Chapelle-Livron, der seine Kommende angehörte, was aus der oben zitierten Quelle geschlos- sen wird. 105 Zur Entwicklung der Kommenden und insbesondere zur Bedeutung einzelner Kommenden, vgl. Carraz, L’ordre du Temple (wie Anm. 86), S. 98–104. Für die Kommenden in Aragón und Katalonien, zu deren Ordensprovinz bis etwa 1240 auch die Templerbesitzungen in der Provence gehörten, vgl. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (wie Anm. 27). 106 Vgl. dazu beispielsweise BN, nouv. acq. lat. 5 (St. Gilles), fol. 86 (April 1175); fol. 161 (Dez. 1184); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 9 (Avignon), fol. 7 (Januar 1197); fol. 21 (1215). Dabei konnte der Präzeptor auch eine Schenkung annehmen, die ausdrücklich an ein untergeordnetes Haus ger- ichtet war: BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6 (St. Gilles), fol. 325 (März 1250), hier nahm der Präzeptor eine Schenkung für das Haus Montfrin an, das dem von St. Gilles stets nachgeordnet war, vgl. Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 32. Ebenso handelte der Provinzialmeister, BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6, 314 (Juni 1284): S. Egidii et tibi, fratri Rosselino de Fos, magistro domorum Templi milicie in partibus Provincie et per te ejusdem domui. . . . Ähnlich auch fol. 351 (März 1253): . . . Raybaudo Carumpo, magistro Provincie, nomine domus Templi St. Egidii . . . vgl. auch fol. 361 (Dezember 1255). Im Juni 1275 sind die Präzeptoren mehrerer Nachbarkommenden anwesend Die Prokuratoren der Templer 153 gegenwärtig als auch um die zukünftig in diesem Haus lebenden handeln soll, zeigt, dass der Konvent dieses Hauses als eine die aktuellen Mitglieder überdau- ernde Gemeinschaft gesehen wurde. Der Präzeptor seinerseits berief sich, wenn er selbst urkundlich bezeugte Handlungen vornahm, auf den Auftrag seines Provin- zialmeisters (mandato fratris . . .)107 und die Zustimmung der Brüder seines Hauses (et presentibus et consentientibus et expressim aprobantibus fratribus ejusdem domus milicie)108. Auch in der Außensicht auf den Orden wurde das Haus bzw. die Kommende als Rechtsträger angesehen, der Präzeptor angesprochen als derjenige, der im Namen der Kommende (nomine dicte domus . . . et fratrum ejusdem domus presencium et futurorum)109, nicht der Provinz, tätig wurde. In Saint-Gilles wird zumindest zeitweise der Provinzialmeister in die Empfängerkette bei Schenkun- gen aufgenommen, insofern, als die Schenkung an den Präzeptor und durch ihn an den Provinzialmeister erfolgt.110 Stattdessen können aber auch hier die Brüder der Kommende an die Stelle des Empfängers treten (et per te omnibus ejusdem domus fratribus)111. In der zweiten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts berufen sich die Präzeptoren der Kommende in Saint-Gilles häufiger auf das Mandat des Provin- zialmeisters und bezeichnen sich als Prokuratoren nicht der Kommende, sondern des Meisters, ohne dass hier die Kommende erwähnt würde.112 Dass die Erlaub- nis und die Genehmigung des Provinzialmeisters unabdingbar für das Handeln

und werden alle als im Namen des Hauses St. Egidius (Saint-Gilles) handelnde Empfänger angesprochen, BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6, 415: tibi fratri Guillelmo de Cavallone preceptori et vobis . . . [es folgt die Aufzählung der Personen] . . . presentibus et recipientibus nomine dicte domus de beato Egidio. 107 Z. B. BN, nouv. acq. lat. 5 (St. Gilles), fol. 57 ff. unter dem Provinzialmeister Arnoldo de Turre Rubea, danach durch die Formel per te ersetzt, vgl. vorige Anmerkung. Im August 1188 (BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6, 18) handelt der subpreceptor im Auftrag des Kommendenpräzeptors (mandato Bernardi Catalani); vgl. auch fol. 86 (mandato etiam Petri de Deo praceptoris) oder BN 7, fol. 269 (Mai 1247; hier auch im Namen des Präzeptors: nomine et mandato fratris Guiraudi, preceptoris). Einige Beispiele für die Berufung auf den Provinzialmeister: BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7 (Arles), fol. 238 (April 1240), fol. 363 (Februar 1256); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 13 (Jalez), fol. 266 (August 1245). 108 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6 (Saint-Gilles), fol. 18 (Juli 1202); fol. 397 (März 1266); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7 (Arles), fol. 189 (5. Sept. 1234); fol. 269 (Mai 1247); fol. 327 (Juni 1262); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 13 (Jalez), fol. 313 (November 1252); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 23 (La Chapelle), fol. 383 (ca. 1273–80); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 32 (Toulouse), fol. 290 (Dezember 1241); fol. 327 (November 1250); fol. 338 (Februar 1253) und weitere. 109 Für die Kommende in Arles: BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7, 238 (6. April 1240) vgl. auch BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6 (St. Gilles), 313 (August 1247): tibi, fratri Petro Lobato, templario, nomine domus St. Egi- dii; fol. 30 (April 1203): . . . tradidit Poncio de Albarone, et nomine suo domui milicie de Sancto Petro, cui presidebat. . . . 110 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 5 (Saint-Gilles), häufiger in fol. 60–120, zur Zeit des Provinzialmeisters Arnold de Turre Rubea in den 1170er Jahren. 111 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 5 (Saint-Gilles), fol. 86 (April 1175); BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7 (Arles), fol. 18 (Mai 1189): Willelmo de Solario preceptori predicte domus et per te domui et fratribus presenti- bus et futuris. 112 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 6, fol. 314 (Juni 1248), fol. 353 (September 1253); fol. 363 (Februar 1256), fol. 370 (März 1259). 154 Christian Vogel des Kommendenpräzeptors war, dieser aber dennoch für und im Namen seiner Kommende handelte, zeigt eine Vereinbarung, die vom Präzeptor der Arelatenser Templer ausgehandelt wurde, bei der Bezeichnung als Vertragspartei: frater Lam- bertus, preceptor dicte domus, et conventus fratrum dicte domus, de mandato et licentia viri nobilis domini Roncelini de Fos, magistri domorum militie Templi in Provincia, ut ipse licentia plene liquet ex tenore ipsius domini magistri litere, que inferius continetur, dictus in quam preceptor et conventus, nomine dicte domus, ex una parte . . . . 113 Die Kommende in Avignon ist ebenfalls als Bezugspunkt überliefert, hier allerdings ist es 1230 nicht der Präzeptor, der als Prokurator des Provinzialmeis- ters im Namen der Kommende handelt, sondern ein Prokurator der Kommende (procurator milicie et nomine ipsius domus), der vom Kommendenpräzeptor selbst eingesetzt wurde (mandato etiam fratris Bernardi, preceptoris domus mil- icie predicte), für den Vorteil dieser Kommende (in utilitate ipsius domus) handelt und von seinem Verhandlungspartner als Mittelsperson zu Präzeptor und Konvent angesehen wurde (tibi, Johannes de Milicia, procuratori . . . et per te eidem domui et preceptori et fratribus).114 In diesem Fall allerdings bedienten sich die Templer eines auswärtigen Laienprokurators.115

Resümee Der römisch geprägte Formelprozess, der im Hochmittelalter regional ver- schieden wieder praktiziert wurde, zwang die Beteiligten wegen seiner Komplex- ität dazu, rechtskundige Sachwalter beizuziehen.116 Auch wenn die Templer, wie Brundage nachdrücklich betont,117 verstärkt auf ordensexterne Hilfe angewiesen waren, was sicherlich für die Herstellung der Urkunden gilt, so wurden für die konkreten Verhandlungen regelmäßig die örtlich zuständigen Kommendenvor- steher als Prokuratoren eingesetzt. Diese verfügten sicherlich, so gesteht auch Brundage zu, über gewisse Kenntnisse des Rechts und der ortsüblichen Gerichts- verfahren.118 Diese Prokuratoren vertraten die Untereinheit des Templerordens, der noch eine eigene Rechtspersönlichkeit zuerkannt wurde, also in aller Regel die Ordensprovinz, seltener die Kommende. Es ist selbstverständlich, dass sich die Verfahren, Verhandlungen und die Behandlung der jeweiligen Angelegen- heit innerhalb des Ordens an den ortsüblichen Gewohnheiten und Praktiken

113 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7, 350–1. 114 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 9 (Avignon), fol. 30–1. Johannes de Milicia wurde bereits im März 1224 für den Präzeptor von Arles in gleicher Weise tätig (BN, nouv. acq. lat. 7, 142). Arles und Avignon wurden mindestens bis zum Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts gemeinsam verwaltet, möglicherweise war Avignon weiterhin dem Haus in Arles untergeordnet, vgl. Léonard, Introduction (wie Anm. 37), S. 37–8. 115 Vgl. zu Johannes de Milicia als Prokurator in diesem Band den Beitrag von D. Carraz. 116 Naz, ‘Procureur’ (wie Anm. 13), Sp. 327. 117 Brundage, ‘The Lawyers of the Military Orders’ (wie Anm. 4), S. 351. 118 Ebd., S. 347. Die Prokuratoren der Templer 155 orientierten. Der Einfluss der ortsüblichen Auffassungen und Vorstellungen schlug sich allerdings auch in den Strukturen des Ordens nieder. Dies zeigt sich – je nach Region verschieden – an der Entwicklung der Rechtspersönlichkeit von Kommende einerseits und Ordensprovinz andererseits sowie deren Verortung in den hierarchischen Strukturen der Ordensverfassung. Dies passt zu Beobach- tungen, die Forscher zu anderen Aspekten der Geschichte der Templer gemacht haben, so wie beispielsweise die Tatsache, dass die Templer in ihren Kirchen die jeweils lokal übliche Liturgie übernahmen, während andere Orden wie die Johan- niter oder die Karmeliter in ihren gesamten Orden die Liturgie der Grabeskirche praktizierten und damit einen höheren Zentralisierungsgrad erreichten als die Templer.119 Eine genauere Untersuchung der Ordensstrukturen im Hinblick auf die rech- tliche Stellung von Provinzen und Kommenden unter gleichzeitiger Berücksi- chtigung regionaler Besonderheiten und die damit verbundene Abhängigkeit der Templerorganisation von örtlichen Gegebenheiten und Gewohnheiten steht noch aus. Dies ließe sich nur mit einer umfassenden Auswertung der größtenteils noch unedierten Templerurkunden bewerkstelligen.

Summary Many officials within the Templar Order are known, among them magistri, pre- ceptores, and procuratores. The last one is a somehow ambiguous term. Besides the procuratores who represented the Orders at the papal curia most of the per- sons designated with this term acted as advocates or lawyers before secular and ecclesiastical courts on behalf of the Order. In some cases, the term procurator seems to be used as a synonym for preceptor. This paper focuses on cases where a preceptor of a commandery was appointed as procurator of a Templar province by the provincial master in order to act on behalf of his own commandery. Obvi- ously the office of a preceptor did not imply the authority to represent the Tem- plar Order, the Order’s province, or even the commandery outside the Order, but was limited to internal business. Some examples from the Templar provinces in Northern France give evidence that the province of the Order was regarded as a legal person whereas this quality is not attributed to a simple commandery. There- fore the preceptor of a commandery needed a special mandate to act in behalf of his commandery in juridical affairs. These statements, however, are not necessar- ily true for all Templar provinces. The organisational structure and the Templars’ conduct in legal affairs followed regional customs, which require further research.

119 Riley-Smith, ‘Structures of the Orders’ (wie Anm. 66), S. 128. John France Templar tactics

11 Templar tactics: the Order on the battlefield

John France

I have more than once commented that there is a remarkable amount of writing about the Templars (and indeed also the Hospitallers), but that amazingly little of it is about them as a fighting force, although this was their very raison d’être. When I was asked to this conference it seemed to me that I should try to rise to my own challenge – although it is a difficult task. Because, it has to be said, the lack of writing is not a result of the laziness or neglect of researchers, but of a shortage of source material. William of Tyre’s attitude towards the two Orders is deeply hos- tile and highly politicized – though he recognizes their bravery. However, the size of the Templar fighting force, at least as regards cavalry, is pretty widely agreed upon. It is generally believed that some 300 of the army, which perished at Hattin in 1187 were Templars, while the army defeated at La Forbie (Herbiya) in 1244 had 312 knights and 324 Turcopoles drawn from the Order.1 And they had other troops – sergeants and Turcopoles whose tasks are set out in the Templar Rule, but it is difficult to calculate their numbers.2 This figure of 300 is worthy of serious consideration. Although the Order could raise other troops in time of need, these 300 knights and their humbler companions seem essentially to have formed a standing army. Such forces were very rare in both East and West in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Saladin raised enormous armies, but only the core of his troops constituted a standing force, while the others served for a season, and it was not until the reign of al-Salih al-Ayyubi (1240–1249) that systematic training began in the Egyptian army.3 European armies in the twelfth century tended to be quite small

1 Sylvia Schein, ‘The Templars: the Regular Army of the Holy Land and the Spearhead of the Army of its Reconquest’, in I Templari: Mito e Storia, eds. Giovanni Minucci and Franca Sardi (Siena, 1989), p. 15. 2 Henri de Curzon, La Règle du Temple: French Text of the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar (Paris, 1886); English translation Judi M. Upton-Ward, The Rule of the Templars (Woodbridge, 1992), especially pp. 39–66 [Rule]. 3 Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ‘The Armies of Saladin’, Cahiers d’Histoire Egyptienne (1951), pp. 304– 20; Stephen R. Humphreys, ‘The Emergence of the Mamluk army’, Studia Islamica, 45 (1977), pp. 67–91 and 46 (1977), pp. 147–82; Maya Shatzmiller, ‘The Crusades and Islamic Warfare – a re-evaluation’, Der Islam, 69 (2009), pp. 272–5. Templar tactics 157 and very transient. They were built around the relatively small military retinues of kings and other great men to which others were attached for the season’s campaign.4 At the end of the twelfth century Richard I of England (1189–1199) conceived the idea of raising a permanent body of 300 knights, apparently to be paid for by remitting ‘feudal’ service for taxes – a kind of advanced scutage. Magnate resistance scuppered the force, which Richard could not really pay for out of his own resources, because it would have cost over half the normal annual income of the crown.5 This is an interesting perspective on the numerous contemporary criticisms of the vast resources of the military Orders. In terms of a field-force alone the Templars were raising a standing cavalry force beyond that of the English crown. Maintenance of such troops, together with numer- ous fortresses, infantry garrisons and some ships would have been enormously expensive.6 The primary source, which we have as to how these forces were deployed on the battlefield, is the Old French Templar Rule. That part of it that is militarily valuable appears to date from before 1187. It provides a very useful view of how the members of the Order were expected to conduct themselves on campaign, but how well does it fit with what we know of contemporary battle practice in East and West? I put it that way because in battle the Templars nearly always formed part of a larger force, and they could not have operated to some wildly different pattern; that would have made them useless. Indeed, the prescriptions of the Rule have been used to paint a general picture of the mechanics of a cavalry charge in this era.7 However, our sources do not usually describe battles in detail, and this makes it difficult to place the Rule in context and to make sense of its prescriptions. In the Middle East cavalry were the dominant force on the battlefield, and Frankish battle tactics were built around two closely related manoeuvres – the fighting march and what has been supposed to be the mass charge. In the fighting march the army advanced upon the enemy in a very tight formation with the cav- alry in the middle defended by a ring of infantry whose task was to keep the Turk- ish and other mounted bowmen at a distance from which their arrows could not destroy the fine warhorses of the knights. Thus William of Tyre describes how in 1170 King Amalric I of Jerusalem marshalled his army of 250 knights and 2,000

4 John Oswald Prestwich, ‘War and Finance in the Anglo-Norman state’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4 (1954), pp. 19–43. 5 John France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades (London, 1999), p. 58. 6 Matthew Paris alleged that the Temple held 9000 manors: Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard, vol. 4 (London, 1877), p. 291. 7 Matthew Bennett, ‘La règle du Temple as a Military Manual, or How to Deliver a Cavalry Charge’, in Studies in Medieval History presented to R. Allen-Brown, eds. Christopher Harper-Bill, Christo- pher John Holdsworth, Janet Loughland Nelson (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 7–20; reprinted in Rule, pp. 175–88. 158 John France foot, including many Templars, to march through the much more numerous army of Saladin to the relief of the besieged fortress of Daron [Deir al-Balah]:

Terrified by the vast numbers, they began to crowd together more than usual, with the result that the very density of their ranks almost prevented any fur- ther advance. The infidels at once charged and tried to force them apart, but the Christians, by divine help, massed themselves even more closely together and withstood the enemy’s attack. Then at quickened pace they marched on to their destination where the entire army halted and set up tents.8

This formation has often been compared to a great battering ram or a moving for- tress, partly at least because of the very vivid picture of it as controlled by Richard the Lionheart before and during the battle of Arsur on 7 September 1191:

The enemy army was already in formation with the infantry surrounding it like a wall, wearing solid iron corselets and full-length well-made chain-mail, so that arrows were falling on them with no effect . . . I saw various individu- als amongst the Franks with ten arrows fixed in their backs, pressing on in this fashion quite unconcerned.9

On this occasion, when Saladin challenged his army, Richard ordered the cavalry to deploy in five divisions instead of the three he had used on the march. His intention seems to have been to launch a charge to destroy the enemy, and break- ing down his force was a tactical ploy, presumably connected with this. In the event his Hospitaller rearguard was provoked into a charge, which Richard was forced to support lest they be destroyed. The fighting march was first discovered by Smail, and as he rightly said, enabled the Franks to hold off superior enemy numbers. But it also enabled them to choose the moment to unleash their ‘famous charge’ when a vulnerable enemy target presented itself.10 This picture of a mighty moving fortress and a splendid charge, however, needs some refining. For all the tightness of the formation at Daron, William goes on to say that: ‘During the course of that day many single combats occurred, and also some engagements in which entire companies took part’.11 On Richard’s march down to Arsur numerous small-scale conflicts of just this kind took place, as we know from both European and Muslim sources. At Hattin, 3 and 4 July 1187, King

8 William of Tyre, Historia Rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, ed. Robert Burchard Con- stantijn Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievalis 63A, 2 vols. (Turnhout, 1986); English translation Emily Atwater Babco*ck and Augustus C. Krey, A History of the Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, 2 vols. (New York, 1943), vol. 2, no. 20, ch. 20. 9 Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. Donald S. Richards (Aldershot, 2002), p. 170. 10 Raimund Charles Smail, Crusading Warfare 1097–1193 (Cambridge, 1956, 2nd edition 1995), pp. 156–65. 11 WT vol. 2, no. 20, ch. 20. Templar tactics 159 Guy adopted the pattern of the fighting march. There was no mass charge by the army of Jerusalem, though the Templars launched charges of their own on both days of the battle to no effect, and Raymond of Tripoli led another failed effort by his portion of the army.12 What this suggests, a rather messier and less clear-cut pattern of combat than posited by the mass charge model, is actually only common sense. Units might manoeuvre, and mounted archers could fire from distance, but victory ultimately depended on the close-quarter hacking match in which confrontation had to be strictly personal and each man fought supported by his close companions. At Hat- tin Saladin’s troops harassed the army of Jerusalem until it broke up, and then its elements were crushed in the close-quarter battle. In the crusader context it is not hard to envisage the situation of knights peppered with arrows by Turkish horse- archers, turning as individuals from the column of march to strike at enemies thrusting at them – and the resultant melée into which others are drawn. This would be especially frequent on the right of a column where the soldier was not protected by his shield. This is surely what William of Tyre described at Daron – a process of unpicking the Frankish column, which was immensely successful at Hattin and elsewhere. By contrast, at Arsur, Richard enforced a discipline that resisted this, at least up to a point, aided by the simple fact that as they marched south the knights’ shields faced the enemy. Because it was so difficult to control and time, the launching of a successful mass charge was rare in the East and almost never happened in the West. Hastings is often presented as a battle of infantry against cavalry, and indeed Oman presented his account of this battle and Dyrrachium (1081) as ‘The Last Struggles of Infantry’, ushering in a period of cavalry supremacy, which lasted until the fourteenth century.13 This led historians to emphasize the mass charge with couched lances as the key factor in warfare. In fact, a general charge of the French knights at Brémule was defeated because it lacked discipline. At Axspoele in 1128 Thierry of Alsace committed his 300 cavalry against the 450 of William cl*to, duke of Normandy, part of whose forces were held in reserve. When Wil- liam committed his reserve Thierry’s men broke in panic.14 Even at the Battle of Hastings William of Normandy first launched his infantry to break Harold’s line, and his cavalry charged not en masse but in small groups hammering at the enemy shield wall. Modern cavalry manuals dating from as recently as the early twen- tieth century reveal how difficult it was to organize cavalry for a charge even when training and command structures were well developed. Organizing a mass charge by knights who had been brought together for the short life of a particular army, and who were not well acquainted with one another, would have been very

12 John France, Hattin (forthcoming). 13 Charles Chicele Oman, History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (London, 1924), vol 1, pp. 149–68, 231–352 and vol. 2, pp. 52–108. 14 France, Western Warfare (as note 5), p. 140; Galbert of Bruges, The Murder of Charles the Good, trans. James Bruce Ross (Toronto, 1993), pp. 297–9. 160 John France difficult and this perhaps explains why in Europe such charges did not happen until the second half of the thirteenth century. In one European battle, however, a mass charge committing all the cavalry at the commander’s disposal, was successful – Muret in 1213. Simon de Montfort with 800 cavalry was surrounded in the city by the count of Toulouse and Peter II of Aragon (1196–1213) with about twice that number, but rather than stand siege in this small place he abandoned his infantry and staked all on a single charge. However, this was carefully organized. Two squadrons charged into the enemy main force aiming at Peter II, while Simon’s own squadron took the enemy in the flank. The result was the destruction of the allied force and the killing of Peter II.15 This was possible because although the allied force was drawn up for battle the infantry were left elsewhere and many of the knights were engaged in other places. But above all Simon had a coherent force, used to fighting together over a long period of time, and pitted them against a much more typical medieval army raised for the occasion. Peter II’s son, James I of Aragon, had no doubts about the reasons for his father’s death:

On my father’s side the men did not know how to range for battle, nor how to move together; every baron fought by himself and against the order of war. Thus through bad order, through our sins and through those from Muret fighting desperately since they found no mercy at my father’s hands, the bat- tle was lost.16

Put simply, discipline and order were needed, and they were lacking. This was the general problem of medieval armies, and although Verbruggen showed that there was some internal organisation, it has to be said that it was very limited. Verbruggen pointed out that actually within larger formations there were small groups – of varying sizes – of knights who knew one another, which are called conrois, and these formed the basic unit of battle.17 Such groupings perhaps had a familial base but extended to others from their locality and were from the mouvance of a particular lord. A large retinue called together by a major lord would have con- sisted of many of these groups drawn from his scattered holdings, united only by his lordship, though many would perhaps have served a group on a previous occasion. However, a really large army, say that raised by a king, would consist of a number of these retinues, and their members would generally not have known the people in other groups. Sometimes such forces included men who served for money rather than as a result of membership of a mouvance – the term mercenar- ies is not used for such people – but they were recruited as individuals and would

15 Laurence Wade Marvin, The Occitan War. A Military and Political History of the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218 (Cambridge, 2008), pp. 180–95. 16 James I, Chronicle of James I King of Aragon, trans. John Forster (Farnborough, 1968), pp. 17–18. 17 Jan-Frans Verbruggen, ‘La tactique militaire des armées de chevaliers’, Revue du Nord, 29 (1947), pp. 163–8. Templar tactics 161 presumably have fitted into a group, though how we simply do not know. This basic structure reveals the problem of command and control. Armies were gener- ally kept in being only for short periods, so that retinues formed the larger units, but their ability to work with one another depended on personality, while the unit itself depended on small fractions equally unused to working together. When we examine the Templar Rule it is evident that it was envisaged that the cavalry force would prepare for war in two kinds of units, the squadrons (eschi- ales) and the troops (routes).18 There is a very firm insistence that Templars, even when wounded, should stay in these groups at all costs, and that when isolated they should do their best to rejoin, although in necessity such an individual could stand with a Hospitaller group.19 Even then he was expected to inform his com- mander. There is little clue as to how big a squadron might be. The Rule envis- ages the marshal, the chief military officer, commanding a squadron himself, but ordering the commanders of other squadrons in the conflict.20 This implies that they were quite a lot smaller than the total force gathered. The squadron is seen as the important tactical unit in battle, and squadron commanders were expected to obey the marshal or his deputy. Moreover, in the clauses of the Rule that discuss the charge there is an insist- ence on a group of up to ten knights being told off to command the banner of the squadron, and another to guard the replacement banner, which was to be furled and not used unless the original was torn down.21 This figure of ten or something like it as a force of knights recurs frequently in the Rule. It is envisaged that knights in groups 12 strong will draw rations, and this quantity is allocated to ten who follow the master, and the seneschal, and the commanders of Antioch and Tripoli enjoy the same privilege.22 The commander of Jerusalem had ten knights to guard pilgrims and flew over them a piebald flag (the insignia of the Order), and a flag seems to have been an indication of a fighting unit.23 It is very tempting to assume that within the squadrons men formed in troops – that these were a subu- nit. However, the discipline of the troop is made to relate to the order of march rather than of battle. But the presence of two groups of ten or 12 in a squadron, each guarding a standard, is very suggestive.24 Therefore, although the Rule never states overtly that the groups of ten or 12 referred to are routes, it seems very likely that they were and that they formed the basic unit of the Templar cavalry. These subunits look very like the conrois whose existence was revealed in the work of Verbruggen.

18 Upton-Ward translated routes as troops, and I have followed suit. 19 Rule (as note 2), no. 167. 20 Ibid., nos. 101, 102, 161–6. 21 Ibid., nos. 164, 165, 166. 22 Ibid., nos. 79, 99,125. 23 Ibid., no. 120. 24 Ibid., nos. 148, 158. 162 John France But tactically the most interesting part of the Rule comes in Clause 161, the very first in which the brothers are described as set in their squadrons:

When they are established in squadrons, no brother should go from one squadron to another, nor mount his horse nor take up his shield or lance without permission; and when they are armed and they go in squadron, they should place their squires with lances in front of them, and those with horses behind them, in such a way that the Marshal or the one who is in his place commands; no brother should turn his horse’s head towards the back to fight or shout, or for anything else, while they are in squadron.

We should remember that each knight-brother would have three horses and be attended by a squire, but might have four horses and a second squire, and this is what Clause 161 appears to assume.25 The positioning of the squires with the lances is logical. These were heavy objects, and it made it possible for the knights to take them up at the last moment. But the role of the squires with the horses is interesting. If a single charge was envisaged, what were the squires with the horses for? Of course simple movement in the climate of Palestine was enervating for horses, and much more so if a fighting march was in process, but this is not the situation envisaged in this clause of the Rule. It makes a great deal of sense if we look at contemporary battle practice in Europe. We rarely have detailed descriptions of battles at this time. However, on 27 July 1214 a great battle was fought at Bouvines between Philip II of France and a coalition of English, Flemish and North French magnates, amongst whom the Emperor Otto IV of Germany and Ferrand count of Flanders were the most impor- tant. The French victory had momentous consequences for European history: it brought about the accession of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen in Germany, strength- ening the claim of the papacy to intervene in elections to the Empire, stimulated the civil war in England which produced Magna Carta, and, above all, ushered in a long period of French supremacy in Europe. For all these reasons contemporar- ies recorded it with some care.26 The general course of the battle is irrelevant to this discussion, but two accounts are very useful for us because they focus on the distinct cavalry battle, which developed between the coalition left and the French right. Guillaume le Breton continued the Gesta Philippi Augusti of Rigord from 1209 to 1224 in Latin prose, and somewhat after that wrote a stirring Latin poem, the Philippidos, based on the earlier work.27 Guillaume probably became Philip’s

25 Ibid., no. 138. 26 For a recent discussion of the battle as a whole see John France, ‘The Battle Of Bouvines 27 July 1214’, in The Medieval Way of War: Studies in Medieval Military History in Honor of Ber- nard S. Bachrach, ed. Gregory Halfond (Aldershot, 2015), pp. 251–73. 27 Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti and Guillaume le Breton, Gesta Philippi Augusti and Philippidos Libri XII, in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. Henri-François Delaborde, 2 vols. (Paris, 1885), vol. 1, pp. 158–9, 212–20 and vol. 2: VII, pp. 407–795. Parts of Books X, XI and XII of the Philippidos are translated in Georges Duby, The Legend of Bouvines. War, Religion and Templar tactics 163 chaplain about 1200 and he seems to have accompanied his master for the rest of his life. He was certainly present at Bouvines and says he was standing behind the king at the moment when he delivered a stirring prayer before the whole army.28 The Anonymous of Béthune provides a less complete account, but with the same focus on the cavalry battle.29 Philip had 12–1300 knights and about 300 mounted sergeants and the coali- tion about the same but not all of these were deployed in the cavalry battle. It seems likely that the cavalry battle was between 7–800 knights and sergeants on each side, and that they were strung out over about one kilometre. Ferrand count of Flanders commanded the coalition men while the French were controlled by Guérin, bishop-elect of Senlis, who had previously served in the Holy Land as a member of the military monastic Order of St John of Jerusalem, the Hospitallers. Part of the French force broke down as follows:

From Champagne including light cavalry: 2–300 (not all in one contingent) Duke of Burgundy 180 Count of St Pol 30 Seigneur de Montmorency 20 Count of Beaumont 20 Count of Sancerre 10 Burgrave of Melun 25 Hugh of Malaunay 5 Hugh of Mareuil 5 Jean of Mareuil 5 Giles of Aci 5 Michael of Aci 5

The numbers attached to some of these notable knights is are surprisingly small. What is important for the present discussion is the way in which the battle was conducted. There was no general charge, but a series of attacks by segments, often quite small, of each force. The battle opened when Guérin sent a group of 150 Soissons sergeants against the Flemings. They were a ‘forlorn hope’, sacrificed to disrupt the ordering of the allied cavalry. Only two of them were killed but they lost all their horses and had to fight on foot.30 The Anonymous of Béthune men- tions archers defending the Flemish knights who were scattered by the castellan of Rasse.31 Then the Flemings, Walter of Ghiselle and Baldwin Buridan, charged the knights of Champagne, only to be captured. One of their knights, Eustace of

Culture in the Middle Ages, trans. of a French original of 1973 by Catherine Tihanyi (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 197–205. 28 Guillaume (as note 27), p. 273. 29 RHGF 24, pp. 767–8, translated in Duby, Bouvines (as note 27), pp. 194–7. 30 What follows on the cavalry contest is drawn from Guillaume (as note 27), pp. 277–281 and Philippidos (as note 27), XI, pp. 321–8, and the Anonymous of Béthune. 31 Anonymous of Béthune in RHGF 24, pp. 767–8, trans. Duby, Bouvines (as note 27), p. 195. 164 John France Machalen, who had cried out ‘Death to the French’, was killed in the scrimmage when a French knight tore off his helmet from behind, and another cut his throat. Ferrand then committed his Flemings to a charge, but the count of St Pol tore into his ranks, breaking clear through and returning as another group, that of the count of Melun, launched itself at the allies. The duke of Burgundy led his men into the fray. His horse was killed and he had to be rescued by his knights – the Béthune author records that a Flemish knight tried to push a knife through the slits of his helmet.32 The count of St Pol withdrew from the fray with his men to rest – essen- tial on such a hot day. Suddenly he saw that one of his knights was trapped and he rushed again into the mêlée to save him. His attack was followed up serially by the contingents of the count of Beaumont, the lord of Montmorency and (again) the duke of Burgundy. In the process they created such havoc in the enemy ranks that some fled the field and Ferrand, unhorsed, was forced to surrender. The vignettes illustrate the intimacy of knightly warfare – this was truly battle corps-à-corps, and unhorsed men had to fight on foot. This whole account, heavily based on Guillaume le Breton, reads like a series of tournaments, and indeed the Anonymous of Béthune remarks: ‘Valiant men who were there bore witness that they had never seen such good tourneying as this battle achieved’.33 What is notable is that there was never a general charge. That would have been extremely risky. Instead both armies went into action in sections, retinues, grouped around notable leaders. The size of these units varied a great deal, but some seem to have been no larger than a single conroi. If we compare the Templar Rule, we can see in action the squadrons and troops to which it refers so often. In fact, the Templars seem to have formalized the rather coarser organi- zations which Guérin and Ferrand of Flanders commanded. The Templars sys- tematized the cavalry methods of their age. What they added was an insistence on discipline and order as the key to success. It was to the superior order and coher- ence of the French that the Anonymous of Béthune attributed the French success:

Thus the King had his echelons put in formation and they rode forward. You could see among them many noblemen, much rich armor and many noble banners. The same was true for the opposite side, but I must tell you that they did not ride as well and in as orderly a manner as the French, and they became aware of it.34

I have no doubt that on occasion the army of Jerusalem could launch a great charge, but even such a venture needed organisation, and a division into squadrons is logical. Of course, we rarely hear details of battles, and many were encounters and ambushes when there was no opportunity for organisation. However, as early as the First Crusade the leaders learned to subdivide their forces, and this was in

32 Anonymous of Béthune in RHGF 24, pp. 767–8, trans. Duby, Bouvines (as note 27), pp. 195–6. 33 Anonymous of Béthune in RHGF 24, pp. 767–8, trans. Duby, Bouvines (as note 27), p. 196. 34 Anonymous of Béthune in RHGF 24, p. 768, trans. Duby, Bouvines (as note 27), p. 195. Templar tactics 165 part the secret of its success.35 Those who settled in the Holy Land appreciated the need for a cohesive and disciplined approach to battle.36 Even in the emergency of 1119 when his army seemed trapped on the ‘Field of Blood’ Roger of Antioch gave careful orders to its various distinct units when a break-out was attempted.37 It was discipline and cohesion, so lacking in Western armies, which were transient bodies, that made the Eastern Franks so formidable in battle. The Templars simply adopted and refined the fighting methods of the Eastern Franks, themselves an interesting variant on Western practices, and added a remarkable fighting spirit which carried them through to self-sacrifice. No wonder Saladin killed them all! In the second half of the thirteenth century cavalry changed and became even more important in battle. This was the result largely of a growing professional- ism in mounted soldiers (and developing amongst the infantry), and was most marked in Italy where war was constant – and, it might be said, little examined by modern historians who have tended to be hypnotized by France. Charles of Anjou conquered Southern Italy as a result of his victory over King Manfred at the battle of Benevento in 1266 in which, as all accounts agree, the cavalry, were decisive. In 1268 he crushed an attempt to overthrow him by Conradin of Hohenstaufen at Tagliacozzo which was an all cavalry affair.38 The scale of the fighting on each occasion was impressive: at Benevento each side had 4–5,000 cavalry and at Tagliacozzo 5–6,000. They manoeuvred and showed cohesion in a way almost unknown to our period, though it was when the Hohenstaufen force, overconfi- dent of victory, broke up to plunder that Charles won at Tagliacozzo. This greater cohesion and control owed much to the rise of professionalism in the knightly ranks. The Templars had organisation and discipline, but they lacked numbers and always in the Holy Land had to operate in the context of armies of secular mag- nates. By the time that the skills we see at work in the second half of the thirteenth century had emerged, their days as part of larger armies were passed.39

35 John France, Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade (Cambridge, 1994), especially p. 371. 36 John France, ‘Crusading Warfare and its Adaptation to Eastern Conditions in the Twelfth Cen- tury’, Mediterranean Historical Review, 15 (2000), pp. 49–66. 37 Walter the Chancellor, The Antiochene Wars, trans. Thomas S. Asbridge and Susan B. Edgington (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 122–9. 38 France, Western Warfare (as note 5), pp. 178–84. For a full scholarly view of the Tagliacozzo battle see Peter Herde, ‘Die Schlacht bei Tagliacozzo. Eine historisch-topographische Studie’, Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 28 (1962), pp. 679–744. 39 Nowadays it is very difficult to understand the problems of controlling horsem*n, especially horsem*n in numbers. At Waterloo Wellington was exasperated by the indiscipline of his cavalry. Lady Elizabeth Butler (1846–1933) was famous for her war paintings. Her most famous is the charge of the Scots Greys at Waterloo painted in 1881. She herself rode and took advice from soldiers, yet it has been pointed out that this portrays horsem*n riding far too fast and on collision courses one with another, on which see John Keegan, The Face of Battle (Harmondsworth, 1978), fig. 6 between pp. 184 and 185. Alain Demurger Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent

12 Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent: sources et pratiques

Alain Demurger

Que n’a-t-on dit ou écrit sur les templiers devenus banquiers ou sur un trésor (immense !) si bien caché qu’on le cherche encore. Les vieux procès ont la vie dure, et l’historien aura beau faire, il ne parviendra pas à les conclure ! C’est peut- être pour cela que, curieusem*nt, les études sur le Temple et l’argent, le Temple et la richesse ou, mieux, la richesse du Temple sont si peu nombreuses, anci- ennes et bien souvent décevantes. L’historien est toujours tributaire des études de Hans Prutz, de Léopold Delisle, de Jules Piquet, à peine retouchées par le travail d’Ignacio de la Torre.1 Après un détour – obligatoire – par la règle et les statuts, qui ne nous appren- dra pas grand-chose de neuf, j’envisagerai la nature et les causes des opérations

1 Léopold Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers (Paris, 1889) ; Jules Piquet, Des banquiers au Moyen Âge : les Templiers. Étude de leurs opérations financières (Paris, 1939) ; Hans Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens (Berlin, 1888), ouvrage d’ensemble sur le procès du Temple, mais qui traite abondamment des questions financières ; du même, voir aussi : « Die finanziellen Operationen der Hospitaliter », Sitzungsberichte der phi- losophisch-historischen Klasse der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich, 1906, pp. 9–47 ; Eleanor Ferris, « The Financial Relations of the Knights Templar to the English Crown », American Historical Review, 8, 1902, pp. 1–17 ; Agnes Sandys, « The Financial and Administrative Importance of the London Temple in the Thirteenth Century », dans Andrew G. Little et Frederick M. Powicke (éds), Essays in Medieval History presented to Thomas F. Tout (Manchester, 1925), pp. 147–62 ; John Bruce Williamson, History of the London Temple, Londres, 1924 ; María Vilar Bonet, « Actividades financieras de la orden del Temple en la Corona de Aragón », dans VII Con- greso de historia de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelone, 1964), t. II, pp. 577–85 ; Alain Demurger, « Trésor des templiers, trésor du roi. Mise au point sur les opérations financières des templiers », dans Pouvoir et Gestion, 5e rencontres, 29 et 30 novembre 1996 (Toulouse, 1997), pp. 73–96 ; plus récemment, Ignacio de la Torre Muñoz de Morales, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca (Madrid, 2004). On trouvera des aperçus intéressants dans Gérard Sivery, Les Capétiens et l’argent au siècle de Saint Louis : essai sur l’administration et les finances royales (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 1995) ; David M. Metcalf, « The Templars as Bankers and Monetary Transfers between West and East in the 12th Century », dans David M. Metcalf et Peter Edbury (éd.), Coinage in the Latin East. The Fourth Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History (Oxford, 1980), pp. 1–17 ; Thomas N. Bis- son, « Credit, Prices and Agrarian Production in Catalonia: A Templar Account (1180–1188) », dans Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages. Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer (Princeton, New Jersey, 1976), pp. 87–102 et 446–9. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 167 financières réalisées par les templiers, puis je tenterai d’appréhender la « rich- esse » ou les « richesses » du Temple et leur utilisation. D’une certaine façon, nous retrouvons bien la banque et le trésor.

I - La règle et l’argent Il faut beaucoup d’imagination pour tirer des quelques articles des premiers retraits du Temple des indications sur les opérations financières de l’ordre. Revenons- y cependant pour comprendre – ou tenter de comprendre – l’attitude des pre- miers templiers. Je le ferai en distinguant les différents niveaux d’information qu’apportent ces articles et je me référerai à la numérotation des articles de la règle et des statuts de l’édition d’Henri de Curzon.2 1. Le « commandeur de la terre » (commandeur du royaume de Jérusalem) « est trésorier du couvent » (art. 111). À ce titre, il gère le trésor, dont il a la clé ; le maî- tre ne peut détenir celle-ci ni la serrure, mais il dispose d’une huche personnelle pour ses joyaux (art. 81) :

Le commandeur de la terre est trésorier du couvent et tous les avoirs de la maison, d’où qu’ils viennent, de deça mer, ou delà la mer, doivent être rendus et donnés en la main du commandeur de la terre, et il doit les mettre au trésor ; il n’en doit rien toucher, ni remuer tant que le maître ne les a pas vus et comp- tés ; et quand il les aura vus, ils seront mis par écrit et le commandeur les gardera dans le trésor et il pourra s’en servir pour les besoins de la maison. Et si le maître ou une partie des prud’hommes de la maison veulent entendre les comptes, il doit leur donner satisfaction (art. 111).

2. Divers articles règlent ensuite les questions liées aux « avoirs » du Temple : bêtes, armes, armures, joyaux, argent, terres. Il est traité surtout des avoirs venus d’outre-mer, c’est-à-dire d’Occident. Ils vont au trésor et sont placés sous la responsabilité du commandeur de la terre (art. 83 et 111). Tant que le maître ne les a pas vus, on ne peut y toucher. Encore faut-il alors obtenir son consentement. Les bêtes venues d’outre-mer (il s’agit surtout, je pense, des chevaux et des mules) vont à la caravane du maréchal, qui n’y touche pas tant que le maître ne les a pas vues (art. 84 et 107) ; il en va de même pour les armes et les armures (art. 102). Trois dignitaires peuvent utiliser l’ensemble de ces « avoirs » :

- le maréchal, bien sûr, pour tout ce qui concerne montures, armes et armures (art. 107).

2 Henri de Curzon, La règle du Temple (Paris, 1886) ; il existe une édition plus récente, celle de Gio- vanni Amatuccio, Il Corpus normativo templare (Martina Franca, 2009) ; l’auteur reprend le texte de Curzon et la numérotation des paragraphes de celui-ci. 168 Alain Demurger - le commandeur de la terre qui peut s’en servir en fonction des besoins de la maison (art. 111) ; cela concerne les bêtes, les coupes, les robes de vair ou tous autres (art. 112) ; il peut garder les legs de cent besants et moins qui lui sont faits ; mais les legs supérieurs à cent besants doivent aller au trésor. - le maître, enfin, qui est, en tout, le décideur, même s’il ne décide jamais sans consultation.

Pour l’utilisation de ces avoirs, on distingue trois niveaux : Premier niveau : le maître et d’autres dignitaires peuvent donner ou prêter. Prêter d’abord. Le maître peut, avec l’accord d’un certain nombre de prud’hommes de la maison, prêter des avoirs jusqu’à la valeur de 1000 besants ; il lui faut l’accord d’un plus grand nombre de ces prud’hommes s’il veut prêter davantage. Relevons qu’il n’est pas dit que ce sont des sommes d’argent ; cela signifie des avoirs pour une valeur de plus ou moins 1000 besants ; bien entendu, cela n’exclut pas le numéraire. Donner ensuite. L’article 82 poursuit en effet en stipulant que le maître peut donner un cheval ou 100 besants à un prud’homme ami de la maison, une coupe d’or ou d’argent, une robe de vair ou tout autre joyau valant 100 besants. Ces dons sont faits avec l’accord des compagnons du maître et de prud’hommes « pour le profit de la maison ». Les articles 84 et 107 indiquent que, sur les bêtes venues d’outre-mer et mises dans la caravane du maréchal, le maître peut réserver un cheval ou deux pour les donner aux « prud’hommes du siècle amis de la maison ». Il peut aussi prendre le cheval d’un frère (à condition de compenser) « pour le donner à un riche homme du siècle pour l’accroissem*nt de la maison ». D’autres que le maître, à savoir le sénéchal, le maréchal et le commandeur de la terre, peuvent de même donner « aux amis qui font de grands présents à la maison » (art. 100, 103, 112). Nous sommes donc là dans une logique de don et de contre-don. Le don est largement répandu, le prêt beaucoup moins. Nous sommes dans un contexte féodal et chevaleresque, et non dans un contexte financier ou marchand. Le Tem- ple est une corporation de recrutement chevaleresque, et les valeurs de ce milieu sont les siennes. On y fait prouesse, mais aussi largesse, comme l’article 112, cité ci-dessus, le montre bien. Quelques articles invitent toutefois à faire largesse avec prudence et pas trop souvent (art. 114, 117).3 Deuxième niveau : les « avoirs de la maison » sont utilisés pour gérer l’ordre. Le maître et les autres dignitaires peuvent, dans des conditions bien définies, prendre de l’argent ou d’autres avoirs au trésor pour s’en servir au profit des

3 Alain Demurger, « Trésor des templiers, trésor du roi. Mise au point sur les opérations financières des templiers », dans Pouvoir et Gestion, 5e rencontres, 29 et 30 novembre 1996 (Toulouse, 1997), p. 75 ; Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios y el origen de la banca (Madrid, 2004), p. 32, ignore totalement cet aspect qui est confirmé par les actes de la pratique en Occident avec les donations rémunérées par de l’argent ou le don d’un cheval. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 169 différentes maisons de l’ordre. Guerre, embûches, destructions sont fréquentes. Il importe donc de restaurer au plus vite les moyens d’action des maisons détrui­ tes ou touchées ; cela vaut pour les moyens matériels comme pour les moyens humains. L’article 89 précise que le maître allant en terre de Tripoli ou d’Antioche peut prendre au trésor 3000 besants ou plus « pour aider les maisons » ; mais c’est le grand commandeur-trésorier, détenteur des clés, qui lui remet la somme. S’il apparaît que les maisons visitées n’ont pas besoin d’aide, le maître doit restituer au trésor les sommes non engagées. Le maréchal, s’il a besoin d’acheter des montures, doit s’adresser au maître, qui « doit lui faire donner des besants selon les besoins » (art. 103). De même, le grand commandeur, s’il doit faire face à des dépenses, est tenu de le faire savoir au maître, qui lui donnera l’autorisation de prendre au trésor ce qu’il lui faudra (art. 119). Et l’article 116 prévoit que si le commandeur de Jérusalem chevauche avec des avoirs à travers la terre, il peut demander au maréchal une escorte. Troisième niveau : le butin, lié directement à l’activité militaire de l’ordre, dont on peut s’étonner cependant que, ordre religieux, il ait adopté cette pratique sans sourciller, même si elle est banale et généralisée dans la guerre de ce temps. Le butin est matériel et humain (les esclaves). L’article 116 évoque tous les gains réalisés à la guerre : les montures de combat, les armes et les armures vont au maréchal, le bétail et les esclaves au commandeur de la terre. L’article 123 précise que la moitié de « tous les gains qui sont faits par guerre oltre le fleuve Jourdain » sont donnés au commandeur de la cité de Jérusalem ; mais le commandeur de la terre garde l’ensemble des gains faits en-deçà du fleuve. Les esclaves font partie du butin remis au commandeur de la terre ; c’est lui qui traite tous les cas de rachat d’un esclave (art. 113). Si la valeur du rachat dépasse 1000 besants (1000 besants en sus), la somme va à la recette, c’est-à-dire au trésor ; si elle est inférieure (1000 besants en jus), le grand commandeur la garde. Même distinction pour les esclaves appartenant à la maréchaussée : á 1000 besants et plus ils vent au trésor ; au-dessous de 1000 besants, au maréchal. J’en reviens, pour finir cette partie, aux prêts, évoqués seulement dans l’article 82. On sait, par des documents extérieurs à la règle et aux retraits, que le Temple a consenti des prêts d’argent. Il s’agit notamment des prêts faits au roi Louis VII en 1147–1148, durant la seconde croisade – donc avant la rédaction (peut-être serait- il plus juste de dire la compilation) des retraits connus sous le nom de « retraits hié- rarchiques » que je viens d’évoquer.4 Si les retraits ne parlent pas de cela, ce n’est pas parce que cela n’existe pas, mais peut-être parce que ce sont des opérations encore rares qui n’ont ni la portée ni l’importance qu’on leur a attribuées : pour Ignacio de la Torre, le prêt octroyé à Louis VII ne serait rien moins que la preuve que le Temple s’est engagé délibérément (et donc presque à ses débuts) dans une

4 Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, t. XV, nouv. éd. par Léopold Delisle (Paris, 1878), pp. 496, 501, 503–09 (cité ensuite RHGF). 170 Alain Demurger politique d’accumulation de capitaux en vue d’opérations de prêt en Terre sainte.5 L’observation que je fais ne préjuge pas de l’absence, dans les commanderies occidentales, d’opérations de crédits ; on peut même, à partir des constatations faites par Thomas Bisson en Catalogne, parler d’un crédit très dynamique ; sim- plement, il porte sur de petites sommes, sur de petites opérations.6 Il présuppose cependant l’existence de liquidités importantes puisque, dès le milieu du XIIe siècle, on relève (en Provence notamment) de nombreux achats quand bien même donations et échanges restent alors prédominants dans le processus de formation du patrimoine templier.7 Venons-en donc aux opérations proprement financières faites par les templiers.

II. Les opérations financières duTemple ou « le Temple banquier » L’historiographie du Temple banquier n’est pas – je l’ai dit – très importante, et les auteurs que j’ai cités confondent le plus souvent les opérations financières propres au Temple et les relations financières du Temple avec les États et plus généralement les personnes, laïques ou ecclésiastiques, extérieures à l’ordre.8 En s’efforçant d’établir un catalogue des opérations financières réalisées par les tem- pliers, ils ne parviennent pas toujours à distinguer de façon claire ce qui relève du trésor du Temple et ce qui relève du trésor royal dont les frères assurent également la gestion. Léopold Delisle a publié en annexe de son ouvrage un appendice documentaire de 34 pièces. Deux actes concernent exclusivement l’ordre : il s’agit d’un prêt fait à Cluny en 1216 et d’un don fait au frère (non templier) du trésorier Jean de Tour l’Ancien ; trois actes concernent des rentes payées au Temple, mais assises sur le trésor royal. Tous les autres documents relèvent de la gestion du trésor royal. Il faut cependant mettre à part le « Journal du trésor du Temple de 1295–1296 », qui, s’il est essentiellement un compte templier, comprend aussi des actes relevant du trésor royal. Ignacio de la Torre, tout en présentant une « catégorisation » plus fineque celles qu’avaient établies ses prédécesseurs, fait une distinction entre des opérations de « banque privée » (operaciones al por menor), c’est-à-dire toutes les opérations faites avec des particuliers, et des opérations de « banque pub- lique » (operaciones al por mayor), faisant du Temple une banque d’État.9 Ces distinctions et ce vocabulaire sont très contestables, et je ne les reprends pas à mon compte. Relevons que cet auteur ne mentionne quasiment pas les opérations financières internes à l’ordre.

5 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), pp. 36–8. 6 Thomas Bisson, « Credit, Prices » (comme note 1), pp. 87–102 et 446–9. 7 Damien Carraz, L’ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312). Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales (Lyon, 2005), pp. 192–4 notamment. 8 Voir note 1. 9 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), p. 54. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 171 Pour être tout à fait clair, je distinguerai quatre niveaux :

1 les finances et les opérations financières internes auemple T 2 les opérations financières externes qui mettent en jeu les moyens financiers propres du Temple dans ses relations avec les particuliers, y compris les rois. 3 la gestion des avoirs de particuliers extérieurs au Temple 4 la gestion du trésor royal, le trésorier du Temple de Paris faisant ici fonction d’officier royal. Ce fut le cas des deux Jean de Tour sous Philippe le Bel ou de frère Aymar sous Philippe-Auguste (celui-ci jouant cependant un rôle beaucoup plus important, car il assura des fonctions plus politiques que tech- niques). Je ne m’occuperai que des deux premiers niveaux.

Les finances et les opérations financières internes au Temple Je n’indique ici que quelques traits généraux concernant une question qui con- stituera la matière de ma troisième partie. Aucun des auteurs que j’ai cités ne fait une analyse du fonctionnement de l’administration des finances de l’ordre lorsqu’il gère ses propres avoirs. Com- ment fonctionne, par exemple, le système des responsions qu’Ignacio de la Torre évalue, à tort, uniformément dans le temps et dans l’espace à un tiers des ressources produites par les maisons du Temple ? Comment remontent vers le chef-lieu de la province les responsions des commanderies ? Et enfin, comment sont-elles transférées en Orient ? Les sources sont certes indigentes, mais pas absentes. La documentation catalane montre certains éléments de ce mécanisme pour le début du XIVe siècle avec la tenue, chaque année en mai, du chapitre de la province d’Aragon-Catalogne. Alan Forey a publié un document concernant la réunion du chapitre de la province à Horta en 1307 qui donne la liste des respon- sions de la province, commanderie par commanderie il a bien montré que la part de la responsion par rapport aux revenus d’une maison était variable d’une année sur l’autre et se négociait au coup par coup, même si la province était en principe astreinte à verser une somme déterminée d’avance.10 Quant au « Journal du trésor » publié par Léopold Delisle, tout confus qu’il paraisse, il permet une approche des mouvements des responsions entre la base et le sommet, mais il y a fort peu de détails sur le processus. Inversem*nt, on ne voit guère les mouvements du centre vers les maisons et les commanderies. Les commanderies achètent-elles terres et droits avec leurs fonds propres ou bien bénéficient-elles d’apports du trésorier de la province ? Que sait- on d’ailleurs de ces trésoriers en dehors de celui de la province de France, mieux connu par ses fonctions au service du roi que par celles qu’il exerce pour son ordre ? Ont-ils des fonds propres ou se contentent-ils d’un rôle de collecteur ? Les actes conservés dans les archives des commanderies montrent les deux situations.

10 Alan Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Aragon (Oxford, 1973), pp. 415–19. 172 Alain Demurger Mais le « Journal du trésor » n’en dit rien. C’est pourtant quelque chose que les premiers statuts de l’ordre envisageaient en Orient puisque le maître et le grand commandeur pouvaient prendre de l’argent au trésor pour aider les maisons. De même, le versem*nt de rentes assises sur des domaines du Temple apparaît mal dans la documentation. Je reviendrai sur cette question dans la troisième partie.

Les opérations financières externes À la suite de Léopold Delisle, les historiens distinguent ordinairement les opéra- tions suivantes :

- dépôts (argent, joyaux, etc.) - gestion de comptes de particuliers - prêts et avances - caution - séquestres - paiements de rentes - transfert d’espèces.

Je ne reviens pas sur cela, me contentant ici de clarifier quelques situations. Les dépôts valent pour tous les ordres religieux : leurs établissem*nts, sans être des « coffres-forts », sont très prisés, car relativement sûrs. Je renvoie au fameux exemple cité par Joinville des « huches » (coffres) des croisés embarquées sur un bateau du Temple au moment de la première croisade de Saint Louis, ou aux démêlés de certains déposants anglais avec le roi qui fit main basse sur les cof- fres déposés au Temple de Londres.11 Les templiers ne touchent pas aux huches, aux sommes et joyaux qui leur sont confiés en garde. Il ne font pas « travailler » l’argent des déposants.12 Beaucoup plus importante est la question des prêts. Comme tous les membres d’établissem*nts religieux (et bien avant 1129), les templiers prêtent à partir de leurs ressources propres. Pour appréhender correcte- ment cette activité, il faut prendre deux précautions : respecter la chronologie, et connaître et évaluer les ressources monétaires dont dispose le Temple. On ne peut faire du Temple, pratiquement dès ses débuts, un important institut financier international avec un réseau de banques de dépôts en Occident comme en Orient.13 C’est pourtant un travers où sont tombés nombre d’historiens en s’emparant sans précaution de l’exemple du roi Louis VII. Louis VII a mal

11 Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis, éd. par Jacques Monfrin (Paris, 1995), pp. 186–91 ; Eleanor Ferris, « The Financial Relations of the Knights Templar to the English Crown », American Historical Review, 8, 1902, p. 3. 12 Il m’est arrivé d’affirmer sans précaution le contraire : Alain Demurger, Vie et mort de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 1985), p. 165 ; affirmation non fondée qu’Ignacio de la Torre a fort justement relevée (Los Templarios (comme note 3), p. 362) et que j’ai corrigée depuis. 13 Au niveau local, toutefois, les commanderies ont pu, très tôt, animer le micro-crédit local ; cf. Thomas Bisson, ‘Credit, Prices’ (comme note 1), pp. 87–102 et 446–9. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 173 préparé sa croisade, et très vite, il a manqué d’argent. À deux reprises, le 4 octobre 1147, à Constantinople, puis en mars 1148, depuis Antioche, il écrit à Suger, qui assure la régence du royaume de France, pour lui faire part de ses besoins et lui demander de lui envoyer de toute urgence des fonds. En attendant ces secours, il doit emprunter. À qui ? Aux templiers, répète-t-on : 2000 marcs d’argent, soit 12 000 besants ou 6000 livres tournois selon les équivalences données par Ignacio de la Torre.14 Ce dernier y voit la première des nombreuses opérations al por mayor faite par l’ordre. Grâce au « considérable » trésor déjà accumulé, le Temple a pu faire face. Rien ne fonde ces affirmations. Certes, la somme empruntée par le roi n’est pas aussi considérable que cela, et le Temple peut certainement rassembler un tel montant de liquidités. Les textes, pourtant, sont là, et les faits sont têtus : les lettres envoyées par Louis VII à Suger confirment bien l’emprunt de 2000 marcs aux templiers, tout comme un autre, de 1000 marcs, contracté auprès des hospitaliers, mais elles précisent aussi que les templiers « ont promis de rendre bientôt ce qu’ils ont emprunté dans le dessein de me servir. Ne souffrons pas qu’ils soient regardés comme infidèles à leur parole, que je le sois comme eux, qu’ils soient exposés à la diffamation, à leur ruine. Qu’ils touchent incessamment 2000 marcs d’argent ».15 Les templiers, comme les hospitaliers, ont agi en intermédiaire ; ils ont l’entregent nécessaire pour garantir un prêt au roi. Auront-ils jamais le « trésor considérable » qu’Ignacio de la Torre leur attribue quand on sait que, un siècle plus tard, ils agiront en cette même qualité d’intermédiaire entre des prêteurs italiens et Yolande de Bourbon : en 1249, ils obtiendront de marchands italiens une somme de 10 000 besants pour la prêter à Yolande de Bourbon à Chypre. Encore un prêt « considérable » qui n’en est pas un.16 Dernière remarque sur cette affaire. Nous sommes bien dans une relation finan- cière avec la royauté ; Ignacio de la Torre la classe dans la catégorie des opera- ciones a por mayor. Vraiment ? Louis VII est certes roi, mais en cette affaire, il se trouve aussi démuni qu’un pèlerin ; le maître du Temple Évrard des Barres n’agit pas comme trésorier du roi. Une chose est de mettre à l’abri, au Temple, le trésor royal pendant la croisade ; autre chose est de faire gérer ce trésor par un trésorier templier. À ce que l’on sait, c’est l’abbé de Saint-Denis, Suger, qui gère le royaume en l’absence du roi ; et c’est lui qui est chargé de dédommager les templiers! Cela dit, le Temple prête – et nous en avons des exemples précoces, notamment en Espagne – des sommes qui ne sont pas toujours très importantes. La question

14 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), p. 36. 15 RHGF, t. XV, p. 501 ; cité et traduit dans l’Histoire littéraire de la France (Paris, 1869), t. XIV, p. 51–3. 16 Joseph de Laborde, Layettes du Trésor des chartes (Paris, 1875), t. III, p. 65, n° 3760 ; Jules Piquet, Des banquiers au Moyen Âge : les Templiers. Étude de leurs opérations financières (Paris, 1939), p. 78 ; Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), p. 60. 174 Alain Demurger est de savoir comment il se garantit. Le Temple (comme bien d’autres) utilise trois solutions :

- le gage, le plus souvent un bien foncier, mais aussi des objets, et en particulier des joyaux. - l’intérêt - l’interesse

Ajoutons qu’il arrive aussi au Temple de prêter de menues sommes sans garantie, notamment aux paysans en cas de mauvaises récoltes. Force est de constater que les interdits de l’Église en matière d’« usure », c’est-à-dire d’intérêt, quel que soit son taux, peuvent être facilement contournés. L’Église, d’ailleurs, fit évoluer sa doctrine en mettant en avant les notions d’utilité et de travail.17 Appliqué d’abord au commerce et à l’activité des marchands, cela s’étendit aux prêts et aux prêteurs. L’intérêt est la récompense financière d’un travail ; les théologiens du XIIIe siècle le justifient par le risque encouru (notam- ment le risque de mer) et par la perte d’un produit – l’argent –, fruit du travail. Ou alors – et plus simplement – l’intérêt compense le renoncement, pendant la durée du prêt, aux moyens que l’on pourrait tirer de l’argent si on l’avait conservé. Toutefois, ces notions peuvent s’appliquer encore plus facilement à d’autres formes de rémunération du prêt. Et il semble – mais il faudrait ici compter – que le Temple a davantage utilisé ces autres formes que le prêt à intérêt proprement dit. Il s’agit d’abord du gage : terre, objets, joyaux, reliques (songeons à l’empereur latin de Constantinople, Baudouin II, qui a engagé les reliques de la Passion au Temple pour obtenir un prêt). Les gages sur les biens fonciers sont les exemples les plus nombreux et les plus continus dans le temps des techniques de garantie du prêt utilisées par les templiers, les hospitaliers et bien d’autres ; même lorsque l’intérêt est net, comme dans le cas du prêt accordé à l’évêque de Saragosse en 1232 contre une « usure » annuelle de 10 %, cet intérêt est gagé sur les revenus futurs de l’Église de Saragosse.18 En 1281, le trésorier du Temple de Paris prête 1578 livres parisis au comte d’Artois ; celui-ci met en gage, jusqu’au rembourse- ment total de la somme, les revenus de ses terres de Domfront.19 On sait que si l’emprunteur ne parvient pas à rembourser son emprunt dans les délais convenus, le gage reste aux mains du prêteur. Si l’emprunteur rembourse, le prêteur rend le gage ; il a quand même bénéficié des revenus de la terre durant toute la durée du prêt. S’il ne rembourse pas, alors le prêteur conserve le gage. Une deuxième technique est utilisée, tirée des pratiques commerciales bien connues de la commenda, contrat qui associe un « capitaliste » fournissant de l’argent à un marchand qui le fait fructifier par le commerce. À terme, le capital est remboursé, et les bénéfices sont partagés par moitié entre le capital et le travail.

17 Jacques Le Goff, Le Moyen Âge et l’argent (Paris, 2010), pp. 113–14. 18 Alan Forey, The Templars (comme note 10), pp. 350–51. 19 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), pp. 46–7. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 175 Si, au terme du contrat, le marchand ne peut rembourser, il est contraint de payer une amende, l’interesse, équivalente du capital. Ce contrat est tiré du droit romain et a été approuvé par l’Église, car le non-remboursem*nt dans le délai prescrit entraîne un dommage pour le prêteur.20 On connaît le cas Sergines, à vrai dire un peu exceptionnel, car le Temple (une fois de plus) n’est, au début, qu’un intermédiaire cautionnant, avec le patriarche de Jérusalem, un prêt fait par des marchands italiens à Geoffroy de Sergines pour payer ses troupes en attendant le versem*nt des fonds royaux nécessaires à leur entretien. Les choses traînèrent, et le Temple, devenu le débiteur, se retourna con- tre les héritiers de Geoffroy de Sergines. Le Parlement lui donna partiellement rai- son : les héritiers durent rembourser au Temple la dette de leur père, 3000 livres, mais ils furent dispensés de payer l’interesse prévu, de 3000 livres également, tant qu’une information supplémentaire n’aurait pas été conduite.21 Là encore, on voit comment on contourne les difficultés. Si tout se passe bien et que les termes du contrat sont scrupuleusem*nt respectés, il n’y a pas d’intérêt, pas de gain, au moins en apparence ; mais si le contrat n’est pas respecté, il y a un gros bénéfice : l’interesse, équivalent du capital. Toutefois, c’est une amende, et on sort du domaine purement financier pour entrer dans celui de la justice. Il y aurait bien entendu à examiner les autres opérations financières discernées par les auteurs sur lesquels je me suis appuyé. Je n’ai voulu, dans cette théma- tique qui est finalement la mieux connue et pas la plus renouvelée, mettre l’accent que sur quelques points qui prêtent encore à confusion ou qui nécessitent des recherches plus poussées. Prenons garde aussi à ne pas nous laisser abuser par nos sources : ces contrats entre un prêteur et un emprunteur sont le plus souvent détruits une fois réalisés ; ne subsistent dans les archives que ceux qui ont posé problème. L’ampleur du phénomène est sans doute bien plus importante.

III. La richesse du Temple Quittons la banque et partons maintenant à la chasse au trésor.

Les propositions d’Ignacio de la Torre Le Temple est riche, très riche. L’historiographie le dit, abusant des superlatifs, « énorme », « considérable », etc. Ignacio de la Torre fait remarquer à juste titre que les historiens du Temple ne se sont jamais préoccupés de présenter une esti- mation de l’ensemble des recettes et dépenses de l’ordre. Est-ce possible ? Tou- jours est-il que notre auteur prend son courage à deux mains et présente dans un

20 Ibid., p. 164. 21 Alain Demurger, « Pour trois mille livres de dette. Geoffroy de Sergines et le Temple », dans Ghis- lain Brunel et Marie-Adélaïde Nielen (éd.), La présence latine en Orient au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2000), pp. 67–76. 176 Alain Demurger appendice de son ouvrage les calculs qui l’ont conduit à proposer son évaluation de ces recettes et dépenses.22 Si la remarque de départ d’Ignacio de la Torre est en grande partie juste, les solutions qu’il présente me semblent totalement arbitraires et reposent, comme il arrive parfois, sur des hypothèses qui, au fur et à mesure de leur empilement, deviennent, dans l’esprit de celui qui les présente, des faits avérés. Pour tout dire, la construction d’Ignacio de la Torre n’est qu’un château de cartes dont l’objectif est de prouver qu’il y avait dans le trésor du Temple de Paris l’argent nécessaire pour permettre au roi de financer la réforme monétaire qu’il entreprend à partir de 1305 : Philippe le Bel, après des dévaluations monétaires successives, veut réévaluer la monnaie ; pour cela, il a besoin d’argent et il le trouve au Temple de Paris. En somme, le roi aurait détruit le Temple pour lui prendre son trésor et financer sans frais sa réforme. Je n’insisterai pas sur ce sujet qui n’entre pas direct- ement dans mon propos, mais, avec le livre d’Ignacio de la Torre, l’explication financière du procès du Temple fait un retour en force sur le devant de la scène historiographique. Essayons de résumer son argumentation, qui est fondée sur le postulat que, très tôt, en Orient, les entrées d’argent ont été supérieures aux dépenses. Pourtant, l’article 83 des retraits, invoqué par l’auteur, ne dit rien d’autre que ceci : ce qui vient d’outre-mer (d’Occident) doit être déposé au trésor ; rien n’est dit de l’ampleur des dépôts, ni de l’existence éventuelle d’un solde positif après dépenses. Suivons le fil du raisonnement. Ignacio de la Torre retient, pour l’Occident, le chiffre de 970 maisons donné par Malcolm Barber pour le XIIIe siècle.23 À partir des données fournies par les procès anglais, il fixe comme recette moyenne annuelle d’une maison 57,5 livres sterling, soit 232 livres tournois. Ce chiffre est étendu à l’ensemble des maisons non militaires du Temple en Occident, soit 970 moins 120, ce qui fait 850 ; donc 232 x 850 = 197 245 livres tournois (en réalité 197 200). Les responsions, évaluées à un tiers, seraient donc de 65 748 livres tournois pour les maisons non militaires (en fait 65 733). L’auteur s’attache ensuite à démontrer la formation d’un trésor du Temple en Orient (au sens purement financier qu’il a de nos jours semble-t-il). L’accumulation de capital en Orient serait le résultat d’une politique consciente élaborée par les templiers dès le début de leur existence ; de ce fait, ils pouvaient prêter aux croi- sés et aux princes de Terre sainte ou d’Occident. L’exemple de Louis VII est à nouveau utilisé. Vers 1250, les ressources de l’ordre en Orient étaient « énor- mes » puisqu’elles auraient permis de reconstruire Safed. Or, on sait que cette reconstruction coûteuse n’a été possible que par l’apport de l’argent fourni par les pèlerins conduits par l’évêque de Marseille, Benoît d’Alignan.24

22 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), pp. 34–5 et 350–58. 23 Malcolm Barber, « Supplying the Crusader States. The Role of the Templars », dans Benjamin Z. Kedar (éd.), The Horns of Hattin (Jérusalem – Londres, 1992), p. 317. 24 Robert B.C. Huygens (éd.), De constructione castri Saphet (Amsterdam, 1981). Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 177 Les coffres du Temple seraient donc pleins, et cela dès le XIIe siècle, et l’apport des responsions d’Occident (65 748 livres tournois) supérieur aux dépenses mili- taires en Orient que l’auteur estime à 42 114 livres tournois, chiffre qui laisse rêveur quand on sait la nature et l’ampleur de ces dépenses (entretien des forter- esses, soldes des mercenaires, etc.). Reste, pour payer les dépenses en tout genre des maisons d’Occident, les deux tiers des revenus des maisons, une fois ceux-ci amputés des responsions envoyées en Orient. N’y a-t-il pas d’autres moyens que ces constructions arbitraires et hasardeuses pour répondre à la question légitimement posée de l’évaluation des richesses du Temple ? Et si l’on consultait les sources ? Je le ferai à partir de trois types de doc- uments dont il n’est fait qu’à peine mention dans le travail d’Ignacio de la Torre :25

- le « Journal du trésor du Temple » tenu du 12 mars 1295 au 4 juillet 1296 - les achats de terres et de biens - les concessions de rentes par le Temple.

Le « Journal du trésor du Temple »26 Il s’agit essentiellement d’encaissem*nts, effectués entre le 19 mars 1295 et le 4 juillet 1296. 222 articles composent ce journal, chacun d’eux indiquant les opéra- tions effectuées à un jour donné par le caissier du Temple de service. Les recettes sont les plus nombreuses. Une partie émane de 9 baillies et provinces du Temple et de 30 maisons de l’ordre ; s’y ajoutent quelques articles concernant des entités plus vagues, comme la terre de Balisy, sur laquelle je reviendrai, par exemple. Le reste vient de clients privés et de quelques officiers royaux. Sept baillies (dont 3 des Pays-Bas : Brabant, Hainaut, Hesbaye) et 27 maisons sont de la province de France (le trésorier du Temple de Paris est le trésorier de la province de France et non le trésorier de l’ordre qui, lui, réside à Chypre). Mais on trouve aussi des rev- enus des provinces d’Auvergne et d’Aquitaine ainsi que de trois maisons de ces provinces (Jussy-le-Chaudrier et Beauvais-en-Berry pour la première, La Rochelle pour la seconde). Une partie des versem*nts se fait aux trois termes d’usage en France du Nord : Chandeleur, Ascension, Toussaint. Le « Journal du trésor du Temple » débute par le compte de la Chandeleur 1295, déjà entamé ; suivent ceux de l’Ascension et de la Toussaint 1295, puis de la Chandeleur et de l’Ascension 1296. Mais la quasi-totalité des recettes venant des baillies et des maisons du Temple sont regroupées sur un terme spécifique à l’ordre, celui de la fête de saint Jean-Baptiste (en 1295 et en 1296) ; qui correspond à la date de réunion du chapi- tre général de la province de France. On peut sans crainte affirmer qu’il s’agit du versem*nt des responsions. On sait que celles-ci sont apportées chaque année par les commandeurs lors de la réunion du chapitre de la province. Ce chapitre se tient

25 Ignacio de la Torre, Los Templarios (comme note 3), pp. 101–03. 26 BN, lat. 9018, fol. 35–124, édité par Léopold Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers (Paris, 1889), pp. 162–210. 178 Alain Demurger ordinairement au printemps ; c’est le cas pour la province d’Aragon-Catalogne (en mai le plus souvent, en des lieux différents chaque année) et donc aussi pour la province de France, dont le chapitre est réuni à Paris à la saint Jean-Baptiste (24 juin) ou à la saint Pierre et Paul (29 juin). Au total, ce sont approximativement 19 300 livres tournois qui entrent dans les caisses du Temple de Paris en 1295 et 15 400 en 1296. Quant aux revenus des responsions proprement dites, aux deux chapitres de la saint Jean-Baptiste, ils sont respectivement de 12 000 livres tournois en 1295 et de 10 500 livres tournois en 1296. Par comparaison, les responsions de la province d’Aragon-Catalogne en 1307 sont fixées forfaitairement à 1000 marcs d’argent soit, selon les équiva- lences données par Ignacio de la Torre, 3000 livres tournois ; mais, comme le montre bien Alan Forey, la réalité est beaucoup plus diversifiée : le montant n’est pas régulier et il se discute maison par maison d’une année à l’autre.27 Le « Journal du trésor du Temple » n’est qu’un aperçu partiel qui ne permet pas de dresser un tableau complet des revenus des maisons templières. Pour 1295 et 1296 en France, il faudrait disposer de documents équivalents pour les prov- inces d’Aquitaine et d’Auvergne (les revenus les concernant mentionnés à Paris ne peuvent être que partiels), et surtout de ceux de la vaste province de Provence qui s’étend de Toulouse jusqu’à la vallée du Rhône et à la Provence, alors hors royaume. Le recours aux documents des enquêtes hospitalières de 1338 et de 1373 peut nous aider, la première surtout, car, en 1373, on est en pleine crise, et la comparai- son avec la situation de la fin du XIIIe siècle n’est pas pertinente.

Les achats templiers Une autre approche de la richesse du Temple est possible en recensant les achats effectués par les templiers : ils rendent possible une évaluation des sommes con- sacrées par les frères à l’accroissem*nt de leur patrimoine de « l’arrière ». Je me contenterai ici d’un exemple français : les achats de terres, de droits et de biens divers opérés par les templiers de la commanderie de Sauce-Auxerre, en Bourgogne. Nous disposons d’un cartulaire pour les soixante premières années du XIIIe siècle ; il est complété par les actes de la période 1260–1307.28

- Les achats des templiers de la commanderie de Sauce On compte plus de cent-vingt actes d’achat faits par les templiers entre 1231 et 1300, dont 80 pour la seule décennie 1251–1260.

27 Alan Forey, The Templars (comme note 10), p. 415. 28 Alain Demurger, « L’aristocrazia laica e gli ordini militari e ospedalieri in Francia nel Duecento : l’esempio della Bassa Borgogna », dans Enzo Coli, Maria di Marco et Franceso Tommasi (éds.), Militia sacra. Gli ordini militari tra Europa e Terrasanta (Perugia, 14–15 ottobre 1989) (Rimini, 1994), pp. 55–84. Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 179 Sommes investies entre 1231 et 1300 (en livres tournois) :

1231–1240 1339 1241–1250 572 1251–1260 1479 1261–1270 2132 1271–1280 346 1281–1290 696 1291–1300 510 Total 7074

La différenciation entre gros achats et petit* et moyens achats (la limite, arbi- traire, étant de 50 livres tournois) est un autre moyen d’appréhender la politique d’investissem*nt des templiers. Je distingue 19 gros achats, montant à 6512 livres tournois, et une centaine de petit* et moyens achats, pour 562 livres tournois. On a ainsi 850 livres tournois dépensées en 1231 pour l’achat de moulins, 315 pour le rachat de droits féodaux en 1259, 115 pour l’achat de vignes en 1270, etc. La manière dont ont été constitués de nouveaux domaines et maisons dans la commanderie de Sauce est également pleine d’enseignement pour évaluer la rich- esse des frères du lieu. Deux voies ont été utilisées :

- Soit de gros investissem*nts, faits en quelques années, pour constituer, d’un coup ou presque, de nouveaux domaines : 1028 livres tournois en 1256–1259 pour acquérir les terres, cens, dîmes, droits seigneuriaux et féodaux de Tour- benay et 342 livres supplémentaires entre 1267 et 1271 pour compléter la mainmise totale sur ce nouveau domaine.29 De même, entre 1267 et 1271, 1259 livres ont été consacrées à la constitution du domaine de Vincelles. Une donation de Miles de Noyers en 1284–1285 est complétée d’un achat au même personnage de 560 livres pour le domaine de Vermenton. - Soit des investissem*nts plus nombreux, plus faibles, mais plus continus dans le temps, afin de compléter un gros investissem*nt initial. À Monéteau, le Temple commence par acheter deux pièces de terre et un pré en 1235–1236 pour respectivement 280 livres, 21 livres et 4 livres 10 sous. Suivent entre 1241 et 1264 dix-huit autres achats montant à 79 livres 15 sous ; un dernier, pour 5 livres, intervient en 1279. À Vallan, les templiers ont consacré 1673 livres réparties en vingt achats à la constitution de leur nouvelle maison entre 1242 et 1266.

La plupart de ces achats sont payés comptant, et les biens sont remis au commandeur de Sauce. Est-ce à dire que l’argent vient des fonds propres de la

29 Idem, « La constitution d’un patrimoine foncier : les Templiers dans le comté d’Auxerre (xiiie siècle) », dans Isabel Cristina Fernandes (éd.), As ordens militares e as ordens de cavalaria na construçao do mundo ocidental. Actas do IV Encontro sobre Ordens Militares (Palmela, 30 de Janeiro a 2 de Fevereiro de 2002) (Lisbonne, 2005), pp. 439–50. 180 Alain Demurger commanderie ? De ce qui reste après paiement des responsions ? C’est un cas fréquent, mais il y a parfois, dans l’acte de vente, implication du trésorier du Tem- ple de Paris. Ainsi, l’achat fait à Pierre Ledoux en 1254 (somme de 482 livres) est payé par le trésorier du Temple de Paris, mais c’est Guillaume Boncelli, le com- mandeur de Sauce, qui prend possession des biens achetés au nom du trésorier. De même est-il précisé dans un acte de 1299 que la vente d’une grange faite par Osanne à Vermenton est faite au trésorier du Temple de Paris ainsi qu’aux frères du lieu. On peut donc penser que l’échelon provincial est sollicité lorsque les res- sources locales sont insuffisantes

Questions sur la rentabilité des investissem*nts Peut-on avoir une idée de la rentabilité de tels investissem*nts ? Un exemple concernant la commanderie de Sauce, trop seul pour qu’on en tire des conclusions hâtives, permet une telle approche. Les templiers de Sauce rachètent à Pierre de Monéteau pour 50 sous tournois un cens annuel de 2 sous établi sur leurs moulins de Vallan : cela équivaut donc à 25 années de paiement du cens.30 Un autre exemple, extérieur à la région auxerroise, permettra de préciser un peu ce problème. Entre 1288 et 1295, les templiers achètent à un chevalier du sud de la région parisienne, Guillaume, dit Bataille, tout ou partie de ses biens:

- Guillaume cède d’abord la terre de Balisy (commune de Longjumeau, Essonne, à 15 kilomètres au sud de Paris), achetée 1400 livres parisis, acqui- sition confirmée l’année suivante par le roi, agissant comme seigneur féodal. - Guillaume vend ensuite aux templiers les fiefs qu’il tenait de la comtesse de Blois-Champagne à Santeny (com. de Villecresne, Val-de-Marne) pour 1000 livres parisis. - Puis, en 1292, il vend sa maison et 94 arpents de terres, des cens et des droits de justice pour 690 livres parisis. - Enfin, en 1295, une dernière vente de 19 arpents est conclue pour 33 livres parisis.31

Les templiers ont donc investi en sept ans 3123 livres parisis, soit 3903 livres 15 sous tournois. Les informations fournies par le « Journal du trésor du Temple » de 1295–1296 donnent, pour la seule terre de Balisy, une indication sur la rentabilité de cet investissem*nt. Par l’intermédiaire de frère Jean,32 le trésorier du Temple de Paris encaisse 64 livres de revenus de cette terre en 1295 (en 4 versem*nts entre

30 BN, nouv. acq. fr. 21283, n° 10/11. 31 Eugène Mannier, Ordre de Malte. Les commanderies du grand prieuré de France (Paris, 1872), pp. 23–6. 32 Il est peut-être le même frère Jean que celui qui fait « remonter » les responsions des commander- ies d’Étampes et de Chalou-la-Reine (Léopold Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers (Paris, 1889), art. 70, 92 et 151). Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 181 le 4 juillet et le 16 novembre) et 20 livres le 22 juin 1296. Ces revenus ­semblent être concentrés sur le deuxième semestre de l’année ; pour l’année 1296, le ­journal s’arrêtant au 4 juillet, nous ne disposons pas de la totalité des versem*nts. Si l’on rapporte ces 64 livres de 1295 à la mise de 1400 livres parisis, cela nous donnerait un amortissem*nt sur 22 ans. Est-ce le bon calcul ? Le chiffre obtenu est compara- ble à ce que j’ai indiqué ci-dessus pour le cens de Vallan. Précisons que la terre de Balisy n’est pas encore intégrée à l’organisation territoriale (et donc aussi finan- cière) de l’ordre du Temple ; elle n’est sans doute pas de plein rapport, et le calcul auquel je me suis livré doit sous-estimer ses revenus. Le retour sur investissem*nt ne semble pas rapide, mais c’est un point de vue qui n’est peut-être pas celui des gens du Moyen Âge. Une remarque pour finir : ces revenus ne doivent pas être assimilés à des responsions. Dans le « Journal du trésor du Temple », ils sont comptabilisés aux termes, usuels en région parisienne, de l’Ascension et de la Toussaint (le troisième terme est celui de la Chandeleur, le 2 février), et non pas au terme spécifiquement templier de la fête de saint Jean-Baptiste.

La rente d’Othon de Grandson (1295 ?-1308) À une date que l’on situe en 1296 ou 1297, (« en juillet le dimanche après la fête des saints Pierre et Paul ») mais qui n’est pas celle figurant sur le document original des Archives Vaticanes (1287) ni sur son édition dans les registres de Clément V (1277), Jacques de Molay gratifie Othon de Grandson, un seigneur comtois (comme lui) au service du roi d’Angleterre et très présent en Orient dans les quinze dernières années du XIIIe siècle, d’une rente viagère de 2000 livres tournois à prendre chaque année en deux termes sur « notre maison de Paris ou de Lyon là où cela lui convient le mieux ». Comme le montre Anthony Luttrell, cette rente est à mettre en relation avec la donation faite à Paris le 14 juillet 1296 par Othon de Grandson d’une rente perpétuelle de 200 livres tournois. Soit la rente viagère a été faite avant, donc en 1296, soit après, en 1297.33 Peu nous importe ici. Cet acte de Jacques de Molay (présent à Paris en 1296, et peut-être en 1297) est interpolé dans une lettre de Clément V datée de Ligugé, près de Poitiers, que le pape venait alors de quitter, le 17 août 1308. Le pontife, répondant à la sup- plication d’Othon de Grandson, lui garantit la continuation du versem*nt de sa rente viagère qu’il assoit sur les revenus des commanderies de Thors (diocèse de Troyes), de Coulours (diocèse de Sens) et d’Épailly (diocèse de Langres).34 Celle- ci ne peut plus être perçue au Temple de Paris puisque, depuis octobre 1307, le

33 Alain Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Le crépuscule des templiers (Paris, 2002, rééd. 2014), pp. 126–7 ; Anthony Luttrell, « Observations on the Fall of the Templars », dans Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge. Rencontre autour d’Alain Demurger, éd. par Philippe Josserand, Luís Filipe Oliveira et Damien Carraz (Madrid, 2015), pp. 365–72. 34 Regestum Clementis papæ V ex Vaticanis archetypis, editio, cura et studio monachorum ordinis sancti Benedicti, 9 vol. (Rome, 1885–1892), t. III, n° 2938. 182 Alain Demurger trésor du Temple est aux mains de Philippe le Bel. Othon de Grandson s’est aussi adressé au roi comme l’atteste un document qui contient plusieurs actes interpolés et que je présente, pour plus de clarté, dans l’ordre chronologique.35 Le 30 juillet 1308, de Poitiers, Philippe le Bel informe le bailli de Sens qu’avec l’accord du pape, il a fait droit à la demande d’Othon de Grandson et qu’il assigne la rente de 2000 livres tournois sur les maisons de Thors, de Coulours et d’Épailly. Le 9 juil- let 1308, il faut le rappeler, le roi a confirmé la remise des biens du Temple sous tutelle de l’Église tout en en conservant la gestion. Pour l’application concrète de la mesure décidée, c’est évidemment le gestionnaire réel, le roi, qui agit. Le 18 octobre 1308, Philippe le Bel s’adresse à tous les responsables de l’administration des biens du Temple « outre rive de la Seine » pour les informer que son bailli de Sens, Guillaume de Hangest, a chargé Gilles de Laon, panetier du roi, de faire l’assiette des revenus d’Épailly. Gilles de Laon effectue la prisée avant le 26 novembre : « Chest lassiete de la terre que Gilles de Laon a fait de monsieur Othes de Grandçon chevalier à tenir sa vie tant seulement seur les maisons et les biens du Temple ». Il se limite à Épailly. Le 26 novembre, de Fontainebleau, le roi confirme cette assiette. La prisée aboutit à la somme totale de 2194 livres et 3 deniers tournois « et ensi est paié ledit messire Othe des 2000 livres que lon devait assoir ». Il ne fut donc pas nécessaire de faire contribuer les maisons de Thors et de Coulours. Othon de Grandson a touché sa pension jusqu’à sa mort en 1328. Ses héritiers engagèrent un procès contre l’ordre de l’Hôpital, devenu propriétaire des lieux, pour obtenir que la rente leur soit désormais versée. Ils le perdirent : la rente était viagère, et ils n’y avaient donc pas droit.36 Tous les documents liés au séquestre des biens du Temple en 1307 peuvent donc être utilisés pour évaluer la richesse du Temple. Plusieurs études l’ont mon- tré et, récemment encore, certaines des communications présentées en 2012 au colloque de Troyes.37 Il faut poursuivre sur ce chemin.

Conclusion Oui, le Temple est riche. Beaucoup plus qu’on ne le pense, mais beaucoup moins qu’on ne le dit. Mais, contrairement à ce qu’avance Ignacio de la Torre, il ne thé- saurise pas pour prêter, mais pour investir dans la terre et dans la pierre. Beaucoup. J’ai donné ici quelques pistes qui permettent, je pense, de quantifier cette rich- esse. Aussi terminerai-je en émettant un vœu : si nous tous, historiens du Temple, nous unissions nos efforts sur un projet européen fédérateur ? Celui de rassembler

35 Archives nationales de France, JJ 40, n° 64. 36 Jean-Bernard de Vaivre, La commanderie d’Épailly et sa chapelle templière durant la période médiévale (Paris, 2005), pp. 38–9 et 195–8, ne cite pas les lettres du roi de 1308. 37 Johannes Krieser, « Wirtschafts- und Finanzgebaren nordfranzösischer Templer-Häuser am Beispiel der Komturei Payns (Champagne) », dans Kaspar Elm (éd.), Erwerbspolitik und Wirtschaftsweise mittelalterlicher Orden und Klöster (Berlin, 1992), pp. 115–23 ; Arnaud Bau- din, Ghislain Brunel et Nicolas Dohrmann (éds), L’économie templière en Occident. Patrimoines, commerce, finances (Troyes, 2013). Les ordres religieux-militaires et l’argent 183 pour une période de temps relativement courte, 10 ans par exemple, entre 1260 et 1270 ou entre 1270 et 1280, toute la documentation disponible concernant les achats faits par les templiers dans leurs commanderies. Peut-être pourrions-nous apporter une réponse à la question, qui reste pertinente, d’Ignacio de la Torre : combien y a-t-il d’argent dans les caisses de l’ordre du Temple ?

Summary Even serious historiography has considered the question of relations between the Templars and money only from the point of view of banking – as if the Templars had become bankers in the West – and from the point of view of the imaginary Templar treasures – as if these had been huge . . . and hidden. The Templar Rule and statutes do not say much about money. Furthermore, they do not furnish proof – as some historians have claimed, basing their views on an erroneous interpreta- tion of some loans given by the Order to French king Louis VII during the Second Crusade – that from the beginning the Templars pursued a deliberate policy of giving loans and acquiring wealth through banking activities in the East. Léopold Delisle, Jean Piquet and Ignacio de la Torre did not distinguish clearly between the Templars’ own financial affairs (which were not different from other orders) and the role of the treasurer of the Templar province of France at Paris as a kind of royal ‘officer’ in charge of the royal treasury (the Capetian demesne) from at least King Philip Augustus (1180–1223) onwards. The financial business conducted by the Templars for their own order was important enough, though it should not be exaggerated and it must not be confused with the royal administration. It is essen- tial to interpret correctly the order’s aims in engaging in these monetary opera- tions. The Diary of the Templar Treasury (at Paris) covering the years 1295–1296 and published by Léopold Delisle, casts some light on the functioning of the Tem- ple’s own finances. It reveals how the responsiones of the Templar houses of the province of France were sent to Paris. Similarly, the responsiones for Catalonia are also well documented. But the diary reveals only a part of the wealth of the Templar order, its budget, revenues and expenditures. The present paper attempts another approach to understanding the Templars’ wealth. Focussing on the Tem- plar house of Sauce in the Auxerrois and the estate of Balisy near Paris, it reviews how the Templars enlarged their landed property through purchase. A systematic investigation on these lines could be carried out for each Western province of the Order. It would undoubtedly reveal that the Templars were rich indeed, but that they used their accumulated monies to become landowners and not to make more money by ‘banking’, which remained a merely marginal business of the Order.

Section IV Spiritual character

Simonetta Cerrini Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle

13 Les Templiers et le progressif évanouissem*nt de leur règle

Simonetta Cerrini

Dédié à la mémoire de Jonathan Riley-Smith Parmi tous les livres du Temple, il y en a un sans lequel les « Pauvres chevaliers du Christ et du Temple de Salomon » n’existeraient pas : la règle. En ces pages je me propose de voir quelle est la place du livre de la règle dans la vie des Templiers à partir de l’exploitation de la règle elle-même, des statuts et d’un échantillon des actes du procès.1

La règle dans la règle La lecture de la règle au novice est le cœur de la cérémonie de la réception du nouveau frère.

Regula Templi, version latine art. 55 Qualiter milites seculares recipiantur 1 Si quis miles ex massa perditionis vel alter secularis, seculo volens renun- tiare, vestram communem vitam elegerit, non ei statim assentiatur, 2 sed, iuxta illud Apostoli : « Probate spiritus, si ex Deo sunt », sic ei ingressus con- cedatur. 3 Legatur igitur regula in eius presentia, et si ipse preceptis exposite regule diligenter obtemperaverit, tunc, si magistro et fratribus eum recipere placuerit, convocatis fratribus desiderium et petitionem suam cunctis animi puritate patefaciat. 4 Deinde vero terminus probationis in consideratione et providentia magistri secundum honestatem vite petentis omnino pendeat.2

1 À l’origine, cet article aurait dû proposer un status quæstionis sur les livres des frères du Tem- ple. Le travail, toutefois, s’est révélé plus important que prévu, et je m’en tiendrai ici à la règle. J’adresse tous mes remerciements à Karl Borchardt, organisateur du colloque de Munich, et aux deux autres éditeurs des actes, Helen Nicholson et en particulier Philippe Josserand, qui m’a fourni de précieuses suggestions et a bien voulu relire et corriger mon texte français. 2 Le texte de la règle est tiré de Simonetta Cerrini, Une expérience neuve au sein de la spiritualité médiévale : l’ordre du Temple (1120–1314). Étude et édition des règles latine et française, thèse de doctorat soutenue en 1998 a l’université de Paris 4-Sorbonne (2 vol.), publiée à Lille, Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, 1998 (microfiche). Toutes les citations de la règle seront tirées dorénavant de cette édition, qui a été traduite en anglais dans Malcolm Barber et Keith Bath (éd.), The Templars. Selected Sources Translated and Annotated (Manchester – New York, 2002). Les sigles vl et vf signifient « version latine » et « version française ». 188 Simonetta Cerrini Il est évident que la règle est au centre de la réception du nouveau frère. Même en ce passage, les Pères du concile de Troyes suivent de près la règle de saint Benoît. L’article 58 de la Regula Benedicti, consacré à la procédure à suivre pour l’admission d’un nouveau frère et placé à peu près au même endroit, oblige le novice à écouter la règle : « legatur ei haec regula per ordinem » (RB 58.9). Mais revenons à nos Templiers. La version française de l’article 55 de la règle latine est un exemple – minime par ailleurs – de la transformation qu’a soufferte le texte latin de la règle. Les trois premiers versets de l’article sont traduits en français et constituent le deuxième article de la version française. Le sujet est ainsi placé au début de la règle, par opposition à la règle de saint Benoît et à la règle latine : vl 55.1–3 ≈ vf 2 || vl 55.4 ≈ vf 4.5. De plus, le quatrième verset, qui annonce une période de noviciat, est placé à la fin de l’article 4 de la version française, où il est appliqué uniquement au cas des enfants qui désirent entrer au Temple (vl 59).

version française art. 2 En quel maniere doivent recevoir freres 1 Se aucun chevalier seculier, ou autre home, se veut departir de la mace de perdicion, et abandoner cest siecle, et ehlire la vostre communal vie, ne vos assentés mie tantost a lui recevoir. 2 Car ensi dit messire saint Pol3 : « Pro­ bate spiritus si ex Deo sunt ». Ce est a dire : « Esprovés l’esperit se il vient de Dieu ».3 Mais, ansois que li soit otroyé la conpaignie des freres, 4 soit leüe devant lui la regle, et s’il veut obeïr estudiouzement as comandemens de la regle, et il plaist au maistre et as freres de lui recevoir, assenblés les freres en chapitle, et devant trestos euvre sa volenté et son dezirer, et sa demande face o pur corage.

La règle dans les statuts Dans les statuts, la lecture du texte de la règle disparaît. À sa place, on trouve plusieurs communications orales. Au début de la section consacrée aux modalités à suivre pour la réception dans l’ordre, on commence par la description des règle- ments et des usages de la maison de la part de deux ou trois gentilshommes ou frères anciens (Curzon art. 657/658).4 Ceux-ci sont chargés de montrer au ­nouveau

3 En realité l’Apostolus cité dans la Regula Benedicti 58.1–2 « sicut ait apostolus : “Probate spiritus si ex Deo sunt” » et repris dans la version latine de la règle du Temple 55 n’est pas saint Paul, mais saint Jean (cfr 1 Ioh 4.1 « carissimi nolite omni spiritui credere, sed probate spiritus si ex Deo sint »). 4 Henri de Curzon (éd.), La règle du Temple (Paris, 1886). Dorénavant, le livre est cité dans le texte comme « Curzon », suivi par l’article des statuts. Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle 189 Templier les prescriptions tout à la fois charitables et sévères de la maison et en particulier les fautes qui coûteraient la perte de l’habit ou de la maison, c’est-à- dire l’expulsion de l’ordre.

« Et quant il sera devant ces, il li doivent bien dire: « Freres, requerés vos la compaignie de la maison? » Et se il dit « oïl, » il li doivent mostrer les grans durtés de la maison, et les chariables comandemens qui i sont, et toutes les durtés aussi qu’i li sauront mostrer » (Curzon, art. 658).

Le maître ou le commandeur qui préside le chapitre rappelle plusieurs fois au futur frère qu’il doit renoncer complètement à sa volonté, en identifiant justement dans ce renoncement radical le cœur de l’ordre et de la règle du Temple. Ensuite, il lui signifie les raisons pour lesquelles il doit vouloir entrer auTemple :

« Biau frere, vos ne devés pas requerre la compaignie de la maison por avoir seignories ne richesses, ne por avoir aise de vostre cors ne honor, mais vos la devés requerre por III choses: l’une por eschiver et laissier le pechié de cest monde; l’autre por faire le servise nostre Seignor; la tierce est por estre povres et por faire penitance en cest siecle, c’est por le sauvement de l’arme; et tele doit estre l’entention por quoi vos la devés demander » (Curzon, art. 663).

Dans ces paroles, il y a bien sûr une élaboration des principes spirituels de la règle, mais la règle, elle, n’est plus là. Le seul livre qui apparaît est celui des Évangiles :

« Et puis se doit lever celui qui tient le chapistre et doit dire: « Biaus seignors, levés sus et priés nostre Seignor et madame sainte Marie, que il le doit bien faire». Et chascun doit dire une fois le pater nostre si lor plaist, et li frere chapelain si doivent dire après une orison dou saint Esperit. Et puis celui qui tient le chapistre doit prendre les evangiles et les doit ovrir; et cil qui doit estre freres les doit prendre a deus mains et estre a genoils. Et celi qui tient le chapistre li doit dire: «Biau frere, li proudome qui ont parlé a vos vos ont assés demandé, mais quanque vos avés dit a eaus et a nos, toutes sont paroles vaines et huisouses, et vos ne nos ne porrions avoir grant damaige de chose que vos nos aiés encores dite. mais vés ici les saintes paroles nostre Seignor, et des choses que nos vos demanderons vos nos dirés verité, quar se vos en mentiés vos en seriés parjurés et porriés perdre la maison, dont Dieu vos gart » (Curzon, art. 668).

Juste après l’accomplissem*nt de la cérémonie d’admission, celui qui préside le chapitre annonce au nouveau frère une série de comportements et de règles à garder, souvent précédés par « Or vos dirons coment. . . ». Il est fort probable que la lecture intégrale de la règle ait été remplacée par la lecture ou par la communi- cation orale de cette sorte de résumé de la règle et des pénalités qui faisait partie 190 Simonetta Cerrini du rituel d’admission. Ce texte, correspondant aux articles 679–686 de l’édition de Curzon, était placé à la fin des manuscrits qui gardaient la règle et les statuts.

« Ores biau frere, vos avés bien entendues les choses por quoi vos poés per- dre la maison, et celes de l’abit, mais non pas toutes: si les aprendrés et garderés se Dieu plaist, et vos les devés demander as freres et enquerre. Or y a autres choses qui sont establies, que se vos les feissiés il en seroit prise autre justise; c’est que vos ne devés jamais ferir nul crestien, ne toucher irée- ment ne corrousousem*nt ne de poing ne de paume ne de pié, ne tirer par les cheviaus . . . (Curzon, art. 679). « Ores dirons coment vos devés dormir: . . . (Curzon, art. 680). « Or vos dirons coment vos devès venir a la table ne coment vos devés venir as hores . . . (Curzon, art. 681). « Et quant vos avés mangié, vos devés aler au mostier après les prestres et rendre graces a nostre Seignor en silence, et ne devés parler tant que vos aiès dit une pater nostre, et li prestres graces . . . (Curzon, art. 682). « Et quant vos orés soner matines, vos i devés lever se prestre y a et oïr les, et s’il n’i a prestre vos devés dire XXVI patrenostres . . . (Curzon, art. 683). « Et quant vos orrés soner la prime et tierce et midi, tout l’un après l’autre, s’il y a prestre si l’oïés, et s’il n’i a prestre vos devés dire XIIII paternostres . . . (Curzon, art. 684). « Et toutes les choses que je vos ai dites vos devés dire . . . (Curzon, art. 685). « Or vos avons dites les choses que vos devés faire et de quoi vos vos devés garder, et celes de la maison perdre, et celes de l’abit perdre, et des autres justises; et si nos ne vos pas tout dit quanque dire vos devriens, mais vos le demanderés. Et Dieu vos laist bien dire et bien faire. AMEN » (Curzon, art. 686).

Sommes-nous en présence d’une communication orale ou d’une lecture ? La description ne permet pas de l’affirmer avec certitude, mais il semblerait qu’il s’agisse d’une communication orale, car on n’utilise jamais le verbe « lire ». Ces articles introduisent une démarche inattendue : c’est au nouveau frère de se renseigner auprès des autres Templiers pour perfectionner sa connaissance de la règle et des statuts de l’ordre. Par là, les Templiers se trouvent chargés d’une responsabilité et d’un pouvoir énormes qui n’ont pas de compensation dans une connaissance pointue de la règle et des statuts. D’une part, on demande aux Templiers de renseigner les nouveaux frères sur les modalités de leur vie religieuse, mais en même temps, on ne lit plus l’intégralité de la règle et on restreint aux baillis – pour des raisons que nous n’analysons pas pour l’instant – la diffusion du manuscrit avec les retraits ou la règle :

« Nul frere ne doit tenir retrais ne regle, se ne les tiens par le congié dou couvent; quar par le couvent ont esté desfendus et furent desfendus a tenir as Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle 191 freres, por ce que les escuiers les troverent aucune fois et les lisoient, et nos establissem*ns si descovroient as gens dou siecle, laquel chose peust estre damages de nostre relegion. Et por ce que tel chose ne peust avenir, le cou- vent establit que nus frere ne les tenist, nul frere se il ne fust bailli, tel qui le peust tenir por l’office de la baillie » (Curzon, art. 326).

La règle dans un échantillon des actes du procès Il existe une troisième source qui nous permet de suivre la procédure de récep- tion : il s’agit des actes du procès des Templiers. La valeur de ce type de source est un sujet sur lequel les historiens s’interrogent encore. Selon Julien Théry, qui a offert un point de vue novateur et très stimulant sur l’ensemble du procès, « il est illusoire de prétendre y trier le vrai et le faux, puisque ces aveux furent pro- duits par une machine judiciaire implacable conçue pour broyer la volonté des accusés ».5 Selon Alain Demurger, « il n’y a rien de vrai dans ces dépositions ; tout a été fabriqué, le roi saisissant l’occasion (les rumeurs) pour monter de toutes pièces cette affaire ».6 Ma relecture des sources et des différents points de vue sur « l’affaire du Temple » m’a amenée à adopter cette position, car je vois dans le choix du roi de France une précise volonté de génocide qui s’habille de motiva- tions religieuses.7 Toutefois, je suis convaincue qu’il y a sûrement des éléments des dépositions qui peuvent être retenus, pour peu qu’ils soient analysés en fonc- tion de critères scientifiques convenables. Alain Demurger, par exemple, utilise les données prosopographiques,8 mais dans les procès-verbaux il y a bien des informations ‘neutres’ qui peuvent être gardées comme vraies. Pour mon propos, je suis intéressée uniquement à noter quand et comment sont cités le livre de la règle et les statuts et à marquer la présence matérielle de livres. Dans ce premier sondage, j’ai utilisé le corpus du procès de Poitiers, qui garde les dépositions des Templiers interrogés par une commission pontificale en présence de Clément V entre le 28 juin et le 2 juillet 1308, ainsi que les dépositions de Jacques de Molay et des hauts dignitaires du Temple devant la commission

5 Julien Théry, « Une hérésie d’État. Philippe le Bel, le procès des “perfides Templiers” et la pontifi- calisation de la royauté française », dans Marie-Anna Chevalier (éd.), La fin de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 2012), pp. 63–100, en particulier p. 75. Dans les dernières années, la question de la valeur des témoignages des Templiers lors du procès a été souvent abordée : en dernier lieu, il suffit de se référer au volume de Marie-Anna Chevalier (éd.), La fin de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 2012) avec plusieurs articles et toute la bibliographie sur ce sujet. 6 Alain Demurger, Les Templiers, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2014 (Points Histoire), postface. 7 C’est le sujet de mon dernier livre, La Passion des Templiers, Milan, Mondadori, à paraître. 8 Alain Demurger, « Le “peuple templier” ou du bon usage d’un procès », dans Marie-Anna Cheva- lier (éd.), La fin de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 2012), pp. 43–60, en particulier p. 60 et, en dernier lieu, « Éléments pour une prosopographie du “peuple templier”. La comparution des Templiers devant la commission pontificale de Paris (février-mai 1310) », dans Philippe Josserand, Luís F. Oliveira, Damien Carraz (éd.), Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge. Rencontre autour d’Alain Demurger (Madrid, 2015), pp. 17–36. 192 Simonetta Cerrini pontificale qui s’était rendue à Chinon entre le 17 et le 20 août 1308. Il s’agit de la même commission qui, « de mandato domini papae », leur a donné l’absolution.9 Une première analyse nous permet de remarquer que les phases du rituel d’admission décrit dans les statuts sont observées. Le futur Templier – chevalier, sergent ou chapelain – est conduit dans la chapelle où il demande à être accepté dans l’ordre. Le commandeur ou des frères se chargent de lui exposer et de lui enseigner les usages et les règles à suivre dans la maison.10 Encore une fois, rien ne laisse penser que le commandeur lise la règle ou le résumé des normes gardé dans le rituel d’admission : il semble plutôt qu’il s’agisse d’une exposition orale. Le premier livre qui apparaît avec certitude est celui sur lequel le serment est prononcé : il s’agit des « saints évangiles de Dieu »11 ou d’un missel12, ou encore d’un livre générique. En particulier, il est fort probable que les « saints évangiles de Dieu » ne soient pas un évangéliaire – le recueil des quatre évangiles –, mais un évangélistaire, c’est-à-dire les lectures ou péricopes des évangiles selon l’ordre de la célébration eucharistique. En ce cas, les deux livres pourraient être identifiés avec le missel, qui gardait tous les livres liturgiques nécessaires au prêtre pour célébrer la messe : sacramentaire (avec la prière eucharistique – canon – et les oraisons), évangéliaire, épistolier, graduel (avec les Psaumes) ou antiphonaire.13 Après que l’aspirant Templier a juré, le moment arrive de lui passer le manteau au cou. Désormais, il est un Templier à part entière. C’est là que, dans les témoign- ages, nous voyons apparaître une sorte d’« anti-règle » ou de fantôme de la règle qui a constitué le cœur des accusations contre le Temple.14 Les Templiers commen­

9 Le document original qui garde l’acte de l’absolution du grand-maître et des haut dignitaires a été retrouvé et mis en valeur par Barbara Frale en 2001 : Il Papato e il processo ai Templari. L’inedita assoluzione di Chinon alla luce della diplomatica pontificia (Rome, 2003). L’original de cet acte avait été inventorié en 1913, mais sans que l’information ait été utilisée par les historiens du Temple. Il a désormais été publié avec tout le dossier de l’enquête de Poitiers et de Chinon dans Processus contra Templarios, préf. Sergio Pagano, éd. Marco Maiorino, Pier Paolo Piergentili, note historique Barbara Frale (Cité du Vatican – Venise, 2007). Grâce à l’amabilité de Barbara Frale, j’ai pu consulter les textes édités. Le volume garde aussi l’édition des documents tirés du Registrum Avenionense 48, comme par exemple la déposition de Jacques de Molay devant les théologiens de la Sorbonne. 10 Par exemple : « Et subsequenter docuit dictus magister eum qui loquitur coram fratribus ibidem presentibus consuetudines domus: demum introduxerunt eum ad dictum thesaurarium in capella, qui predicta iterato sibi exposuit.. », Processus contra Templarios, p. 46 ; occurrences de « expo- suit » et « docuit » aux pages 46–8, 71, 74–5. 11 La formule utilisée est « iurare ad sancta Dei evangelia » : Processus contra Templarios (comme note 9), pp. 19, 20, 70. 12 Les formules sont du type « et exibito libro missali, fecit ei iurare » : Processus contra Templarios (comme note 9), pp. 45–8, 73–5, 85, 86. 13 À propos des manuscrits liturgiques des Templiers, voir Cristina Dondi, « Manoscritti liturgici dei templari e degli ospitalieri: le nuove prospettive aperte dal sacramentario templare di Modena (Biblioteca capitolare, o.ii.13) », dans Simonetta Cerrini (éd.), I Templari, la guerra e la santità (Rimini, 2000), pp. 85–131. 14 Barbara Frale, qui l’appelle « codice ombra », essaie de trouver une explication des puncta qui soit interne à l’ordre : L’ultima battaglia dei Templari. Dal codice ombra d’obbedienza militare alla costruzione del processo per eresia (Rome, 2001). Malgré la logique de son raisonnement et Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle 193 cent à se référer à une règle qui mélangerait des prescriptions régulières, ortho- doxes, observées par les frères sans pourtant qu’ils en connaissent la motivation – c’est le cas du secret à garder, de la cordelette15 ou du baiser rituel sur la bouche –, mais aussi des prescriptions bouleversantes, comme l’ordre de renier le Christ et de cracher sur la croix. Dans leurs aveux, plusieurs Templiers font remonter certaines accusations à l’autorité d’une règle et à des statuts bien particuliers, dotés d’un nombre non défini de puncta. Ils n’auraient pas fait cette référence s’il n’y avait pas eu un évanouissem*nt progressif de la règle dans la vie des Templiers. Pour résumer, d’abord la règle est lue – il y a donc la présence d’un manuscrit –, puis des informations sur ce que les Templiers doivent faire ou éviter qui sont communiquées aux frères, mais elles ne sont pas exhaustives, car l’on demande aux Templiers eux-mêmes de s’informer auprès des autres frères. À mon avis, c’est exactement le concours de ces deux prescriptions – la divul- gation orale de la règle et des statuts de l’ordre ainsi que la limitation de l’accès aux manuscrits de la règle par les Templiers – qui a préparé le terrain pour la nais- sance du fantôme de la règle du Temple. Le fantôme de la règle est associé souvent au mot « secret ». Dans l’objet même du serment, il y a l’obligation d’observer « secreta et statuta ordinis » et de ne pas les révéler. Mais évidemment dans le terme « secret » se concentre une forte ambigüité. On a d’abord le secret ordinaire, qui est lié à la vie de tout ordre religieux et qui concerne surtout le déroulement des chapitres, où l’on applique la justice de l’ordre, acte qui prévoie la discrétion. Déjà, le titre de l’article 56 de la règle latine parle de l’existence d’un conseil secret du Temple (Ut omnes fratres ad secretum consilium non vocentur), adjectif qui pourtant n’est pas repris dans la version française (vf 23). Il y a ensuite un glissem*nt important dans la signification du mot « secret », qui devient un adjectif se rapportant au mot « statuts » avec deux issues possibles : « les statuts de l’ordre sont secrets et ils ne doivent pas être révélés », mais aussi « dans l’ordre il y a des statuts normaux et des statuts secrets ».

l’ampleur des données utilisées, je partage l’opinion d’Alain Demurger qui rejette la possibilité même d’établir l’existence réelle d’un rituel, car « il n’est “prouvé” que par les aveux extorqués sous la torture » : Les Templiers (comme note 6), postface. Sûrement, dans le Temple circulait un besoin de réforme bien avant le déclanchement du procès. 15 Parfois, le port d’une corde est rapporté à saint Bernard de Clairvaux, vu comme le fondateur de l’ordre : « Interrogatus de cingulo, dixit quod iniunctum fuit ei ut haberet cingulum supra cami- siam ad honorem beati Bernardi, qui fuit fundator ordinis » ou « et dixit quod semper cinxit cor- dam et quod beatus Bernardus dedit » : Processus contra Templarios (comme note 9), pp. 50, 78, 85, 99. Sur la mémoire de saint Bernard conservée dans l’ordre, le cas échéant grâce à une corde, voir Kevin James Lewis, « A Templar’s Belt: The Oral and Sartorial Transmission of Memory and Myth in the Order of Temple », Crusades, 13 (2014), pp. 191–209. Sur les rapports entre les Cisterciens et les Templiers, il faut voir : Francesco Tommasi, « Per i rapporti tra templari e Cistercensi. Orientamenti e indirizzi di ricerca », dans Goffredo Viti (éd.), I Templari. Una vita tra riti cavallereschi e fedeltà alla Chiesa, Certosa di Firenze, Monaci Cistercensi Certosa di Firenze e Precettoria Toscana, 1995, pp. 264–7. 194 Simonetta Cerrini À la première acception fait référence l’article 326 de l’édition de Curzon rel- evé plus haut où l’on empêche les Templiers de garder une copie de la règle ou des retraits sans l’autorisation du couvent. Seul le bailli peut en garder une copie pour son office. Pourquoi ? Les Templiers avaient peur que les écuyers puissent lire les règlements de l’ordre et ensuite les dévoiler aux « gens du siècle », ce qui aurait pu leur nuire. En soi, rien d’anormal : l’ordre religieux du Temple était obligé de marquer la distance avec les laïcs qui vivaient au Temple, mais qui n’avaient pas prononcé les vœux monastiques, comme les écuyers, qui auraient pu dévoiler aux « gens du siècle » des informations soit réservées, car non publiques, soit mal comprises, car privées de contexte. Cependant, la méconnaissance de l’intégralité de la règle par les Templiers leur a enlevé la possibilité de défendre la pleine légit- imité du texte qu’ils suivaient. Après la réception officielle des frères, il y avait, selon les dépositions, l’application de ce que nous avons appelé l’anti-règle. Il s’agit d’actions rituelles honteuses qui évidemment n’étaient pas prévues dans les vrais statuts ou qui, surtout dans le cas de sodomie, étaient sévèrement interdites : dans cette ligne, les dépositions citent les baisers obscènes, parfois l’obligation de se soumettre aux désirs sexuels des autres frères, et pour tous le reniement du Christ et le crachat sur sa croix. Les réponses à l’accusation de s’échanger des baisers obscènes révèlent un aspect parallèle à l’évanouissem*nt de la règle : la progressive mécompréhen- sion de la vie religieuse monastique de la part d’un ordre toujours plus sécu- larisé. Le baiser de paix, qui était donné sur la bouche au moment de la réception des nouveaux frères, comme signe de l’acceptation de la part de la communauté monastique, devient une parodie de l’osculum pacis en s’élargissant, dans les accusations, au nombril et au bas de l’échine. Il ne s’agit pas de déterminer si les Templiers ont dit vrai ou pas sur ce point, mais ce que l’on peut affirmer est que plusieurs frères ne connaissaient plus la valeur de l’osculum pacis, sans quoi ils n’auraient pas perdu l’occasion de le manifester. Selon Barbara Frale, qui croit en la véridicité des témoignages templiers, il faut évoquer le surgissem*nt d’un esprit goliardique, né de l’intention de plier la volonté du nouveau Templier qui acceptait de renoncer à sa propre volonté.16 Au-delà du contexte judiciaire, il est certain que la mise à disposition de sa pro- pre volonté en faveur du supérieur constituait la base de l’action templière et la prémisse de son efficacité. En tout cas, il est bien possible que la méconnaissance de la règle et la mécom- préhension de certains usages monastiques aient pu faire croire à certains Templi- ers que les statuts de l’ordre étaient secrets car ils gardaient des puncta contraires à la foi et à la morale, les mêmes qu’avaient décrit les accusateurs ainsi que les aveux obtenus par la torture et par les menaces. Ainsi, on voit prendre naissance la « règle-fantôme », celle que le roi Philippe IV le Bel, dans sa célèbre lettre d’arrestation des Templiers du royaume de France,

16 Barbara Frale, L’ultima battaglia dei Templari. Dal codice ombra d’obbedienza militare alla cos- truzione del processo per eresia (Rome, 2001). Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle 195 datée le 14 septembre 1307, fête de l’Exaltation de la sainte Croix, appelle le rite profane de l’ordre (« prophanum ordinis sui ritum ») qui s’appuie sur le « statut de l’ordre ».17 Et enfin, complètement inattendu, réapparait un manuscrit dans lequel, dit-on, il y avait la règle et les statuts de l’ordre. De quoi il s’agit ? Les dépositions décrivent un « librum satis parvum », un « parvum librum », « unum parvum librum octo cartarum vel circiter » qui est gardé, selon les témoignages, soit par le frère trésorier, soit par le commandeur et « quosdam fra- tres litteratos » ou encore par le maître visiteur « et quidam alii fratres », « quili- bet magister », « magni viri de Ordine », etc. D’après ces affirmations, on parle d’unquaternium d’environ huit feuillets soit seize pages, d’un format de maximum 200 x 150 millimètres. Ce revenant pourrait-il correspondre à une copie de la règle ? Parmi tous les manuscrits de la règle conservés, il y a un seul codex qui, à la limite, rentrerait dans la description : il s’agit du manuscrit latin de Londres (British Library, Cot- ton, Cleopatra B. III. 3), mesurant 180 x 130 mm et composé de dix feuillets (ff. 70r–79r). Les autres manuscrits latins ont 13 (Nîmes), 14 (Paris lat. 15045), 16 (Bruges), 20 (Édimbourg), 28 (Munich) et 46 feuillets (Prague), alors que les manuscrits français, où le texte de la règle n’est pas séparé des statuts, ont 12 (Paris fr. 1977), 14 (Rome), 16 (Dijon) et 21 feuillets (Baltimore). La descrip- tion semble s’adapter beaucoup mieux à la longueur du texte de la réception dans l’ordre qui a été conservé par trois manuscrits, ceux de Paris fr. 1977 et de Rome, qui ont 5 feuillets chacun, et celui de Barcelone (format 150 x 150 mm), qui utilise 8 feuillets pour la totalité du texte, bien que ce dernier se déploie dans des diffé- rents endroits du manuscrit. Vu que les manuscrits de Paris et de Rome mesurent 230 x 160 mm et 231 x 162 mm, on peut déduire que, dans un codex de petit format, on puisse passer de 5 à 8 feuillets.18

17 Ordre d’arrestation publié par Georges Lizerand, Le dossier de l’affaire des Templiers (Paris, 1923), pp. 16–29. 18 Sur la tradition manuscrite de la règle du Temple, voir Simonetta Cerrini, La révolution des Templi- ers, préf. d’Alain Demurger (Paris, 2007) ; trad. it. Milan, Mondadori, 2008, éd. augmentée et mise à jour en 2014, Milan, Mondadori, Collection Oscar Storia ; trad. esp. Buenos Aires, El Ateneo, 2008 ; trad. roumaine, Litera International, 2010 ; trad. tchèque, Argo, 2013, en plus de Simonetta Cerrini, Une expérience neuve, pp. 32–150, où je donne la recensio, la description des manuscrits avec leur bibliographie et le stemma codicum. Les manuscrits de la règle du Temple sont les suiv- ants : Bruges, Stedelijke Openbare Bibliotheek, MS. 131 ; Édimbourg, Scotland National Library, MS. 32.6.9 ; Londres, British Library, Cotton, Cleopatra B. III. 3, f. 70r–79r ; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 2649 ; Nîmes, Bibl. Municipale, ms. 37 ; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 15045 ; Prague, Národní knihovna, XXIII. G. 66 ; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. 1977 ; Rome, Accademia dei Lincei, Cod. 44. A. 14 ; Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, W. 132 et Dijon, Archives départementales de la Côte-d’Or, 1 F 149 (ancienne cote H 111), qui a disparu en 1985, mais dont on garde un microfilm coté 2 Mi 271. Il faut y ajouter Barcelone, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Codices Varia IX (olim cartas reales 3344), qui pourtant ne garde pas le texte de la règle, mais seulement des statuts. 196 Simonetta Cerrini À propos du contenu du livre, les Templiers sont unanimes à déclarer qu’ils n’ont pas pu toucher ni lire le livre, qu’ils ne savent donc pas ce qu’il contient. Ils ont entendu dire qu’il recèle les puncta de l’ordre, mais ils ne savent pas, sinon indirectement, ce que sont ces derniers. Seul le témoignage d’un commandeur atteste que le reniement de Dieu et le crachat sur la croix faisaient partie des puncta, ainsi que ce qui concerne la tête ou l’idole. Un autre témoignage nous permet de confirmer l’hypothèse faite sur la base des mesures du codex. Barthélemy de la Tour, chapelain du Temple interrogé en janvier 1310 par la commission provinciale d’Elne, dans le Roussillon, demande qu’il soit apporté à la commission un exemplaire de la règle et des statuts depuis sa commanderie, le Mas-Dieu, comme preuve de la véridicité de son témoign- age.19 Les notaires précisent que « Le livre de la règle avant-dite commence ainsi en langue romane : “Quan alcum proom requer la compaya de la mayso” ». Le chapelain précise que dans ce livre de statuts et de la règle (« statutorum et reg- ule ») il y a le manuel de réception dans l’Ordre. Si l’on regarde le manuscrit franco-catalan des statuts de Barcelone, nous voyons que la section qui garde les modalités d’admission commence presque par les mêmes mots : « Cant aucun hom requer la companya de la maisó . . . ».20 Le manuscrit de Barcelone ne peut pas être celui de Masdéu. Nous pouvons en revanche établir que le livret que les Templiers disaient d’avoir vu lors de la réception dans l’Ordre était une copie en langue vulgaire de la cérémonie d’admission qui faisait partie des statuts du Temple. Cela montre bien que le supposé manuscrit de l’« anti-règle » n’est que le fruit envenimé de la règle perdue. Un Templier affirme que les « magni viri de ordine tenent et custodiunt regulam illam, et iuvenibus non tradunt eam ».21 Ils semblerait que avoir accès ou non à ce manuscrit ait déterminé une sorte de coupure dans le Temple, entre l’élite (les frères anciens, les dignitaires, les frères lettrés) et le peuple (les jeunes, les illet- trés, ceux qui n’avaient pas de titres). Ces derniers ne savent même pas où sont gardés les livres des statuts (de custodia librorum in quibus erant statuta ordinis), donc où se trouve la bibliothèque.22 Mais que les maisons du Temple aient des livres est confirmé par la post-cérémonie de la réception, qui avait en son cœur un livre souvent enluminé avec la croix ou l’image du Christ (« librum in quo erat

19 Jules Michelet, Le procès des templiers, II, Paris, 1841 (répr. Paris 1987), pp. 434–435. Le manu- scrit de Masdéu fait partie des quatorze mentions d’exemplaires de la règle que j’ai retrouvés : Simonetta Cerrini, Une expérience neuve, pp. 209–215 et, pour le quinzième, voir Keith V. Sin- clair, « La traduction française de la Règle du Temple : le manuscrit de Baltimore, sa chanson à refrain et le relevé de cinq manuscrits perdus », Studia Monastica, 39 (1997), pp. 177–94. 20 Barcelona, Arxiu Corona Aragó, Codices Varia IX (olim cartas reales 3344), f. 15v, édité par Judith Upton Ward dans The Catalan Rule of the Templars (Woodbridge, 2003), p. 33, par. 62. 21 Processus contra Templarios (comme note 9), p. 86. 22 Ibid., p. 47. Les Templiers et l’évanouissem*nt de la règle 197 depicta crux et imago Ihesu Christi », « libro portato ubi erat ymago crucifixi »).23 Le livre était parfois remplacé par une croix. C’est en présence de ce livre ou de cette croix que, selon les aveux arrachés à plusieurs Templiers, avaient lieu le reniement du Christ et le crachat sur la croix, « ore sed non corde ». Il semblerait que la vie d’un Templier, aux origines, commence par deux livres, les évangiles ou le missel et la règle et les statuts, mais que, dans la deuxième moitié du xiiie siècle, une règle évanouie et méconnue se transforme en un livre mystérieux et inaccessible, prêt à devenir, lors des procès au Temple, le support de toutes les accusations fabriquées par le Conseil du roi contre l’Ordre. Inaccessible pour la majorité des Templiers, mais pas pour le pape Clément V, qui au jour de sa mort, survenue à Roquemaure, dans le Gard, le 20 avril 1314, bien après qu’il eut supprimé l’ordre du Temple, gardait dans sa chambre « duo libelli de regula Templi », à la recherche, peut-être, de la vérité sur le Temple et sa règle.24

Summary This paper studies the role of the Templar Rule in the daily life of the Templars using evidence from the Rule itself, from the statutes, and from a selection of acts of the Templar process. According to the Rule, which was based on the Rule of St Benedict, its reading to the novice formed a central part of the reception cer- emony into the Order. In the statutes the obligation to read the Rule was replaced by oral exhortations. Two or three prudhommes or elder brothers were responsible for explaining to the new Templar the regulations of the house and especially those crimes which would be punished by losing the habit, i.e. expulsion from the Order. The master or commander who presided over the chapter meeting would several times admonish a future brother to completely abandon his own will and to subject himself and his heart totally to the Order and the Rule of the Temple. Immediately after the reception ceremony the person presiding over the chapter would enjoin on the new brother a series of regulations that he must follow, each time starting with Or vos dirons coment. The reading of the complete Rule at the reception ceremony was replaced by partial readings and by oral exhorta- tions summarising the Rule and possible punishments. The texts containing these

23 Ibid., pp. 6, 46, 48, 51, 58, 67, 74, 75, 80, 95. Les inventaires des biens confisqués aux Templiers lors de leur arrestation attestent la présence dans les maisons du Temple de nombreux manuscrits, surtout liturgiques : voir, par exemple, Anne-Marie Legras et Jean-Loup Lemaître, « La pratique liturgique des Templiers et des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem », dans Caroline Bourlet et Annie Dufour (éd.), L’écrit dans la société médiévale. Divers aspects de sa pratique du xie au xve siècle. Textes en hommage à Lucie Fossier (Paris, 1991), pp. 77–137, avec une liste de dix-huit inventaires du Temple ; d’autres inventaires dans Joaquin Miret y Sans, Les cases de Templers y Hospitalers en Catalunya (Barcelone, 1910) ; Jordi Rubió, Ramon d’Alós et Francisco Martorell, « Inventaris inèdits de l’orde del Temple a Catalunya », Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1, 1907, pp. 385–407. 24 Franziskus Ehrle, Historia bibliothecae romanorum pontificum tum Bonifatianae tum Avenionen- sis (Rome, 1890), t. I, pp. 260–61, n°3 : Reg. Aven. Ioannis XXII, tom. XLIII, f. 252a. 198 Simonetta Cerrini instructions, articles 679–686 of Curzon’s edition, were written at the end of manuscripts containing the Rule and the statutes. The articles introduced a so-far neglected obligation: the new brother had to ask other Templars to complete his knowledge about the Rule and the statutes of the Order. According to some acts of the proceedings against the Templars – a type of source which must be used with caution – those Templars who admitted accusations referred to the Rule and the statues in a very specific way. The manuscript of the ‘Rule’ – a ‘small book’ which they never had read – had always been in the hands of the brethren who presided over the chapters. The chaplain Barthélemy de la Tour, from the commandery of Masdéu, showed this ‘Rule’ to the commission for the diocese of Elne: surpris- ingly, it was not a copy of the Rule but a version in the vernacular language of the regulation for the reception ceremony which formed a part of the statutes of the Order. So originally the Templar life started with two books, the gospel or missal on which a Templar pronounced his vows, and the Rule and statutes. In the second half of the thirteenth century, however, the Rule became less and less known and more or less disappeared, being transformed into an almost mystical and inacces- sible book. At the time of the proceedings against the Templars it was used as a receptacle for all the accusations fabricated by the royal counsellors against the Order. Jochen Schenk The documentary evidence

14 The documentary evidence for Templar religion

Jochen Schenk

The religious life of the Knights Templar is a topic about which we still know very little, even less than about the religious life of the two other major military orders, the Order of the Hospital of St John in Jerusalem and the Order of the German House of St Mary in Jerusalem (better known as the Teutonic Order). One does not have to look far for reasons why that is so. Unlike the other two orders the Order of the Temple was disbanded less than 200 years into its history. And while most of its immobile possessions (and the legal documents that go with them) ended up in the hands of the Hospitallers, its mobile assets, including liturgical books, instruments and garments, but also all other writings which the Templars had possessed or produced, dispersed widely and were absorbed into the treasur- ies and sacristies of laymen and ecclesiastics.1 Only few religious books once per- taining to the Order have as yet been discovered. These have become the object of scrutiny by two scholars in particular: Cristina Dondi and Sebastián Salvadó.2

1 This is well documented for Iberia. See Jesús Ernesto Martínez Ferrando, ‘La Cámara Real en el reinado de Jaime II (1291–1327). Relaciones de entradas y salidas de objetos artísticos’, Anales y Boletín de los Museos de Arte de Barcelona, 11 (1953–54), pp. 1–230; and also Alan Forey, The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 115–55 and pp. 156–209. 2 Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: A Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout, 2004); idem, ‘Manoscritti liturgici dei templari e degli ospitalieri: le nuove prospettive aperte dal sacramentario templari di Modena (Biblioteca capitolare O. II. 13)’, in I Templari, la Guerra e la Santità, ed. Simonetta Cerrini et al. (Rimini, 2000), pp. 85–131; idem, ‘Missale vetus ad usum Templariorum: L’Ordine dei Cavalieri templari in area modenese nei secoli XII – XIV’, Aevum, 68:2 (1994), pp. 339–66; idem, ‘Missale vetus ad usum Templariorum’, in Il Messale dei Templari di Reggio Emilia, ed. Dolores Boretti (Reggio Emilia, 2008), pp. 70–127; idem, ʽLiturgies of the Military Religious Orders’, in The Genius of the Roman Rite: Historical, Theological and Pastoral Perspectives on Catholic Liturgy, 11th CIEL Colloquium, Oxford, Merton College, 13–16 Sept. 2006, ed. Uwe Michael Lang (Chicago, 2010), pp. 143–58; Sebastián Salvadó, Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite: Edition and Analysis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Analysis of the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., Ms. Latin 10478), unpublished PhD thesis, Stanford (2011); idem, ‘Templar liturgy and devotion in the Crown of Aragon’, in On the Margins of Crusading. The Military Orders, the Papacy and the Christian World, ed. Helen Nicholson (Farnham, 2011), pp. 31–44. 200 Jochen Schenk What Dondi’s research has shown and Salvadó’s work has confirmed is that it can no longer be assumed that the Templars followed a uniform liturgy. Instead, the evidence supports the argument that Templar commanderies in the East fol- lowed the liturgy of Jerusalem but distanced themselves in their liturgy from the Holy City after it had been lost, whereas western Templar commanderies ceased to follow the Jerusalem liturgy entirely and adopted local rites instead. These could be monastic, canonic or mendicant in character, depending on the founda- tion date, location, size and social composition of the Templar commandery under scrutiny. Understandably, the observation that western Templar houses adopted local liturgical rites has in turn serious implications on how we can assess Templar religion, since different rites allowed for different degrees of lay participation in the liturgy.3 The Templar Rule and statutes are also only of limited help when it comes to establishing what went on within the walls of Templar churches. They contain evidence of devotional practices which the Templars were expected to perform. But, as Salvadó has pointed out, the list of religious activities generated from the Order’s normative texts is too generic to serve as a general blueprint for Templar liturgical practice.4 The Rule paints at best a very idealistic picture of Templar devotional life, as it was once envisaged by the Order’s founding brothers operat- ing in the spiritual context of the Augustinian chapter of the Holy Sepulchre and the council fathers at Troyes in 1129.5 As such it offers a framework for Templar religious engagement; but it does not explain religious realities in local contexts. If we accept Salvadó’s conclusion that the religious indications in the Templar Rule ‘form only what can be considered a very fragmentary Templar ordinal’6 that allowed Templar preceptors to monitor the conduct of brethren during Mass and Office in a very general way, and if we acknowledge that Templar religious prac- tices were not necessarily dictated from above but were formed locally by social, cultural and historical circ*mstance, then it seems that the challenges historians are facing if they want to capture the patchwork nature of Templar religion and still be able to generalize from it are twofold. First, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of the kinds of liturgical and devotional books, instruments and artifacts with which Templars surrounded themselves and which shaped the devotional spaces used and shared by them. Second, it is necessary that historians find new ways of identifying from this data themes and patterns from which conclusions regarding the Order’s ‘corporate’ religious identity can be drawn. This paper attempts only to address the first part of the challenge, hoping that from it ideas about how to address the second will eventually follow. The documentary evidence that captures the patchwork nature

3 See Salvadó, ‘Templar liturgy’ (as note 2) for the discussion. 4 Ibid., pp. 34–35. 5 Anthony Luttrell, ‘The earliest Templars’, in Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. Michel Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 193–202. 6 Salvadó, ‘Templar liturgy’ (as note 2), p. 35. The documentary evidence 201 of Templar religion best is found in the Templar inventories drawn up, for the most part, shortly after the Templars’ arrests in 1307–11. Buried in them are snip- pets of valuable information relating to Templar liturgy, pastoral care and devo- tion usually not mentioned in the Order’s normative texts and numerous other documentary sources.

The inventories Most of what is known about the Order of the Temple’s religious possessions outside the crusader states comes from the inventories of Templar communities, which sometimes the Templars had commissioned themselves, but which more often had been compiled by secular or ecclesiastical officials after the Templars had been arrested.7 As Jochen Burgtorf has recently demonstrated, they are not an untapped source.8 Léopold Delisle, Antoine du Bourg, Konrad Schottmüller and Hans Prutz published a small number of inventories from Normandy and ­southern France in the nineteenth century,9 to which must be added the 1956 edition of the inventory of Sainte-Eulalie du Larzac by Arlette Higounet-Nadal.10 Some of the Templars’ Spanish inventories have also been published, most notably by Jordi Rubió, Ramon d’Alós and Francisco Martorell in 1907,11 Joaquín Miret y Sans in 1911,12 and María Vilar Bonet in 2000.13 To them can also be added a handful of inventories from England, Ireland and Italy.14 The task of collecting them has

7 Anne-Marie Legras and Jean-Loup Lemaître, ʽLa pratique liturgique des Templiers et des Hospi- taliers de Saint–Jean de Jérusalem’, in L’écrit dans la société médiévale. Textes en hommages à Lucie Fossier (Paris, 1991), pp. 99–106. 8 Jochen Burgtorf, ‘The trial inventories of the Templars’ houses in France: select aspects’, in Debate, esp. pp. 105–8 (for bibliographical references). 9 Léopold Delisle, Études sur la condition de la classe agricole et l‘état de l’agriculture en Nor- mandie au moyen âge (Paris, 1851), appendix, pp. 721–3; Antoine Du Bourg, Ordre de Malte. Histoire du grand-prieuré de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1883), pp. xv–xvii; Hans Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens (Berlin, 1888), pp. 335–45; Der Untergang des Templer- ordens mit urkundlichen und kritischen Beiträgen, ed. Konrad Schottmüller, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1887; reprinted Lichtenstein, 1991), vol. 2, part 3, pp. 429–32. 10 Arlette Higounet-Nadal, ‘L’inventaire des biens de la commanderie du Temple de Sainte-Eulalie du Larzac en 1308’, Annales du Midi, 68 (1956), pp. 255–62. 11 Jordi Rubió, Ramon d’Alós and Francesc Martorell, ‘Inventaris inèdits de l’Ordre del Temple a Catalunya’, Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1 (1907), pp. 358–407. 12 Joaquim Miret y Sans, ‘Inventaris de les cases del Temple de la Corona d’Aragó en 1289’, Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, 42 (1911), pp. 61–75. 13 María Vilar Bonet, Els béns del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó en suprimir-se l’ordre (1300–1319) (Barcelona, 2000). 14 England: ‘Original documents relating to the Knights Templars’, The Gentleman’s Magazine, 203 (1857), pp. 273–80 and 519–27; ibid., 204 (1858), pp. 513–21; ibid., 205 (1858), pp. 367–75, 496–501. Ireland: ‘Documents relating to the suppression of the Templars in Ireland’, ed. Gearéid Mac Niocaill, Analecta Hibernica, 24 (1967), pp. 183–226. Italy: Renzo Caravita, ‘Nuovi docu- menti sull’ordine del Tempio dall’Archivio Arcivescovile di Ravenna’, Sacra Militia, 3 (2002), pp. 225–78; idem, Rinaldo da Concorrezzo Archiescovo di Ravenna (1303–1321) al tempo di Dante (Florence, 1964), no. xxxvii, pp. 270–8; Carte in appendice ai monumenti ravennati del 202 Jochen Schenk been greatly facilitated by Anne-Marie Legras and Jean-Loup Lemaître’s study of liturgical books from French Templar and Hospitaller inventories published in 1991,15 and by Salvadó’s assessment of Templar religious practices in the Crown of Aragon to which he appended a list of references to published and unpublished inventories.16 Salvadó’s list is a strong reminder that the published inventories are only the tip of the iceberg. More are likely to emerge, for example, from the royal inventories and accounts of the Templars’ estates in England and Wales cur- rently under investigation by Helen Nicholson. The most fertile ground for further research into the Templars’ inventories, however, are the numerous unpublished collections of Templar charters in French provincial and departmental archives, many of which (although not necessarily always in their entirety or in correct transcription) are readily accessible through the extensive, if still little-used, depository of Templar charters from French departmental archives in transcrip- tion collected by the marquis d’Albon during the late nineteenth and early twenti- eth centuries in the Bibliothèque nationale de France.17 The value of the inventories as sources for historians of medieval religion is most easily explained by the fact that they are often the only specific evidence we have of the objects and artefacts with which the Templars surrounded themselves in their communities. Broadly speaking the religious items listed in them can be divided into liturgical objects, objects for spiritual edification and objects of devo- tion, although not all items fall neatly in just one of these categories. I will start with a few general remarks about the number of books recorded in the inventories and how the Templars might have used them, followed by a short discussion of selected aspects of Templar devotion and a more detailed discussion about the Templars’ liturgical books, their involvement in cura animarum and the potential value of the inventories as sources for the Templars’ liturgical culture.

Libraries The lists of books recorded in Templar inventories show that although many Tem- plar communities possessed only very few books, some had amassed quite sub- stantial libraries.18 By the beginning of the fourteenth century the commandery of

conte Marco Fantuzzi, ed. Antonio Tarlazzi, 2 vols. (Ravenna, 1869–1876), vol. 1, part 2, espe- cially docs. 318, 323, 325:2, 332, 340. 15 Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique liturgique’ (as note 7). 16 Sebastián Salvadó, ‘Icons, crosses and the liturgical objects of Templar chapels in the Crown of Aragon’, in Debate, pp. 194–7. 17 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 1–71, on which see Burgtorf, ‘Trial inventories’ (as note 8, especially pp. 106– 7) and Damien Carraz and Marie-Anna Chevalier, ‘Le marquis d’Albon (1866–1912) et son Car- tulaire général de l’ordre du Temple’, Hereditas Monasteriorum, 1 (2012), especially pp. 113–15. 18 The numbers were not excessively high but rather in line with those established for other military orders. See Hans-Dietrich Kahl, ‘Die Spiritualität der Ritterorden als Problem. Ein methodologis- cher Essay’, in Die Spiritualität der Ritterorden im Mittelalter, ed. Zenon Hubert Nowak (Torun, 1993), p. 284. The documentary evidence 203 Sainte-Luce at Arles possessed almost 60 books.19 San Vitale in Verona had 41;20 London at least 25;21 Sainte-Eulalie 21;22 and Denny in Cambridgeshire almost 20.23 None of these book collections were exceptional and if compared with those of established monastic houses even the largest of them seem insignificant. But if one considers that most Templar communities consisted of less than ten professed brothers, of whom few were priests or, for that matter, literate, 20 or more books was a significant enough number to suggest a reasonable demand for, and intense usage of, (mostly liturgical) texts in some Templar houses. Unlike in the Cistercian Order, where the minimum number of liturgical books for each house was specified in the order’s legislation, the Templars’ acquisition of books was not guided by any official quota or target.24 Some books had been espe- cially compiled for or commissioned by the Order, as would seem to have been the case, for example, with the ordinary secundum usum et consuetudinem Templi discovered in the Templar church of San Vitale;25 the vernacular Bibles found in Spanish commanderies;26 the book with translations of the Vitas patrum, the Thaïs and Antichrist commissioned by the Templar Hugh d’Arci for an Anglo-Norman Templar audience;27 or the text on the Apocalypse found in the Templar house of Monson.28 The last two items in particular reminded readers and audiences of

19 As summarized in Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), pp. 121–2. 20 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), pp. 260–4. 21 A history of the county of London, Volume 1: London within the Bars, Westminster and Southwark, ed. William Henry Page (Victoria County History Series, 1909), pp. 485–91. 22 ‘Inventaire Sainte-Eulalie’ (as note 10), pp. 255–62. 23 A history of the county of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, Volume 2, ed. Louis Francis Salzman (Victoria County History Series, 1948), p. 263. 24 By 1147 the list of books included the Rule of St Benedict and the necessary books for the perfor- mance of the Opus Dei: Missal, Epistolary, Evangeliary, Collectary, Gradual, Antiphonary, Hym- nal, Psalter, Night-Office Lectionary and Martyrology, to which was added a little later the Book of Usages. See Narrative and Legislative Texts from Early Cîteaux. Latin text in dual edition with English translation, ed. Chrysogonus Waddell (Cîteaux, 1999), pp. 326, 330, 458, 461. See also David N. Bell, ‘Libraries and scriptoria’, in The Cambridge Companion to the Cistercian Order, ed. Mette Birkedal Bruun (Cambridge, 2012), p. 140. 25 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), pp. 260–4. 26 Miravet possessed two volumes of the entire Bible, and a Catalan copy of the Bible once belong- ing to the Templars eventually ended up in the king of Aragon’s royal chamber; the latter might have been identical with the Templar bible requested by King James II of Aragon in 1318. See Els béns del temple a la Corona d’ Aragó (as note 13), no. 51, pp. 167–8 (1308), and no. 53, pp. 169–70 (1308); Documents per l’historia de la cultura catalane mig-eval, ed. Antonio Rubio y Lluch, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1908), vol. 1, no. 35, pp. 27–8 (1318); ‘Inventari dels bens de la cambra reyal en temps de Jaume II (1323)’, ed. Francesc Martorell y Trabal, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Anuari, 4 (1911–1912), p. 564. For excerpts from a French Templar Bible, including an intriguing prologue to the Book of Judges in rhyme, imploring the virtues of charity and humility, see Prutz, Tempelherrenorden (as note 9), pp. 317–23. 27 Keith V. Sinclair, ‘The translation of the Vitas patrum, Thaïs, Antichrist, and Vision de saint Paul made for Anglo-Norman Templars: some neglected literary considerations’, Speculum, 72 (1997), pp. 741–62. 28 For the tractate on the Apocalypse (quondam librum in quo tractatur de apochalipsi) once belong- ing to the Templars of Monson that after the dissolution of the Order came into the possession of 204 Jochen Schenk the manifold attractions of temptation and sin, the tortures of hell inflicted on the sinner, and the necessity, therefore, to purge oneself of sin with deeds of mercy and penitential exercise. Written in the vernacular, as it was the case with the book commissioned for Hugh d’Arci, they illustrate the necessity of Christian domi- nance in the Holy Land and the centrality of Jerusalem as the final place of reck- oning.29 Other books, the ‘great book’ containing the ‘deeds of Antioch and other Kings’ (in quo continentur gesta Antiochiae et regum aliorum), which Henry III asked the master of the Templars in England, Robert de Sandford, to hand over to him in 1250, is an example, were very likely dedications to the Order.30 The Templars received books as donations, entrance gifts or bequests from their own brethren.31 They also inherited at least some of their books with their churches. The books that came with the church of Sainte-Trinité in Reims, for example, very likely included at least some of the antiphonaries, graduals, missals and the lectionary bequeathed to the church by two of canons of the convent of Sainte-Trinité before the church was given to the Templars; they were remem- bered for these donations in the obituary of Sainte-Trinité, which was continued by the Templars.32 Like those of the Cistercian and other monastic orders, the Templars’ libraries seem, by and large, not to have been the result of systematic or even conscious planning and collecting but the product of necessity and circ*mstance, reliant as in many cases they seem to have been on the generosity of individual brothers, patrons or their churches’ previous occupiers. Dom David Knowles’ observation that ‘the monastic library, even the greatest, had something of the appearance of a heap . . . at best it was the sum of many collections, great and small, rather than a planned, articulated unit’, therefore might equally aptly describe the nature of most of the Templar provincial libraries.33 How intensively individual Tem- plars occupied themselves with the study of books, which were in any case only

James II of Aragon see Documents per l’historia de la cultura, vol. 1, no. 48, p. 59 (1313). See also ‘Inventari dels bens de la cambra reyal’ (as note 26), p. 563 (1323) for the mentioning of an anonymous gloss on the Apocalypse, which was probably identical with the tractate already recorded in 1313. 29 For further discussion on this point see Sinclair, ‘Vitas patrum’ (as note 27), passim, and Tom Licence, ‘The Templars and the Hospitallers, Christ and the saints’, Crusades, 4 (2005), p. 45. 30 The illustrations in the ‘great book’ seem to have provided models for the wall paintings in the so-called ‘Antioch chamber’ in Westminster. See Tancred Borenius, ‘The cycle of images in the palaces and castles of Henry III’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 6 (1943), p. 45. 31 From the Templar chaplain Henricus de Florençola the Templar community of Modena received one epistolary, one evangelary, one diurnal antiphone and one missale. See Dondi, ‘Manoscritti liturgici’ (as note 2), p. 96. 32 ‘Obituaire de la commanderie du Temple de Reims’, in Mélanges historiques. Collection des documents inédits, ed. Edouard de Barthélemy (Paris, 1882), vol. 4, pp. 313–32, translated in The Templars: Selected sources, trans. Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate (Manchester & New York, 2002), no. 34, pp. 134–60 (here at p. 141). 33 David Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1948–59), vol. 2, p. 332; see also (including the quotation) Bell, ‘Libraries and scriptoria’, p. 142. The documentary evidence 205 accessible to an educated elite within the Order, is therefore difficult to estab- lish.34 The Templars of Arles possessed a guidebook on how to interpret the Bible, treatises on the interpretation of Hebrew names and biblical exegesis, a Historia Scolastica, as well as copies of the Augustinian Rule and the Dialogues of Greg- ory the Great.35 These works would only have been consulted by men of consider- able learning and good knowledge of letters and their discovery could suggest a commitment to biblical scholarship and a scholastic method of exegesis. And the booklet with cartae displaying the letters of the alphabet, which was discovered in the Templar church of San Vitale, likewise could suggest that in this community the art of writing was once being practiced, if perhaps only by one individual.36 Because the trial inventories allow the historian to glimpse inside Templar churches and chapels, they are well suited for the task of mapping the devotional landscape of Templar communities at the time of the order’s demise. As already demonstrated by Anne-Marie Legras and Jean-Loup Lemaître, among the books discovered in Templar churches were many psalters, legendaries, martyrologies, and antiphonals, but also books for different offices (officiaria) and breviaries. The officiaria are of particular interest for the variety of offices they reflect.37 The legendaries and martyrologies recorded in the inventories are also of particu- lar interest in this context for their potential insights into the devotional idiosyn- crasies of Templar communities. Whereas the martyrology lists the names of all saints whose anniversaries were commemorated in a particular church, the leg- endary points towards patterns of behaviour and models of conduct that may have been deemed inspirational and educational for Templar communities. They are also valuable indicators of the hagiographical horizon of locally rooted Templar communities. Some of these books, like the Life of San Mattone (Primo unus liber cum palmulis ligni, qui incipit ‘Quicumque de sancto ac beatissimo confessore Matone sacerdote) found in the Templar church of Verona, indicate the Templars’ keen interest in locally rooted cults.38

Devotional objects Among the devotional objects mentioned in the inventories relics and reliquaries feature prominently. I have argued elsewhere that Templars hoarded True Cross

34 See also on this point Kahl, ‘Spiritualität’ (as note 18), especially p. 272. 35 Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), pp. 121–2. 36 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), pp. 260–4. It is known that the Templar sergeant James of Garrigans, who did not reside at San Vitale, had managed to master several book hands and the art of manuscript illumination – skills which he seems to have practiced in the Temple. See Alan Forey, ‘The Templar James of Garrigans: Illuminator and deserter’, MO 3, pp. 107–22. 37 In the Templar church of Sancta Maria Magdalena in Bologna, for example, they included a book for the office of St Mary Magdalene (unum librum officii Sancte Marie Magdalene), which obvi- ously the Templars would have used to celebrate the patron of their church. See Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati (as note 14), vol. 1, no. 325:2, pp. 502–3. 38 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), p. 261. 206 Jochen Schenk relics, which were elemental to the order’s identity as an order of Christ and pow- erful reminders of the Templars’ roots and responsibilities in the Holy Land.39 The Virgin Mary was another saint that was venerated throughout the Order. The Templars had played a significant role in promulgating the Marian cult at Said- naya near Damascus40 and maintained own centres for Marian devotion at Tortosa in modern-day Syria,41 La Selve in Aveyron,42 and Villalcàzar de Sirga in Castile, which hosted a miraculous statue of the Virgin.43 Templar inventories from Tou- louse and nearby Larramet and Larmont in southern France suggest that in the region around Toulouse the Templars invested heavily in the cult of the Virgin. In the Templars’ commandery church in Toulouse the officers charged with con- ducting the inventory discovered not only a sumptuously decorated Holy Cross reliquary and other relics but also an icon of the Virgin Mary in form of a Veiled Madonna. The icon was situated prominently on the main altar and concealed from the gaze of visitors by a black curtain hanging from an iron thread; the altar itself was covered from sight by curtains and a tapestry.44 Two more Marian icons (the Latin word used is imago) were recorded at Larramet and Larmont, which were dependencies of Templar Toulouse. At both Toulouse and Larramet the officer commissioned with drawing up the inventory recorded wax figures

39 Jochen Schenk, ‘The cult of the Cross in the Order of the Temple’, in As Ordens Militares: Freires, Guerreiros, Cavaleiros: Actas do VI Encontro Sobre Ordens Militares: 10 a 14 de Março de 2010 (Palmela, 2012), pp. 207–19. 40 According to Cistercian abbot and poet Gautier de Coincy, they collected the oil that miraculously poured from the icon of the Virgin and filled it in ‘precious reliquaries’ to be stored and safe- guarded in their house. See Gautier de Coinci, Cinq miracles de Notre-Dame, trans. Jean-Louis Gabriel Benoit (Paris, 2007), p. 127. On the cult of St Mary at Saidnaya see Benjamin Kedar, ‘Convergencies of Oriental Christian, Muslim and Frankish worshippers: the case of Saydnaya’, in De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem: Law, Liturgy and Literature in the Middle Ages. Essays presented to Amnon Lindner, ed. Yitzhak Hen (Brepols, 2001), pp. 59–69; Daniel Baraz, ‘The incarnated icon of Saidnaya goes West: a re-examination of the motif in the light of new manuscript evidence’, Le Muséon, 108 (1995), pp. 181–91. 41 It is said that St Peter consecrated the oldest sanctuary dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Tortosa. See Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de la cinquième croisade, ed. and trans. Gaston duch*et-Suchaux (Turnhout, 1998), p. 67, and also Alain Demurger, Les templiers: une chevalerie chrétienne au moyen âge (Paris, 2005), p. 178. 42 Registres de Nicholas IV. Recueil des bulles de ce pape, ed. Ernest Langlois (Paris, 1886), nos. 897 and 898, p. 197; Le cartulaire de La Selve. La terre, les hommes et le pouvoir en Rouergue au XIIe siècle, ed. Paul Ourliac and Anne-Marie Magnou (Paris, 1985), passim. 43 Philippe Josserand, ‘Le Temple et le cult marial au long du chemin de Saint-Jacques: La com- manderie de Villalcàzar de Sirga’, in Religion et société urbaine au moyen âge. Études offertes à Jean-Louis Biget, ed. Patrick Boucheron and Jacques Chiffoleau (Paris, 2000), pp. 313–31. Another ‘sacred picture of the Virgin’ (sacrum Virginis pignus), which was intended to travel from an undisclosed Templar commandery in Syria all the way to Pisa, ended up in Trapani in Sicily instead. See Rocco Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata, ed. Antonino Mongi- tore, 2 vols. (3rd. ed., Palermo, 1733), p. 878. 44 For the Toulouse inventory see BN, nouv. acq. lat. 32, 526–37, 547–8 and Du Bourg, Ordre de Malte (as note 9), no. 23, pp. xv–vii. The Larramet icon (ymaginem beate Marie super altare) is recorded in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 33, 312, and the Larmont icon (quedam ymaginem beate Marie parvam) in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 33, 360. The documentary evidence 207 (imagines) hanging from the Church columns (duas ymagines cere pendentes in dictis colompnis fusti /quandam ymaginem de cera).45 Most likely these were votive offerings made by grateful of hopeful visitors. As such they are evidence of either devotional practices within the Temple, if the donors had been Templars, or of the churches’ significance as popular spaces of devotion directed at the Vir- gin Mary. They are in any case a clear indication that in an urban landscape as saturated with saintly relics and devotional cults as Toulouse the Templars picked up on popular trends, which in the case of their Toulouse commandery with its strong Marian focus may have had something to do with the fact that among the commandery’s founding patrons had been many members of the lay confraternity of the nearby parish church of Our Lady of Dalbade.46 Another devotional trend that the Templars, especially in southern France, seem to have picked up was that of the fourth-century martyr St Blaise, bishop of Sebastia. He was remembered and venerated as a skilled physician and judging from the inventories he was held in high regard in the Order in southern France and Spain. St Blaise was the patron of the Templars’ chapels at Hyères and Montfrin in Provence;47 and his relics are recorded in the inventories of the Templars’ houses in Avignon and Grasse, also in Provence, which both had altars dedicated to him, and at Peñíscola in Catalonia.48 His cult may have spread as far as Paris, where one of the altars in the main Templar church was dedicated to him;49 the Templar

45 BN, nouv. acq. lat. 32, 528–9, 548 46 See Jörg Oberste, Zwischen Heiligkeit und Häresie. Religiosität und sozialer Aufstieg in der Stadt des hohen Mittelalters. Band 2: Städtische Eliten in Toulouse (Cologne, Weimar and Vienna, 2001), for devotional activity within Toulouse and especially ibid., pp. 22–8 and 167–78 for lay and religious involvement with the military orders. 47 François Durand, ‘L’église de Montfrin (Gard)’, Mémoires de l’Académie de Nîmes Ser. 7, 35 (1912), p. 33; Muriel Vecchione, ‘Un édifice templier en Provence: la tour Saint-Blaise d’Hyères’, Provence historique, 159 (t. 40) (1990), pp. 57–75; Carraz, L’ordre du Temple (as note 48), pp. 330–1. 48 Joseph-Antoine Durbec, ‘Les Templiers dans les Alpes-Maritimes’, Nice historique, 40 (1937), pp. 143–4 (for the Grasse inventory, which is also transcribed in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 11, 249– 63), ibid., 41 (1938), p. 9; Damien Carraz, Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales. L’ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312), 3 vols. (PhD thesis, Lyon: Uni- versité de Lyon 2, 2003), vol. 3 (Sources): Chartes de la maison d’Avignon, no. 89, pp. 391–9 (Archives départementales de Bouches-des-Rhône, B 437), with reference to the altar of St Blaise on p. 393. A partial copy of the Avignon inventory can be found in BN, nouv. acq. lat. 9, fol. 160–82. See also Damien Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312). Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales (Lyon, 2005), p. 271 (for Avignon). For the commandery and chapel see also Damien Carraz, ʽUne commanderie templière et sa chapelle en Avignon’, Bulletin Monumental, 154:1 (1996), pp. 7–24. 49 The Templar convent of Paris had a chapel dedicated to St Blaise, which suggests another set of relics. In his interrogation the Templar sergeant Peter Maurini confessed that the Order pos- sessed the head of either St Peter or St Blaise. See Le procès des Templiers, ed. Jules Michelet, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841–1851), vol. 1, p. 410 and vol. 2, p. 240. For the popularity of St Blaise in the thirteenth century see Emile Mâle, Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century, trans. Dora Nussey (New York, 1913), pp. 315–16. 208 Jochen Schenk sergeant Peter Maurini for one confessed during the trial that the Order possessed what he believed to be either the head of St Peter or St Blaise.50

Mass and cura animarum The majority of books used in the Temple were of liturgical nature.51 They can be almost equally divided into books for Mass and books for the Divine Office. The most popular book used by priests and the choir was the missal.52 By the twelfth century, and in particular in response to the development of Low Mass, mis- sals had completely replaced the old sacramentaries as the foremost guidebook through the Mass. Their particular usefulness lay in the fact that they could be used by isolated priests with no access to a choir and without support of a deacon or sub-deacon. In the Temple, as in most other religious communities, the popu- larity of the missal was concomitant with a rise in the demand for Votive Masses which could only be met by individual priests operating solitarily within the devo- tional space of the Templar church or chapel.53 The discovery of multiple missals in the Templar churches of Arles and Fos in Provence, Bretteville-le-Rabet in Normandy, La Lande de Parthenay in Poitou, Forli and Bologna in northern Italy, Peñíscola in Catalonia, and Denny in Cambridgeshire, and certainly the discovery of a ‘book with Votive Masses’ and another missale votivum in the Templar church of San Vitale in Verona,54 could therefore be seen as evidence for the increasing involvement of Western Templar communities all over medieval Europe in the business of cura animarum.55 Complementary evidence for the involvement of Templar priests in pastoral work and the cure of souls exists in the form of liturgical books other than mis- sals, such as, for example, rituals. The ritual on how to baptize children (unum librum in quo est scriptum officium quod dicitur quando baptizantur infantes) discovered among the books in the Templar church of Grasse,56 the two rituals on religious instruction (unum librum antiquum parvi voluminis et valoris ad facien- dum cathecuminos et pro officio mortuorum / item unum librum ad cathecumenos (sic) faciendum et pro mortuis) found in the Templar churches of Campagne di Ormelle,57 the rituals on Exorcism (unus liber cum palmulis, qui incipit Exoçiço te etc.) and religious instruction (duo quaterni . . . ad cathecuminos faciendos / unus liber ad faciendum christianos) discovered in the Templar church of San Vitale

50 Le Procès (as note 49), vol. 1, p. 410 and vol. 2, p. 240. 51 Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), pp. 99–106. The same can be said about the Teu- tonic Order, see Kahl, ‘Spiritualität’ (as note 18), p. 284. 52 Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), pp. 104–5. 53 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), pp. 262, 264. 54 Ibid., p. 262, 264. 55 Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), pp. 121–2. 56 Prutz, Tempelherrenorden (as note 9), p. 343; Legras and Lemaître, ‘La pratique’ (as note 7), p. 124. 57 Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti’ (as note 14), p. 255. The documentary evidence 209 in Verona,58 and the ritual on how to make holy water for the sick (unum librum ad faciendum aquam sanctam pro infirmis) discovered in the Templar church of Santa Maria in Bologna,59 point to a localized involvement of Templar clergy in a variety of pastoral activities. The charter evidence for one leaves no doubt that the Templars were in demand as spiritual advocates. Already before 1151, for example, Lady Amultrudis reacted on her concerns for her spiritual wellbeing and that of her ancestors by promising part of her possessions to the Templars of Laon if they would use it to employ one of their own or a hired priest to celebrate the divine offices, ‘as it becomes a house of the Lord’ in the order’s church of Sainte-Geneviève.60 At around the same time a certain Deusde Gat and his wife Estolz gave the church of Routlac to the Templars of La Selve in Aveyron in the south of France, expecting that the Templars would from now on ‘sing Mass and matins at La Selve and visit the cemetery at the day of the Invention of the True Cross’ (cantar mesa et matinas à la Selve e revidem lo cementeri [al] die Inventio Ste Crucis), where Deusde also asked to be buried.61 These demands correspond with the list of accusations which many bishops and prelates later levelled against the Templars. Usually these accusations concerned the illegal administration of the divine office and the celebration of Mass and the sacraments for not-associated members of the lay public. In 1260 the bishop of Auxerre issued a formal complaint at the papal curia that the local Templars had given their chapel at Monteau the exterior of a parish church, that they were regu- larly ringing the bell to summon people for Mass, and that they were celebrating marriages in the church.62 To cope with the responsibilities of cura animarum the priests operating in the Temple needed space in the form of new churches, chapels and oratories, which, as monuments of the Templars’ spiritual wealth, led to a further increase in secular demand for spiritual advocacy. These places of worship needed to be equipped with the furniture and tools necessary for priests and lesser clerics to fulfill the various functions assigned to them. Which brings me to the final point of this paper: the inventories as sources for the Templars’ liturgical culture, especially garments and vestments.

58 Ibid., p. 262–3. 59 Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati (as note 14), vol. 1, no. 325:2, pp. 502–3. 60 Itaque notum fieri volumes tam presentibus quam futuris quod domina Amultrudis, de sua suo- rumque predecessorum salute religiose cogitans, quedam bona, que libere ac quiete possidebat, ad usus sacerdotis, qui in Templo, quod est in civitate Laudunensi, non longe ab ecclesia Sancte Genovefe situm, divina ministerial celebraturus constitueretur, ut ipsa templum Domini fieri mer- eretur, Deo et Templo devote contulit, ita tamen quod, si fratres Templi Hierosolimitani aliquem de suis fratribus aut sacerdotem alium, expensis suis, ibidem cantare fecerint, beneficia, que iam dicturi sumus, eterno jure possidebunt. See Actes des évêques de Laon des origins à 1151, ed. Annie Dufour-Malbezin (Paris, 2001), no. 318, pp. 458–9. 61 Du Bourg, Ordre de Malte (as note 9), no. 103, p. lxix. 62 César Lavirotte, ‘Mémoire statistique sur les établissem*nts des Templiers et des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem en Bourgogne’, Congrès archéologique de France, 19 (1853), p. 273. 210 Jochen Schenk Liturgical garments and vestments Historians working on the Templars’ Spanish inventories – especially María Vilar Bonet and, more recently, Sebastián Salvadó – have already pointed out that Mass in Templar chapels and churches could be a colourful affair.63 The evidence from non-Spanish inventories, and especially that of some southern French and Italian commanderies, supports this to some extent. Included in the extant lists of Tem- plar possessions are expensively crafted and richly ornamented and embroidered amices, albs, dalmatics and chasubles which the priests of the Order, whether employed or professed, wore on the most solemn occasions to celebrate Mass and the Eucharist in front of the congregation.64 As was the case in many wealthy churches and monasteries, the garments worn by Templar priests could be expen- sively manufactured, beautifully decorated and richly embroidered.65 Each liturgi- cal garment had a particular meaning and function. The white chasuble adorned with a shining coat of multi-coloured pearls, a black cross and gilded grains of silver and another chasuble made of white cloth with red samite and featuring images of Mary with an angel, possibly St Gabriel, surrounded with pearls, which both belonged to Templar churches in Spain, would have been worn on high Holy Days and festival days.66 An alb and amice made of golden velvet and embroidered with birds was found in the Templar church of Mary Magdalene in Bologna.67 And the discovery of a golden chasuble worn over a white alb, a purple chasuble with a yellow cross, and a red cope featuring golden leopards (unam capam de sandato rubeo, in qua sunt forme et ymagines de leupardis de sandato croceo) in the inventory of Grasse,68 and of five sets of expensively manufactured liturgical vestments in yellow, red (with green) and white in the chapel of Sours,69 suggest that in these commanderies, too, Advent, Christmas and Lent were celebrated by priests wearing the liturgical colours of the season. These were exceptional items, however, and the splendour they suggest to have characterized some of the Order’s Mediterranean commanderies had no equiva- lent in, for example, Normandy, England or Ireland, where, by and large, liturgical garments, vestments and instruments tended to be simpler and fewer. Even the

63 For much of what follows see Salvadó, ‘Icons’ (as note 16). 64 These included an amice adorned with silk ornaments and images. See Els béns del temple a la Corona d’ Aragó (as note 13), p. 96 and no. 74, pp. 191–2. 65 For a comparison see Julian M. Luxford, The Art and Architecture of English Benedictine Monas- teries, 1300–1540. A Patronage History (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 72–4. 66 Els béns del temple a la Corona d’ Aragó (as note 13), pp. 96 (and no. 75, pp. 193–6) and 97. 67 Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati (as note 14), vol. 1, no. 325:2, pp. 502–3. 68 Durbec, ʽLes Templiers’ (as note 48), p. 143; Prutz, Tempelherrenorden (as note 9), p. 343. 69 Item quinque faria vestimentorum sacerdotalium videlicet unum de samito croceo ad monetas cureas et flores lilii; item alium croceum videlicet de samito croceo cijus alba non est parata; item unum de samito rubeo fourratum de tela viridi; item unum de bogueranno albo pro quadragesima; item unum de samito albo et ista omnia habent albas et cetera pertinentia cum eisdem. See BN, nouv. acq. lat. 46, 81. The documentary evidence 211 Templar house of Arles, which produced one of the richest inventories, could not compete with Peñíscola in Catalonia in sheer splendour. To speak of a South-North or even Spanish-French divide in the material pres- entation of Templar religion may be a gross simplification of what was in any case a very complex religious and liturgical landscape. But the question of how, amidst all the variety, the Templars could have succeeded in creating, sharing and expressing a uniform religious identity is worth asking and being pursued further. In order to do so successfully, it will be necessary systematically to collect and analyse all inventories. To produce an electronic register of the documentary sources collected by d’Albon and held in the Bibliothèque nationale that can be used as a guide to the archives would be an important step in that direction in that it would enable future researchers to search for inventories and the liturgical evi- dence contained in them in a systematic fashion, thus allowing them to reproduce local as well as regional devotional trends and liturgies and thereby to produce the fundament for deeper studies into the material and religious culture of one of the major international military-religious orders. Arno Mentzel-Reuters Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer?

15 Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer?

Arno Mentzel-Reuters

Der Templerorden war kein Monolith, sondern ein ausdifferenzierter Zusammen- schluß von Personen höchst unterschiedlicher Herkunft, Aufgaben und Bildung, der in allen Königreichen des Okzidents und im Heiligen Land operierte. Darunter lag ein anderes Band, für das sich in der Ritterordensforschung das Schlagwort von einer „Spiritualität“ eingebürgert hat. Dieser oft aus dem Bauch heraus gebrauchte Begriff stellt uns vor ein massives Definitionsproblem. Kaspar Elm hat es bereits 1993 umrissen. Es sei, so schrieb er, „so gut wie unmöglich, von der Spiritualität einzelner oder gar der Gesamtheit der geistlichen Ritterorden zu spre- chen, wenn man unter Spiritualität religiöses und sittliches Verhalten, geistiges Interesse und kulturelle Leistungen versteht und ihr, wie es oft geschieht, alles das zuordnet, was sich nicht auf Politik, Verfassung und Verwaltung, Herrschafts- bildung und Kriegswesen, Sozialstruktur und Wirtschaftsführung bezieht. Der Versuch wird auch dann nicht einfacher, geht man von der anderen, nicht weniger häufig vertretenen Auffassung aus, wonach es bei Spiritualität um das individuelle Frömmigkeitsleben geht, das seine subtilste Ausformung in Phänomenen wie der Mystik zu finden vermag.“1 Die Forschung hat sich in jüngerer Zeit auch für die Templer mit diesen Fragen beschäftigt, ich nenne Alain Demurger,2 Wolfgang Bickel,3 Jürgen Sarnowsky,4 Helen Nicholson5 und schließlich William Purkis.6 Im Fokus stehen dabei meist Zeugnisse, die nicht aus dem Orden selbst stammen, sondern – wie die päpstlichen Bullen und ‘de laude militiae novae’ des Heiligen Bernhard – eine Außensicht

1 Kaspar Elm, ‘Die Spiritualität der geistlichen Ritterorden des Mittelalters’, in Die Spiritualität der Ritterorden im Mittelalter, Ordines militares 7, hg. Zenon Hubert Nowak (Toruń, 1993), S. 7–44, hier S. 11. 2 Alain Demurger, Vie et mort du l’Ordre du Temple 1118–1314 (2. Aufl., Paris, 1989), S. 157: Ein Templer in der Komturei ‘mène la rude vie des camps’. 3 Wolfgang Bickel, Templerkapelle Iben: Baukunst und Spiritualität im Orden der Armen Ritter Christi (Worms, 2009), S. 106–16. 4 Jürgen Sarnowsky, Die Templer (München, 2009), S. 84–7. 5 Helen J. Nicholson, Love, War and the Grail, History of Warfare 4 (Leiden, 2001), S. 187 f. 6 William J. Purkis, Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c. 1095 – c. 1187 (Oxford, 2008). Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 213 vorstellen, d. h. die Anforderungen, die von außen an die Templer gerichtet wur- den. Dabei bleibt offen, ob die in Bildung und sozialer Herkunft völlig unter- schiedlichen Mitglieder des Templerordens diese Konzepte verstehen konnten und ob sie zu ihrer Lebensrealität paßten. ‘De laude militiae novae’ z. B. ist ein Traktat, der sich zwar in der Anrede an Hugo von Paynes richtet, aber nach wenigen kurzen Kapiteln diesen Fokus verliert und, ausgehend von einer Beschreibung des Tempelberges, ganz allge- mein über die heiligen Stätten Palästinas spricht, ehe er sich im Schlußkapitel an seine eingangs genannten Adressaten erinnert. Das ist, bei allem schuldigen Respekt vor dem doctor mellifluus, kein fundamentaler Neuansatz monastischen Denkens, sondern eine aus mehreren Skizzen zusammengestellte Propagan- daschrift, die zudem noch schlecht überliefert ist.7 Ihre Grundlage sind zweifellos die Predigten, die Bernhard ab 1146 zugunsten des zweiten Kreuzzuges hielt.8 Die darin geäußerte Kritik an der auf Gewalt und weltlichen Glanz zielenden Welt des abendländischen Adels gipfelt im Postulat einer keineswegs auf eine monastische Lebensweise beschränkten militia nova und dem Märtyrertod im Heidenkampf. Das berührt sich mit den Konzepten der zeitgenössischen Chanson de geste aus dem Karlszyklus (Roland, Guillaume d’Orange) und ihrer deutschen Adapta- tionen bis hin zu den Kreuzliedern eines Walther von der Vogelweide. Die gelegentlich bezweifelte Lektüre von Bernhards Schrift im Orden9 läßt sich belegen. Der gelehrte Ritterbruder Geraldus de Causso will beobachtet haben, daß Handschriften der Ordensregel den Brüdern abgenommen wurden, während quedam scripta beati Bernardi, in quibus confortabat illos de ordine, ihnen vom Meister wieder zurückgegeben wurden.10 Auf besonders fruchtbaren Boden fiel die Schrift des Heiligen Bernhard in der Kurie, die dann in den päp- stlichen Bullen11 auch daraus zitiert. Insofern können Jean de Painet und seine Begleiter im Templerprozeß zwar den Heiligen Bernhard als Mitbegründer ihres Ordens herausheben12, aber die Gedanken, die ihr Mitstreiter Pietro da Bologna in seiner lateinischen Verteidigungsrede vor der päpstlichen Kommission wie- dergibt, sind nicht unmittelbare Zitate aus dem Traktat des doctor mellifluus, sondern entstammen den drei großen päpstlichen Bullen Omne datum optimum13, Milites Templi14 und Militia Dei15, die neben den Rechten und Privilegien des Ordens auch an ihn gerichtete Erwartungen formulieren. Der Templerorden dient

7 Hierauf verweist zuletzt wieder in seiner Rezension von Purkis, Crusading Spirituality (wie Anm. 6): Nikolas Jaspert, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 67 (2011), S. 450. 8 Purkis, Crusading Spirituality (wie Anm. 6), S. 86–90. 9 Elm, ‘Spiritualität’ (wie Anm. 1), S. 490–94 mit weiterführender Literatur. 10 Jules Michelet, Procès des Templiers. 2 Bde. (Paris, 1841–1851), hier Bd. 1, S. 389 = Daniel Gott- hilf Moldenhawer, Der Prozeß gegen den Orden der Tempelherren aus den Originalacten der päpstlichen Commission in Frankreich (Hamburg, 1792), S. 320. 11 PUTJ, 1. 12 1311 IV 3, vgl. Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 145 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 125. 13 1139 III 29, vgl. PUTJ, 1, Nr. 3, S. 204–10. 14 1144 I 9, ibid., Nr. 8, S. 214–16. 15 1145 IV 7, ibid., Nr. 10, S. 216–18. 214 Arno Mentzel-Reuters demnach der Verteidigung der Kirche und der Niederwerfung der Heiden: consti- tuti estis a Domino catholice ecclesie defensores et inimicorum Xpisti impugna- tores heißt es in Omne datum optimum bzw. einige Zeilen später dazu variierend: ad Dei laudem et gloriam, atque defensionem suorum fidelium, et liberandam Dei ecclesiam.16 Zur inneren Haltung weiß Innocenz II. weit weniger zu sagen: Licet autem vestrum studium et laudanda devotio in tam sacro opere, toto corde et tota mente desudet.17 Diese Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts entwickelten Gedanken wirk- ten, wenngleich ihre Beschreibung unverändert blieb. So formulierte der Bischof von Modena 1262 in einer Schenkungsurkunde:

Sanctissimum itaque ordinem et fratres militie templi Ierosolimitani cristiani patrimonii defensores dignissimos reputavimus spirituali gratia et favore, qui personas suas et bona sua pro defensione Terre Sancte totaliter exponentes, ad hoc toto cordis effectum intendunt, ut per laudabile conversionis et vite studium in conspectu Dei et hominum valeant complacere.18

Das kapetingische Königtum als Konkurrent um die ‘Spiritualität’ Jedoch kam es auch bald zu einer massiven Konkurrenz. 1235 erlangte mit Lud- wig dem Heiligen ein König die Volljährigkeit, der die Kreuzfahrerfrömmigkeit ins Zentrum seiner Selbstdarstellung19 rückte, damit die Tugenden des miles chris- tianus für das kapetingische Königtum beanspruchte und neben den Ritterorden eine andere, der adligen Lebensweise näher stehende Form der Kreuzzugsspir- itualität propagierte. Hierbei ging es auch dem König nicht nur um militärische Operationen, sondern um eine konsequente Form adliger Heiligkeit.20 Lebendiger Ausdruck dieser kapetingischen Spiritualität war es, daß Ludwig in Paris ein neues Jerusalem errichten wollte, in dessen Mittelpunkt das neue königliche ‘Palais de la Cité’ und damit die der Aufbewahrung und Anbetung der Dornenkrone geweihte ‘Sainte Chapelle’ standen.21 Ihre Strahlkraft war immens und blieb bis ins späte 14. Jahrhundert ungebrochen (Karl IV.).22 1355–1414 ent­ stand mit der Chorhalle des Aachener Münsters der monumentalste Nachbau dieses architektonischen Reliquienschreines, der nicht in der äußeren Form, aber in der Funktion als Wallfahrtstätte in direkte Konkurrenz zur Grabeskirche tritt.

16 Ibid., Nr. 8, hier S. 206. 17 Ibid., Nr. 8, hier S. 206. 18 Cristina Dondi, ‘Missale vetus ad usum Templariorum: l‘Ordine dei cavalieri Templari in area Modenese nei secoli XII–XIV’, Aevum, 68 (1994), S. 339–66, hier S. 361. 19 Jacques Le Goff, Saint Louis (Paris, 1996), S. 181. 20 Ibid., S. 745–80. 21 Ibid., S. 146–48. 22 Peter Kováč (Hg..), Kristova trnová koruna. Paříž, Sainte-Chapelle a dvorské umění svatého Lud- víka, Stavitelé katedrál 2 (Praha, 2009), besonders die in ‘Antologie strědověkých textů Kristova trnová koruna’, S. 325–49, zitierten Quellen. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 215 In gewisser Weise übertrifft Ludwig damit die militia Templi seu nova sogar, da er die Reliquien für die Gläubigen erreichbar macht. Für einen Dienenden Bruder im Temple Bruer oder in Carcassonne mochte es vielleicht erhebend klingen, daß seine Brüder im Heiligen Land kämpften, aber das konnte sein weiß Gott wenig heldenhaftes Dasein als Verwalter von Grundbesitz und Verantwortlicher für Gesinde und Abgabepflichtige nicht wirklich ausfüllen, zumal er sich tagtäglich mit der realen feudalen Welt des Okzident arrangieren mußte. In dieser Konkur- renzsituation wurden zumindest in Teilen des Templerordens neue Konzepte erprobt. Sie kündigen sich bereits in der altfranzösischen Neufassung der Statuten an. Anders als die auf Outremer konzentrierten Bullen befassen sich große Teile dieser erweiterten Statuten mit dem Alltagsleben in abendländischen Templerhäu- sern und betonen daher monastische Prinzipien. Wie diese Bestimmungen über Ordenskapitel, Stundengebete23 und Prozessionen wirkten, ist jedoch weder der Schrift Bernhards von Clairvaux noch den päpstlichen Bullen zu entnehmen. Wir wechseln von der Außensicht zur Innensicht. Die Wirksamkeit der militia nova in der französischen und anglo-normannsichen Adelskultur zeigt sich in der volkssprachlichen Literatur. Um 1170–1200 entste- hen unter Beteiligung der Templer gereimte Bibelbearbeitungen (es wird davon noch die Rede sein); irgendwann zwischen 1200 und 1240 proji*ziert ein anonymer Autor die Kreuzzugsidee in den lateinischen Westen: der Prosaroman ‘Perles- vaus’ behandelt die in mythischer Vorzeit angesiedelte Schwertmission Britan- niens, die der Held durch Anhäufung von Reliquien aller Art (u. a. der Schild des Judas Maccabaeus, das Schwert, mit dem Johannes der Täufer enthauptet wurde, und die in einen Ring gefaßte Dornenkrone24) und grausige Massaker verwirkli- cht. Die höchste Reliquie ist der Abendmahlskelch; doch hält es den Gral nicht in Britannien, er wird auf eine Insel im westlichen Ozean versetzt, wo ihn in einer Rundhalle Ritter hüten, die weiße Gewänder mit einem roten Kreuz tragen. Dies ist symptomatisch: Die Schwertmission überhöht sich durch Passionsreliquien und der – darf man dieses emotionale Wort verwenden? – Sehnsucht nach einer von Gewalt und Blut gereinigten Erde, die dann in die Ferne proji*ziert wird. Doch was Perlesvaus in dieser Ferne findet, ist nichts anderes als eine von Schmutz und Profanität befreite, erneuerte Grabeskirche. Nach dem Zeugnis des um 418 ver- faßten Pilgerberichtes der Egeria (Aetheria)25 und mehr noch durch den von Adam- nus von Jona († 704) nach den Schilderungen des Pilgers Arkulf26 mitgeteilten

23 Helen J. Nicholson, ‘At the Heart of Medieval London: The New Temple in the Middle Ages’, in David Park und Robin Griffith-Jones (Hg.),The Temple Church in London. History, Architecture, Art (Woodbridge, 2010), S. 1–18, hier S. 3. 24 Dies entspricht der Einfassung, die seinerzeit noch in Konstantinopel, später in Paris, die Dornen- krone umschloß, vgl. Peter Kováč, ‘Svatá kaple pro Kristovu trnovou korunu’, in Kováč, Kristova trnová koruna (wie Anm. 22), S. 11–132, hier die Abb. S. 16 f. 25 Égérie, Journal de Voyage (Itinéraire): Introduction, texte critique, traduction, notes, index et cartes, Sources chrétiennes 296, par Pierre Maraval (Paris, 1982). 26 Adamnan‘s De locis sanctis, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 3, hg. Denis Meehan (Dublin, 1958). 216 Arno Mentzel-Reuters Grundriß der Grabeskirche in ihrem frühmittelalterlichen Bauzustand27 wurden im Atrium vor der Anastasis neben dem Felsen von Golgotha und dem in Jerusa- lem verbliebenen Teil des Wahren Kreuzes28 in einer freistehenden Sonderkapelle auch zentrale Passionsreliquien – Kelch, Speer und Schwamm29 – aufbewahrt und zur Anbetung ausgestellt.30 Nach der Zerstörung durch Al-Hakim am 18. Oktober 100931 ist zwar in den Pilgerberichten von den kleineren Passionsreliquien keine Rede mehr. Nur das Wahre Kreuz blieb als höchste Reliquie erhalten; ab 1101 wurde es nachweislich bei den Kriegszügen des Königreiches Jerusalem mit- geführt. Es ging 1187 in der Schlacht bei den Hörnern von Hattin endgültig ver- loren.32 Allerdings wurden einzelne Partikel vorher ausgelöst und verschenkt, so daß es im gesamten Mittelmeerraum Staurotheken gab.33 Jochen Schenk listet 36 Staurotheken und 46 Kreuzholzsplitter in Templerbesitz auf.34 Hierzu sind auch etliche Templerkirchen zu zählen, z. B. San Paolo di Breda (Treviso), San Vitale di Verona und Miravet in Aragon.35 In Les Biais (Saint-Père-en-Retz) führten die Johanniter die öffentliche Verehrung der von den Templern übernommenen Kreuzesreliquie noch im 16. Jahrhundert fort.36 Das verhilft zum besseren Verständnis sowohl der Templerkirchen wie der spiri­ tuellen Konkurrenz mit dem kapetingischen Königtum. 1239 erwarb Ludwig aus

27 Karl Schmaltz, Mater Ecclesiarum. Die Grabeskirche in Jerusalem, Studien zur Geschichte der kirchlichen Baukunst und Ikonographie in Antike und Mittelalter. Zur Kunstgeschichte des Aus- landes 120 (Straßburg 1918, ND Leipzig 1982), S. 73–83. Für den Plan habe ich konkret die Handschrift ZB Zürich, Rh 73,5r aus dem 9. Jh. benutzt, die entstehungsgeschichtlich oft mit dem St. Galler Klosterplan in Verbindung gebracht wird. Vgl. die Abb. bei: Die Bibliothek Rheinau. Handschriften aus dem Mittelalter. Ausstellung der Zentralbibliothek Zürich, hg. Christoph Eg- genberger, Michael Korba, Marlis Stähli (Zürich, 2004), S. 6. 28 Loredana Imperio, ‘Le reliquie die Templari’, in XXIX Convegno di ricerche Templari. I papiri 44 (Tuscania, 2012), S. 19–36, hier S. 20 f. 29 Johannes Fried, ’999 Jahre nach der Christi Geburt – der Antichrist. Wie die Zerstörung des Heiligen Grabes zum apokalyptischen Zeichen wurde und die Denkfigur universaler Judenver- folgung hervorbrachte’, in Thomas Pratsch (Hg.): Konflikt und Bewältigung. Die Zerstörung der Grabeskirche zu Jerusalem im Jahre 1009, Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 32 (Berlin [u. a.], 2011), S. 97–138, hier S. 98. 30 Eine gute Übersicht über die Entwicklung der Karfreitagsfeiern in Jerusalem von der Spätantike bis ins 16. Jahrhundert bietet Solange Corbin, La déposition liturgique du Christ au Vendredi Saint. Sa place dans l’histoire des rites et du théâtre religieux, Collection Portugaise 12 (Paris [u. a.], 1960), S. 169–72. 31 Hierzu insgesamt Pratsch, Konflikt und Bewältigung (wie Anm. 29). 32 Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28), S. 20 f. 33 Ibid., S. 21–6 mit Beispielen aus Spanien, Italien und Frankreich. 34 Jochen Schenk, ‘The Cult of the Cross in the Order of the Temple’, in Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fer- nandes (Hg.), As Ordens Militares. Freires, Guerreiros, Cavaleiros. Actas do VI Encontro sobre Ordens Militares 1 (Palmela, 2012), S. 207–19, hier die Tabelle S. 209–11. 35 Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28), S. 23 f. nach J. Miret y Sans, Les cases deis Templers y Hospi- talers en Catalunya (Barcelona, 1910), S. 556, 559, 561. 36 Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28), S. 25 nach André Duru, ‘Templiers, hospitaliers et Vraie Croix de St. Père-en-Retz’, Bulletin de la Societé d’Etudes et de recherches historiques du pays de Retz, 4 (1984), S. 64. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 217 dem lateinischen Kaiserreich die Reliquie der Dornenkrone, für die parallel zu den Kreuzzugsvorbereitungen im königlichen Stadtpalais die ‘Sainte Chapelle’ als Schatzhaus und Andachtsstätte errichtet wurde (Einweihung 1248). Hier, mit der Translation des Passionsgedenkens in den Westen, mit der Anlage eines neuen Tempels unter der Obhut des Kapetingers, beginnt vielleicht schon der Unter- gang der Templer, auch wenn ihr finanztechnisches Genie vorerst der Krone die ungeheuren Mittel verschafft, die die ‘Sainte Chapelle’ und farbenschillernde Bibelhandschriften für das ‘Neue Jerusalem’ verschlingen. Gleichzeitig wurden in den Tempeln des französischen und anglo-normannischen Raums die Kirchen erweitert. Jacques de Molay wird im Prozeß darauf verweisen, daß sein Orden über die schönsten und strahlendsten Kirchen verfügte. Alain Demurger ver- neinte den Bezug der Rundkirchen zur Grabeskirche und dachte an eine Imita- tion der Aachener Pfalzkapelle.37 Aber abgesehen davon, daß eine Imitation der Pfalzkapelle und der Grabeskirche oder des Felsendoms sich strukturell nicht ausschließen, kann Aachen nicht das Vorbild für die Erweiterung der Ostapsis einer Rundkirche zu einer gotischen Chorhalle gewesen sein. Hier ging eindeutig die Grabeskirche voran, während die Aachener Chorhalle erst deutlich nach den Erweiterungen der Templerkirchen38 errichtet wurde (zwischen 1355 und 1414). Die Kirche des Temple Bruer wurde von vornherein mit diesem Grundriß geplant.

Quellen zur Spiritualität des Templerordens Welche Quellen aber verhelfen uns nun zu einer Innenansicht des Templerordens?

(a) Die bis 1260 fortgeschriebenen altfranzösischen Statuten wurden schon genannt, die durch die so genannten retraits von 77 Artikeln der lateini­ schen Fassung von 1129 auf fast 690 Bestimmungen anwuchsen. Durch Fortschreibung innerhalb der Gemeinschaft konnte diese Fassung auch deren Leben abspiegeln. (b) Alsdann die im Auftrage von Templern wie Richard von Hastings und Henri d’Arci um 1170–1200 angefertigte volkssprachliche (d. h. anglo-normanni­ sche) religiöse Dichtung; (c) Drei Erklärungen, die der päpstlichen Kommission in der kurzen Phase der Hoffnung im Frühjahr 1311 von Templerbrüdern – meist Priesterbrüdern und Dienenden Brüdern – vorgelegt wurden. Zwei sind okzitanisch und eine lateinisch abgefaßt.

37 Demurger, Vie et mort (wie Anm. 2), S. 154–57. 38 London: Weihe der ‘Round Church‘ 1185 vgl. Christopher Wilson, ‘Gothic Architecture Trans- planted. The Nave of the Temple Church in London’, in Park/Griffith-Jones, Temple Church (wie Anm. 23), S. 19–44, hier S. 20; Weihe der ‘Chancel‘ 1240, Nicholson, ‘At the Heart’ (wie Anm. 23), S. 10. – Paris: Henri de Curzon, La Maison du Temple, Histoire et description (Paris 1888), Plan nach S. 71, Sainte Chapelle als Vorbild, ibid., S. 79. – Die ältere Bauform ist bewahrt in Metz und Laon. 218 Arno Mentzel-Reuters (d) Die fast als Novizenschrift über die Templerregel zu wertende, besonders ausführliche Aussage des Ritterbruders Geraldus de Causso aus Rovergue vom 12. Januar 131239, von dem es ausdrücklich heißt Lectis autem omnibus et singulis articulis, et circ*mspectis per eum, qui litteratus est et in jure peritus, respondit ad eos.40 (e) Die für das Haupthaus in Akkon verbürgten Reliquien.41

Alle Textgruppen sind miteinander vernetzt und waren den Angehörigen des Tem- plerordens wohl bekannt. Die Statuten wurden in den Ordenskapiteln öffentlich verlesen, die Literatur während der Mahlzeiten und die Verteidigungsschriften bedienen sich der Statuten als Quelle. Dies hat – zumal in den Verteidigungen vor der päpstlichen Kommission – Merkmale eines Idealbildes. Dessen historische Zuverlässigkeit ermißt man aber daran, daß die Verteidigungen Kritikpunkte am realen Ordensleben enthalten und am Ende Hinweise auf Gegebenheiten geben, auf die sich die Inquisitoren stützen konnten. Zunächst ein Wort zu den Personen, denen wir diese Quellen verdanken. Die Entstehung der Templerregel und der ergänzenden retraits42 war komplex; nach allgemeiner Vorstellung, die von den Verteidigern des Ordens schon während des Prozesses vertreten wird, war der Heilige Bernhard an ihrer Urfassung beteiligt. Dies ist vielleicht Legende, es hält aber fest, daß sich die Beschreibung der templerischen Lebensform, die die Statuten einschließen, am strengen Vorbild der Zisterzienser orientierte. Das bedeutet, daß wir auch in der Spiritualität mit Reflexen zisterziensischer Geistigkeit wo nicht Mystik rechnen müssen, wenn auch auf geringerem intellektuellen Niveau. Intellektuelle Qualitäten waren ja im Templerorden zumindest in der Elite der Ritterbrüder nicht gefordert. Eine Aus- sage von 1311 im Templerprozeß belegt, daß innerhalb des Ordens lateinische Bildung als Karrierehemmnis angesehen wurde;43 der als belesen und rechtskun- dig charakterisierte Ritterbruder Gerald de Causso zitiert die Großmeister Guil- laume de Beaujeau und Thomas de Berard mit den Worten, quod ex quo litterati fuerant inter eos, ordo non fecerat profectum suum,44 aber ganz so einfach war es denn wohl doch nicht.45 Dem ersten Reimser Komtur Etienne (Stephanus) rechnet es das Obituar dieses Hauses schon hoch an, daß er totam ecclesiam ornamentis, videlicet

39 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 379–94 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 304–27. 40 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 379 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 304. 41 Grundlegend: Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28). 42 Henri de Curzon, La règle du Temple, Publications de la Societé de l’histoire de France 228 (Paris, 1886). 43 Jürgen Sarnowsky, Die Templer. Beck’sche Reihe. Wissen 2472 (München, 2009), S. 87. 44 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 389 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 320. 45 Alan J. Forey, ‘Literacy and Learning in the Military Orders during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, in MO 2, S. 186 f. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 219 capis, cortinis, palleis atque libris reparavit.46 Das bedeutet aber nicht, daß in den anderen Gruppen des Ordens, etwa unter den Priestern oder den Servientes, nicht auch ein gewisses Bildungsniveau erreicht wurde, und schon gar nicht, daß sich der Orden nicht auch ordensfremder Intellektueller bediente. Litterati geben allerdings nirgends den Ton an; doch beim kompletten Versagen der Ritterelite während des Templerprozesses tritt (vorübergehend) mit Pietro da Bologna ein studierter Jurist in die erste Reihe der Akteure. Allerdings gab es auch im 13. Jh. eine literarische volkssprachliche Produktion im bzw. für den Templerorden. Die Literaturwissenschaft spricht hier gerne von einem „Mäzenatentum“ in der Ordenselite. Das ist vielleicht überzogen, aber zumindest kennen wir die Persön- lichkeiten, die diese volkssprachlichen Dichtungen in Auftrag gaben und somit auch ihr gesellschaftliches Umfeld. Die den Templern gewidmete Übertragung des ‘Buchs der Richter’ ist anonym, jedoch von Richard von Hastings und Odo von St. Amand in Auftrag gegeben worden. Die Handschriften überliefern dieses Buch zusammen mit anderen biblizistischen Bemühungen, die nach Akkon und bis zum Hofe Ludwigs des Heiligen ausstrahlten, während die Umsetzung eines monastischen Lektürekanons für Tischlesungen in anglo-normannische Versdi- chtungen mit Henri d’Arci aus Tempel Bruer in Lincolnshire verbunden werden kann.47 Alle drei „Mäzene“ gehören der englischen Templerelite an und waren miteinander bekannt: um 1170 begegnen sie uns gemeinsam in einer Urkunde: Richard als Aussteller und die beiden anderen als Zeugen.48 Kontakte zu Thomas Becket sind ebenfalls belegt. Aus den Akten des französischen Templerprozesses interessieren uns vor allem die Dokumente, die der stets als frater – also nicht miles, insofern als frere mes- tier49 zu verstehen – bezeichnete Jean de Mont-Réal aus der Diözese Carcassonne

46 Édouard de Barthélemy, Obituaire de la Commanderie du Temple à Reims. Collection de Docu- ments inédits sur l’histoire de France. IV. Série. No. 2 [= Mélanges historiques; 4] (Paris 1882), S. 301–36, hier S. 318 zum 28.3. 47 Beatrice Adelaide Lees, Records of the Templars. The Inquest of 1185 with Illustrative Char- ters and Documents (London 1935), S. 209; kritische Überlegungen zur Identität des Henricus d’Areci dieser Urkunde mit dem Auftraggeber der ‘Vitas patrum’, in Henri d’Arci’s Vitas patrum. A 13.-century Anglo-Norman Rimed Translation of the ‘Verba seniorum’, Studies in Romance Languages and Literatures 29, hg. Basilides Andrew O’Connor (Washington, 1949), S. xxvii f. O’Connor datiert die Versdichtungen aufgrund sprachgeschichtlicher Kriterien ins frühe 13. Jahrhundert. 48 Lees, Records (wie Anm. 47), S. 209. 49 Christian Vogel, Das Recht der Templer. Ausgewählte Aspekte des Templerrechts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Statutenhandschriften aus Paris, Rom, Baltimore und Barcelona, Vita regu- laris. Abhandlungen 33 (Berlin, Münster, 2007), S. 174. 220 Arno Mentzel-Reuters (Johannes de Monte Regali Carcassonensis)50 und der studierte Jurist Pietro da Bologna51 der päpstlichen Kommission vorlegen.

Elementarbegriffe monastischer Spiritualität und ihre Umsetzung im Zusammenleben der Templer Ich möchte diese Quellen nunmehr mit sieben Elementen monastischer Spiri­ tualität konfrontieren. Für die Auswahl dieser „Elementarbegriffe“ stütze ich mich auf ein Sachbuch von Peter Seewald, das in direkter Auseinanderset- zung mit den Trappisten von Mariawald in der Eifel entstand52 und mithin gelebtes Mönchtum widerspiegelt und nicht etwa von außen an den Temp­ lerorden herangetragene theoretische Konstrukte, die die Mitglieder des Templerordens kaum mit Leben hätten erfüllen können. Diese Gefahr einer intellektuellen Überforderung besteht selbst, wenn man (wie William Purkis53) mit Konzepten aus der zeitgenössischen Theologie – etwa der Zisterzienser oder Prämonstratenser – arbeitet. Demgegenüber dokumentiert Seewald eine gelebte zisterziensische Spiritualität. Aus seinen systematischen Kapitelüber- schriften übernehme ich zur Eingrenzung von „Spiritualität“ dieses begriffli- che Grundgerüst: „Reinigung“, „Demut“, „Gebet“, „Stille und Gottesdienst“, „Weg“, „Leiden und Wachsen“ sowie „Erkennen“. Reinigung. Das von den Zisterziensern übernommene – und gegen den Deutschen Orden (erfolglos) verteidigte – weiße Gewand der Ritterbrüder und das Blutzeichen Christi sind Ausdruck einer „religio sancta, munda et immacu- lata“, wie Pietro da Bologna ausführt54. Es dient zum einen wie in den päpstli- chen Bullen, deren Rezeption hier unverkennbar ist, ad honorem et defensionem Ecclesiae sanctae et totius fidei Christianae et ad expugnationem inimicorum crucis, hoc est infidelium, paganorum seu Sarracenorum ubique, et praesertim in Terra Sancta Ierosolymitana.55 Das ist die Reinigung des Heiligen Landes und des Tempels, wie sie im Makkabäerbuch präfiguriert und später z. B. im Prolog der Deutschordensstatuten postuliert wird. Analog hierzu schreibt die Templer- regel für den Gründonnerstag die Altarwaschung vor (§ 348). Nicht das Ritual als solches ist bemerkenswert56, sondern daß von den vielen denkbaren Ritualen der

50 Nennungen Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 107, 130 f., 140, 162, 165, 169. – Ohne weitere Nachweise erwähnt bei Alain Demurger, ‘Étourdis ou petit* malins? Pourquoi les templiers n’ont-ils pas eu de mythe d’origine?’, in Philippe Josserand, Mathieu Olivier (Hg.), La mémoire des origines dans les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge: actes des journées d’études de Göttingen (25–26 juin 2009) (Berlin [u. a.], 2012), S. 73–82, hier S. 75. 51 Elena Bellomo, ‘Rinaldo da Concorezzo, Archbishop of Ravenna, and the Trial of the Templars in Northern Italy’, in Debate, S. 259–72, hier S. 271. 52 Peter Seewald, Die Spiritualität der Mönche. Bibliothek der Mönche (München, 2004). 53 Purkis, Crusader Spirituality (wie Anm. 6), S. 86–119. 54 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 167 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 141. 55 ibid. 56 Vgl. etwa William George Henderson, Processionale ad usum insignis praeclarae ecclesiae Sarum (Leeds, 1882), S. 59–63 mit detaillierten Anweisungen für jeden Altar der Kathedrale von Salisbury. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 221 römischen Kirche gerade dieses in die Statuten übernommen wurde. Doch sehen die Templerstatuten auch innere Reinigungsrituale vor. Denn nach Jean de Painet: en chelle religion volus vivre et mourir pour le sauvement de nos ames.57 Das betont bereits der Prolog der von Richard of Hastings angestoßenen Übertragung des ‘Buches der Richter’:

Quel honor est de Deu servir, Et quel guerredon as siens, Qui por s’amor nomeement Ce veulent as perils livrer Por sa loy deffendre et garder, Com cil de vostre ordre font, Qui ces eslis chevalers sont Et de sa privee maisnee, As quels a s’enseigne baillee: Ce est crois que vos portes, Dont vos cors et cuers armes; Les cors di je par la semblance Les cuers por siure sa fiance, Car cil en crois por rios morut. Et por plaisir l’infernal bruit; Et vos deves mortefier Vostre char, por sa crois porter. Et puis revivre a son plaizir, Por ces vertus en vor norrir. (V. 1,44–2,17)58

(„Welche Ehre ist es, Gott zu dienen, und welcher Lohn fällt den Seinen zu, die gerade für seine Liebe sich Gefahren aussetzen, um seine Gebote zu ver- teidigen und zu hüten, wie es jene aus eurem Orden tun, die so auserwählte Ritter sind, und aus seiner eigenen Schar (masinée = mhd. mâssenîe), denen er sein Zeichen (enseigne = lat. insignum) zugestanden hat: Das ist sein Kreuz, das ihr tragt in euren Herzen und euren gewappneten Körpern. Die Körper nenne ich wegen des Ebenbildes, die Herzen zur Nachahmung seiner Treue, weil jene im Kreuze durch Kämpfe starben und das Getöse der Hölle; und ihr müßt euer Fleisch töten, um sein Kreuz zu tragen und könnt wieder leben zu seiner Freude, um diese Tugenden in euch zu nähren.“)

57 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 145 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 125 (‘in ihm wollen wir auch zum Heil unserer Seelen leben und sterben.’) 58 Paul Meyer, Comptes rendus. La Bible française au Moyen Âge [. . .] par Samuel Berger [. . .] (Paris, 1884), S. 134. 222 Arno Mentzel-Reuters Auch nach dem Ende der Templer blieb diese Interpretation nicht wirkungslos; noch Johannes Naukler berichtet in seiner Weltchronik, daß die Mäntel der auf dem Scheiterhaufen verbrannten Templer unversehrt geblieben seien.59 „Die Reinigung bedeutet . . .“, so die Mahnung aus Mariawald, „Rechenschaft abzulegen“60. Das ist Sache des allgemeinen Bußsakraments – die Templerregel verpflichtet zum Minimum von zwei Beichten im Jahr (§ 354) – und, im speziellen Kontext monastischen Lebens, zum Schuldbekenntnis im wöchentlichen Kapitel, das in Klausur stattfindet (§ 386–388). Die Templerregel hat dieses Institut fraglos von den Zisterziensern übernommen und es – im Gegensatz zu den wenigen li­ turgischen Vorgaben – breit ausgeführt. In den Kapiteln sind die Statuten kapitel- weise zu verlesen (daher der Name), sie sind ferner mit einem Ermahnungs-Sermo zu eröffnen, der eigens von den Statuten vorgeschrieben wird (§ 388) und dessen Realisierung von den Verteidigern des Ordens vor der päpstlichen Kommission betont wird.61 Vordergründig dienen Kapitel der Disziplinierung der Brüder, sol- len also Verstöße gegen die Regel offenlegen und Buße festsetzen, sind aber im Grunde das Zentrum des gemeinschaftlichen Lebens. Die Kapitel verlangen ihrer Eigenart nach die Anwesenheit eines Priesters; deren Mangel und die späte und keineswegs flächendeckende Einführung von Priesterbrüdern im Orden führte zu mißverständlicher Ausweitung der Kapitel hin zu einer Art Laienbeichte, also einem generellen Bußsakrament, bei dem sich die Meister das Recht auf Absolu- tion anmaßten oder zumindest die Brüder glaubten, durch das Kapitel Absolu- tion erlangt zu haben. Allerdings ist die Schlußformel für das Kapitel, die § 539 vorsieht, tatsächlich mißverständlich: „erteile ich Vergebung, wie ich kann, im Namen Gottes“. Diese Vorstellung könnte ursprünglich der besonderen Situa- tion im Krieg geschuldet sein, doch war sie offenbar auch unter den Templern der friedlichen ländlichen Regionen Westeuropas verbreitet.62 Der gegenüber Mißständen im Orden keineswegs unkritische Geraldus de Causso berichtet aus- führlich und glaubwürdig über den Abschluß der von ihm miterlebten Schuldkapi- tel. Die vor dem abschließenden Gebet ‘pro omni gradu ecclesie’ ausgesprochene Formel lautete demnach: attamen de omnibus illis que obmitteretis nobis dicere, ob verecundiam carnis vel ob metum iusticie ordinis nos facimus vobis indulgen- ciam quam possimus et debemus.63 Allerdings folgte auch noch eine Absolution durch einen Priester. Daß dies eine Vergebung von Todsünden bewirken könne,

59 Wilhelm Ferdinand Wilcke, Die Geschichte des Ordens der Tempelherren, Bd. 2 (2. Aufl., Halle, 1860), S. 20. 60 Seewald, Spiritualität (wie Anm. 52), S. 108. 61 Vgl. Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 392 (celebrata prius in generalibus capitulis missa de Sancto Spiritu, et facto sermone per aliquem religiosum in loco in quo debebat capitulum teneri) = Mol­ denhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 325; ebenso Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 142 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 119: en chascun chapitilles general, preschavent à la foys avesque, à la fois predi- chaour au frere Menours; e zo se trovera per eus, e per li frere qui sunt issu de l’ordre, e par li apostata. 62 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 390 f. = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 321 f. 63 Ibid. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 223 bezweifelt der Zeuge: sed ipse testis erat certus de contrariis, nec credebat eciam quod per dictam generalem absolucionem factam dicto presbitero, et generaliter confessionem factam eidem essent absoluti a peccatis mortalibus.64 Als man am Folgetag Gerald diese Formel zur Bestätigung vorlegte, monierte er die lateini­ sche Formulierung quod secundum ejus intencionem non fuerat scriptum und teilte die in Wahrheit übliche volkssprachliche Fassung mit:

‘De omnibus illis que obmitteretis nobis dicere ob verecundiam carnis vel ob metum justicie ordinis, nos facimus vobis illam indulgenciam quam pos- sumus et debemus’; et dixit ipse testis quod dicta verba in vulgari dicebantur in hunc modum: ‘Et de tot aysço que vos nos layssatz a dire per onta de la charn o per paor de la justiza de la meyso, aytal pardo vos en fam quom podem ni devem’.65

Die Kommission mochte keinen Unterschied erkennen. Ihre in der Katharerver- folgung geschulten Mitglieder spielten es als häretische Praxis hoch, wodurch sich in absurder Weise das für die militia nova charakteristische Streben nach Reinigung, durch das sich die Brüder von der feudalen Lebensform abzusetzen suchten, gegen sie kehrte. Demut. Auch die humilitas kehrte sich im Prozeß gegen den Orden, da der den Oberen gelobte Gehorsam einer Selbstverteidigung durch gewählte Repräsen­ tanten entgegenstand, was bei dem Versagen der ritterlichen Leitung des Ordens den Feinden mehr Spielraum gab als nötig. Dabei ist Demut eines der zentralen Anliegen der monastischen Lebensform und wird auch von der Templerregel den Ordensmitgliedern abverlangt. Sie überträgt die benediktinische Technik der Zurücknahme individueller Ansprüche und Eitelkeiten auch auf die „nova mili- tia“; beschreibt sie doch vor allem Institutionen der Aszetik, der disciplina und des Gehorsams. Der anonyme Dichter der Versübersetzung des ‘Buches der Richter’ weiß an seinen Auftraggebern aus dem Templerorden – Odo von St. Amand und Richard von Hastings – gerade charité (V. 1,21) und humilté (V. 2,38) zu preisen. Zu ihrer Einübung dienen die Venien (Andachten mit rituellem Niederknien), das strikte Einhalten des auf wenige Standardgebete reduzierten Stundengebets, das Schweigen bei den Mahlzeiten und nach der Komplet. Am Gründonnerstag ist der Konvent verpflichtet, den Armen die Füße zu waschen (§ 346 f.) und „deren Füße in Demut zu küssen“ (§ 347). Die neuzeitliche Rezeption hat zur Demut der Templer freilich wenig Günstiges zu sagen, nehmen wir nur den Templer Brian de Bois-Guilbert in Walter Scotts Roman „Ivanhoe“ oder unlängst das Bild der vor superbia strotzenden Templer im Filmepos „Kingdom of Heaven“. Aber auch ein historischer Großmeister wie Gérard de Ridefort (1184–1189), der mit seinen Übergriffen auf Karawanen Saladin fortgesetzt provozierte, dürfte sich nicht durch

64 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 391. 65 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 393 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 326, der das Okzitanische nicht übersetzt. 224 Arno Mentzel-Reuters Demut ausgezeichnet haben. Wie immer sich Lebensrealität und Anspruch der Ordensregel hier verhalten haben, so ist die Konzeption des Ordens als Schutz für Pilger und Almosen spendende Gemeinschaft (§ 123) unverkennbar. Die Verteidi- ger vor der päpstlichen Kommission werden nicht müde, diese beiden Aspekte zu betonen, und selbst der sonst sehr zurückhaltende Großmeister Jacques de Molay äußert sich in diesem Sinn. Gebet. Für die Laienbrüder sieht die Templerregel nur wenige stereotype Gebete vor. In tempore belli ist es nur mehr die Kombination von Ave Maria und Pater noster, in Friedenszeiten (oder besser: in Häusern, die nicht im Kriegsgebiet liegen), sind es die Psalmen und das Marienoffizium (§ 357). Ihre konsequente Einübung und Wiederholung hat meditativen Charakter und soll individuelle Positionen und Wünsche unterbinden helfen. Auch das Totengedenken vollzieht sich – wie auch sonst – im Gebet. Es gibt eine tägliche Totenvesper nach der None (§ 355) und eine Totenvigilie zwischen None und Vesper (§ 356), also am frühen Abend, die allerdings nur für die Kleriker verpflichtend ist. Das Pater noster ersetzt im Zweifelsfall alle anderen Gebete, deren Memorieren anscheinend als zu anspruchsvoll betrachtet wird. Über seinen extremen Einsatz wurde Gerald de Causso vor seiner Aufnahme in den Orden informiert: 28 Pater noster zur Matu- tin, in der Prim und jeder weiteren Hore 14, vor und nach der Mahlzeit mindestens eines, zusätzlich aber noch 60 ‘Pater noster’ vor dem Essen.66 Bemerkenswert sind die ausführlichen Vorschriften für Gründonnerstag und Karfreitag. An Karfreitag wird eine besondere Kreuzanbetung mit voraufge- hender Prozession angesetzt, die sowohl in Akkon wie in Paris öffentlich und mit großem Eindruck auf die Bevölkerung inszeniert wurde67:

The Good Friday ceremony was regulated for in the Templar retraits and well rehearsed by many Templars, who were able to describe it to the detail in their depositions. The liturgy of the day unfolded in the most solemn man- ner, culminating in the unveiling of the Cross in the chapel to the chants of Ecce lignum Crucis and the response Venite adoremus. During the singing of the response the assembled brothers kneeled in adoration, and once the Cross was completely unveiled and placed in front of the altar, they took off their shoes, weapons and head-covers and with washed feet, as some brothers remembered in their depositions, they approached the Cross on bended knees. Details of the ceremony crop up in an abundance of Templar testimonies.68

Die Gegenseite suchte vielleicht darum eine systematische Schändung des Karfrei­ tags durch die Templer nachzuweisen: Das den Inquisitoren so wichtige

66 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 385 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 31 f. 67 Schenk, ‘Cult of the Cross’ (wie Anm. 34), S. 218. 68 Schenk, ‘Cult of the Cross’ (wie Anm. 34), S. 215 f. unter Berufung (wie Anm. 64) auf Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 141, 326, 366, 555 f., 606, 609, 612 f., 615 f., 620; Bd. 2, S. 82 f., 111, 201, 222, 227 f., 230, 232. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 225 Kreuz­bespucken “– und noch Schmutzigeres – geschah mit Vorliebe an den Fre- itagen, ja vor allem auch am Charfreitag”.69 Stille und Gottesdienst. Es entspricht einer Vorgabe aus Mariawald, daß ich hier diese beiden Komponenten verbinde. Die Stille, die schon der Heilige Benedikt seinen Brüdern auferlegt, soll Raum für die Kontemplation schaffen. Unnützes Geschwätz und eitle Selbstdarstellung gelten als Feinde monastischer Lebensform. Dennoch lebten die Templer nicht in Klausur. Die Kirchen und anscheinend die Gottesdienste der Tempelhäuser standen auch Fremden offen. Dabei wurden die Messen in den Häusern meist nicht von Priesterbrüdern, sondern von Weltgeistlichen abgehalten.70 Der Templerorden verfügte über keine eigene Liturgie. Seine Häuser nahmen das Missale der jeweiligen Diözese an.71 In Jeru- salem war das jenes der Kanoniker vom Heiligen Grabe72, andernorts aber nicht. Die vom ersten Reimser Komtur Etienne „erneuerten Bücher“ traten an die Stelle älterer Schenkungen des aufgehobenen Kanonikerstifts von St. Trinitatis, wie das Obituar deutlich ausweist.73 Das Reimser Ordenshaus übernahm wie üblich die Traditionen des vorherigen Kollegiatstiftes und beging z. B. die Kirchweih der Dreifaltigkeitskirche74; außer Gedenktagen für die Großmeister und einigen spä- teren Memorialstiftungen fügt es keine spezifischen templerischen Akzente hinzu. Dies erklärt, warum wir keine Templer-Missalia und ähnliches besitzen und warum man auf die Dominikanerliturgie zurückgreifen mußte, als dem Deutschen Orden ein eigenes Meßbuch verliehen wurde. Allerdings ist partiell mit Übernah- men auch aus der Liturgie der Grabeskirche zu rechnen, ich werde darauf im Zusammenhang mit den Prozessionen noch eingehen. „Weg“. Es gibt in der monastischen Erbauungsliteratur eine Vorstellung eines Weges zu Gott, insbesondere in den Vitas Patrum, aus denen Henri d’Arci die Verba seniorum für den Tempel in Bruer übertragen ließ. Das geschah unter Anwendung des Lektürekanons, den der Heilige Benedikt in der Regel 42 für die abendlichen Collationes gibt, die ja ihren Namen von den Collationes patrum

69 Hans Prutz, Geheimlehre und Geheimstatuten des Templer-Ordens (Berlin 1879), S. 62. 70 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 145 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 125. 71 Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem. A Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources, Bibliotheca victorina 16 (Turnhout, 2004), S. 41. 72 Dieses lag daher auch den ersten Konventen zugrunde, vgl. § 363, hierzu Karl Körner, Die Temp­ lerregel (Jena 1902), S. 102, Anm. 92; zur weiteren Entwicklung, insbesondere der Anpassung an die Notula der westeuropäischen Diözesen vgl. Dondi, Liturgy (wie Anm. 71), S. 41. Nachweislich im liturgischen Gebrauch der Templer waren der ‘Liber ordinarius’ Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana ms. Barb. Lat. 659 (Jerusalem, 1153–1157), vgl. Dondi, Liturgy S. 166–75, und das Brevier Paris, BN, lat. 10478 (Akkon, 1256–1261), ibid., S. 224–29. 73 Vgl. bei Barthélemy, ‘Obituaire’ (wie Anm. 46), 9.1. Wido, Kanoniker von St. Trinitatis, stiftet ein Graduale (S. 314); 20.3 Wido, Kanoniker von St. Trinitatis, stiftet IIos libros, scilicet antipho- narium et gradalem (S. 318); 1.4. für die Gedenkfeier für Witer, Kanoniker von St. Trinitatis, dati sunt huic ecclesie tres libri, scilicet missale, lectionarius et gradale (S. 318); 20.10. der Templer- priester Odoard stiftet unum calicem, et missale, et breviarium et omnem supellectilem suam, pro aniversario suo (S. 328). 74 Barthélemy, ‘Obituaire’ (wie Anm. 46), S. 304. 226 Arno Mentzel-Reuters des Johannes Cassianus († 430/35) entlehnt haben, die zusammen mit den Vitas patrum in diesem Kanon festgeschrieben sind. In den für Templer geschaffenen Versbearbeitungen wird außer dem Bezug auf Henri d’Arci nicht weiter auf den Orden Bezug genommen. Neben diesem passiven, rezeptiven Weg sieht die Litur- gie – die östliche übrigens weit ausgeprägter als die westliche, die mittelalterliche aber auch dort weit ausgeprägter als heute – den spirituellen Gang vor, näm- lich die Prozession. Es ist bemerkenswert, daß zwei Statuten der Templerregel abzuhaltenden Prozessionen gewidmet sind (§ 360–361). Es wird unterschieden zwischen den General-Prozessionen an 12 hohen Festtagen, an denen alle Brüder – auch die nicht im Ordenshaus wohnenden – teilnehmen, und solchen in der Ordenskirche (barfuß am Karfreitag zur Kreuzanbetung, § 34975) und schließlich noch Prozessionen, die nur die Priester alleine vornehmen (§ 361). Auch das Mis- sale des Deutschen Ordens kennt Prozessionen, wir wissen von Circuierbüchern und speziellen Kerzen, wenne man circuieret.76 Dort spielten sich die nicht-öffen- tlichen Prozessionen wie im Benediktinerorden und seinen Zweigen im Kreuz- gang ab. Die Häuser der Templer haben keinen Kreuzgang, aber häufig nach dem Vorbild der Grabeskirche – vor allem in Nordfrankreich und England – die bereits angesprochene Rotunde vor dem für Laien unzugänglichen Presbyterium. Die Rotunde wird nicht nur als Laienkirche, sondern auch als Ort der öffentli- chen Karfreitags-Prozessionen und der Heilig-Kreuz-Verehrung gedient haben, an manchen Stellen auch einer besonderen Grabesverehrung. Die Grabeskirche schließt ja nicht nur das Grab77 in seiner Mitte ein, sondern auch den Felsen von Golgotha78 und den Ort der Kreuzauffindung.79 Dafür gibt es Hinweise. Der um 1180 nach dem Vorbild des Tempels von Laon erbauten Templerkapelle in Metz traut man erheblichen Einfluß auf die lokalen liturgischen Traditionen zu: Sie soll die drei aus der Abtei St. Arnoud in Metz OSB überlieferten lateinis- chen Osterfeiern des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts mit einer Visitatio sepulchri nach

75 Auch dies stellt für sich genommen keine ungewöhnliche Praxis dar, vgl. Henderson, Procession- ale (wie Anm. 56): Deinde procedant clerici ad crucem adorandam, nudatis pedibus (S. 71). 76 Arno Mentzel-Reuters, Arma spiritulia. Bibliotheken, Bücher und Bildung im Deutschen Orden, Beiträge zum Buch- und Bibliothekswesen 47 (Wiesbaden, 2003), S. 250 und S. 238 mit fol- genden Quellen: 6 kleine circuirbucher 1440 in Elbing oder die 4 Partabel cum responsoriis in circuitu 1477 und 1479 in der Marburger Küsterei. 77 Ein Umgang mit vier Altären führt um die als tugurium rotundum (runde Hütte) bezeichnete Über- bauung des Grabes (ZB Zürich, Ms. Rh 73,5r, vgl. Schmaltz, Mater Ecclesiarum (wie Anm. 27), Taf. III a, hier nach anderer Handschrift: sepulchrum domini). 78 Golgothana ecclesia (ZB Zürich, Ms. Rh 73,5r, vgl. Schmaltz, Mater Ecclesiarum (wie Anm. 27), Taf. III e). 79 In quo loco crux dominica cum binis latronum crucibus sub terra reperta (ZB Zürich, Ms. Rh 73,5r, vgl. Schmaltz, Mater Ecclesiarum (wie Anm. 27), Taf. III h). Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 227 anglo-normannischen Vorbild vermittelt haben.80 In der Kirche des Reimser Tem- pels richtete man seitlich eine capella una cum dominici corporis sepulchro ein.81 Das als ‘Imitatio Christi’ verwirklichte Motiv des Leidens und Wachsens wird von Bernhard von Clairvaux im Templerkontext als „Martyrium“ gesetzt.82 Damit wird im übrigen auch ein Bezug zum altchristlichen Namen der Grabeskirche gegeben.83 Die kriegerische ‘Imitatio Christi’ hat eine Doppelfunktion. Einmal werden Kämpfer angestachelt, die zum Martyrium bereit waren, da ihnen eine dauerhafte Memoria und Vergebung ihrer Sünden garantiert scheint. Zum anderen aber, und das scheint mir ebenso wichtig wie die Rekrutierung neuer Krieger und Wahrheitszeugen, entsteht eine innere Dynamik der Gemeinschaft, die jene Mär- tyrer als unerreichbare, jedoch identitätsstiftende Leitbilder verehrte. Das am Mantel anzubringende Ordenskreuz macht diese Leitbilder allgegenwärtig:

As part of the Templar habit it is frequently mentioned in the Templar stat- utes, the retraits, which provided detailed regulations on how and where the cross should be worn (§ 141), and when it should be removed (§§ 470, 489, 496, which show that by not wearing the cross the penitent was visually, spir- itually as well as factually excluded from the community of the brothers).84

Gerade durch das Martyrium wurden die Getöteten unwiderruflich Teil der Ordensgemeinschaft. Den 80 durch Saladin nach der Eroberung von Saphet hingerichteten Templern kam dabei eine besondere Rolle zu85, ebenso den Ver- lusten im dritten Kreuzzug, wo der ganze Convent zweymal aufgerieben worden sei86. Auch der Tod des Großmeisters Guillaume de Beaujeu und 300 weiterer Brüder bei der Eroberung von Akkon 1291 wird zur Verteidigung der Integrität des Ordens angeführt.87 Solche Märtyrer werden im Obituar des Ordens in jedem Hause beschworen und wirken so gerade auch auf diejenigen Angehörigen, die nie ein Schwert in Händen hielten. Das Ziel dieser Argumentationen offenbart Jean de Montreal vor den päpstlichen Kommissaren: Er rechnet auch die Opfer der Folter durch die französischen Inquisitoren unter diese Wahrheitszeugen:

Item, nous avons souffert moire de tormens de fers, prisons et de geines, et longs tans au pan et à l’iue, par coi aucons de nos freres sunt mort; et ne

80 Walther Lipphardt (Hg.), Lateinische Osterfeiern und Osterspiele 7 (Berlin und New York, 1990), S. 204. Zur Besonderheit der normannischen Liturgie der Septimana sancta, auch in Metz, vgl. Corbin, La déposition liturgique (wie Anm. 30), S. 242 f. 81 Barthélemy, ‘Obituaire’ (wie Anm. 46), S. 304. 82 Purkis, Crusading Spirituality (wie Anm. 6), S. 98–111. 83 Nach Adamnus trug die Kirche der Kreuzauffindung den Namen ‘Martyrion’ (ZB Zürich Rh 73,5v: Constantiniana basilica hoc ÷ Martyrium, vgl. Schmaltz, Mater Ecclesiarum (wie Anm. 27), Taf. III h, zum Namen ibid., S. 72 f.). 84 Schenk, ‘Cult of the Cross’ (wie Anm. 34), S. 207. 85 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 170 f. = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 146. 86 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 143 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 122. 87 Ibid. 228 Arno Mentzel-Reuters eussons mie tant souffert se nostre religion ne fust bone et se nos ne man- tenissons verité, et si n’i fust pour le monde oster hors de mal erreur qui i est sans raison.88

Hier kehrt sich die Innensicht des Ordens gegen seine verbriefte Außensicht als Verteidiger der Kirche und ihrer Autorität. Das wirft auch ein Licht auf den Widerruf seiner früheren Geständnisse durch den Großmeister und anderer Brüder trotz der Drohung mit dem Scheiterhaufen – wobei unklar bleibt, worauf sich die Verurteilung als Ketzer eigentlich bezog. Einen unverkennbaren Hinweis auf die besondere Kreuzverehrung unter den Templern gibt nicht nur das rote Kreuz auf dem Ordenshabit, sondern mehr noch die dunkle Seite des Initiationsrituals. Wir wüßten nichts darüber, wenn es nicht die Inquisitoren auf den Plan gerufen hätte. Auch so sind die Informationen dun- kel und widersprüchlich. Da die den Orden belastenden Aussagen teilweise durch Anwendung der Folter erlangt wurden, können sie nicht als zuverlässig gelten. Ich halte mich daher im Folgenden allein an Geraldus de Cassio, dessen Aus- sage hier häufig herangezogen wird, und die sich für Details des Aufnahmerituals als kundige Quelle erweist. Da Gerald sehr differenziert vorträgt und über sein Handeln nachvollziehbar Rechenschaft ablegt, ja nicht davor zurückschreckt, mit der Kommission über Details wie die korrekte lateinische Widergabe okzitani­ scher Sätze zu debattieren, kann er kaum als durch Folter eingeschüchtert gelten. Insofern kommt seiner Aussage ein größeres Gewicht zu als dem Zeugnis von Brüdern, die klar verängstigt auftraten oder ihre Aussagen später widerriefen. Gerald berichtet, daß er nach seiner vorbildlichen, durch Ermahnungen, Gelübde und Gebete gekennzeichneten, rituellen Aufnahme in den Orden als Neuling von einigen Serjeanten in einer verschlossenen Kammer einer sad*stischen Karikatur dieser Weihe unterzogen wurde.

Et quatuor vel quinque fratres servientes ordinis remanentes cum eis fer- maverunt ostium camere cum barra vel necte, et dicti servientes, quos idem testis prius non viderat, quod recolat nec postmodum, extrahentes quamdam crucem ligneam, ut ei videtur, quasi longitudinis unius palmi cum dimedio, in qua non recolit se vidisse aliquam ymaginem Crucifixi, dixerunt ipsi testi et aliis duobus qui recepti fuerant cum eodem, ostendentes dictam crucem, quod abnegarent Deum; et cum ipsi responderent se non facturos et essent stupefacti et territi, dixerunt quod hoc oportebat eos facere, et evagin*verunt enses quos portabant; et tunc ipse testis et predicti duo recepti cum eo exter- riti et inermes abnegaverunt Deum; et hoc fecit ipse testis, ut dixit, ore non corde, idem credens de aliis duobus; postmodum dicti servientes preceperunt eis quod spuerent super dictam crucem, et cum nollent spuere, dicti servi- entes dixerunt eis quod facerent eis graciam ne facerent dictam spuicionem,

88 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 146 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 126. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 229 sed caverent sibi quod tenerent secretum et quod non accusarent eos. Postea unus predictorum servientium dixit eis quod, si haberent calorem et motus carnales, poterant adinvicem carnaliter commisceri, si volebant, quia melius erat quod hoc facerent inter se, ne ordo vituperaretur, quam si accederent ad mulieres.89

Das Nebeneinander von Gottesverleugnung und der Aufforderung zu hom*osexu­ ellen Praktiken ist nicht zufällig, wenngleich durch die mißgünstige Phantasie der Ankläger angefeuert. Geraldus kann jedoch auch Aufnahmezeremonien ohne solche Zwischenfälle bezeugen, und obschon er glaubt, daß die Serjeanten mit Billigung des Receptors handelten, so weiß er doch davon zu berichten, daß drei seiner Peiniger wegen solcher Übergriffe von Großmeister Thomas Berardi zu Kerkerhaft verurteilt wurden. Das Übel war also der Ordensleitung bekannt und wurde schwer geahndet. Insofern konnte es nicht als Begründung für die Aufhe- bung des Ordens herangezogen werden. Verbreitung finden konnte es wohl nur, weil die Opfer aus Scham und Angst schwiegen bzw. es nur in der Beichte preis­ gaben. Geraldus gibt als Gründe für sein Schweigen während der ersten Befra- gungen an: Furcht vor Rache der Brüder, persönliche Verdächtigungen, Angst vor Armut nach Ausstoßung aus dem Orden. Die praktizierte Travestie der Kreuzanbetung und des Keuschheitsgelübdes beweisen nicht, wie die Inquisitoren wohl annahmen, die Verworfenheit des Ordens, sondern eher die übertriebene Strenge, mit der beides eingefordert wurde. Der hom*osexualität wird aufgrund der besseren Möglichkeit zur Verheimlichung ein Vorzug vor dem bei Weltklerikern verbreiteten Konkubinat zuerkannt. Über die tatsächliche Verbreitung sagen solche Zeugnisse jedoch nichts aus. Es ist auch damit zu rechnen, daß die Beschreibung erzwungener Küsse auf Körper- teile unterhalb des Gürtels (Nabel, Bauch usw.) nicht bloß wörtlich gemeint ist, sondern eine verschämte Umschreibung für orale Sexualpraktiken darstellt. Unabweisbar bleibt, daß die Zeugenaussagen sowohl einen Ansatz zur Befreiung von Vorurteilen über die Sodomie wie eine gesteigerte Misogynie zeigen. Darüber hinaus hatte die sad*stische Initiation gruppendynamische Bedeutung, über die hier nicht gehandelt werden kann. Erkennen. Es ist ein geradezu unvermeidbarer Topos, daß „Bildung“ im Tem- plerorden keine Rolle spielte. Soweit es die Ritterbrüder anbelangt, ist diese Sicht zu rechtfertigen, wenngleich ich die Lesefähigkeit des Adels im 13. Jahrhundert, zumal des französischen, weit höher ansetzen würde als es oft geschieht – und wir werden auch gleich ein Beispiel dafür erhalten. Es waren Odo von St. Amand und Richard von Hastings, zwei Vertreter der anglo-normannischen Ritterelite des Templerordens, die eine Übersetzung des ‘Buches der Richter’ in Auftrag gaben. Das Ergebnis floß in einen volkssprachlichen Bibelkomplex ein, der auch in Akkon kopiert und mithin wohl auch gelesen wurde, der aber nicht der Kreuz- fahrerwelt zugehört, sondern der von Ludwig dem Heiligen repräsentierten, ja

89 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 386 = Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 315 f. 230 Arno Mentzel-Reuters geradezu verkörperten, höfischen Laienfrömmigkeit insgesamt zugehört. Den- noch war es der Vorrede zum ‘Buch der Richter’ vorbehalten, das Postulat nach einer volkssprachlichen Bibel in einer Souveränität zu erheben, die bis hin zu Mar- tin Luther ihres gleichen sucht – die vielzitierten Bibeldichtungen im Deutschen Orden z. B. treten wesentlich bescheidener auf. Eine diskussionslose Ablehnung der „litera latina“ als „litera obscura“ und die Hinwendung zu den gens sanz letreure (Illiterati) zeigt den Laienstolz und die Souveränität volkssprachlicher Literatur. Anders als spätere deutsche Bibelbearbeitungen verdeutlicht der anglo- normannische Übersetzer des 12. Jahrhunderts den Anspruch dieser gens auf ein adäquates Verständnis der verité . . . par auctorité:

D’une riens doit blasme avoir D’aucun soffraitos de savoir, Por ce qu’en aucun leu mis ai Plus qu’au latin que je trovai, Por ce que la letre est oscure Trop cloze as gens sanz letreure. Ne sai que translation vaille Qui semble as oyans devinaille, Dont l’en oze et puet la verite Demostrer par auctorite. Beau mest ce a tot puet plaizir Se non moy l’estovera soffrir. (V. 3,37–55) 90

(„Von nichts werde ich Schande haben, von keinem Mangel an Wissen, weil ich davon alles zu Recht gesetzt habe, mehr als ich im Lateinischen fand, weil die Worte dunkel sind, fest verschlossen für Menschen ohne Bildung. Ich erkenne nur die Übersetzung als wertvoll an, die den Ohren verständlich erscheint, bei der man gestärkt wird und die Wahrheit durch [göttliche] Autorität aufzeigen kann. Das vermag allen am schönsten zu gefallen; wenn aber nicht, so wird es mich schmerzvoll treffen.“)

Daß der Templerorden ausgerechnet eine Übersetzung des ‘Buchs der Richter’ zum volkssprachlichen Bibelprojekt beisteuerte, ist alles andere als zufällig. ‘Iudicum’ ist in geradezu prophetischer Weise das Schicksalsbuch dieses Ordens, es liefert die Grundlage für seinen Triumph wie für seine Vernichtung. Das Buch erzählt von der Landnahme der Israeliten in Palästina, dem Land, das der Herr seinem Volk verheißen hatte. Diese göttliche Verheißung wird nirgends relativiert. Siege der Israeliten sind die unmittelbare Konsequenz dieser Verheißung. Aber das Buch berichtet auch von katastrophalen Niederlagen. Wie werden sie erklärt? Gottes Treue zu dem Bund, den er geschlossen hat, ist unverbrüchlich, er ist kein

90 Text nach Meyer, Compte-rendus (wie Anm. 58), S. 134. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 231 launischer Poltergeist wie die Götter des klassischen Altertums. Ausgeschlos- sen ist auch, daß die Heiden aus eigener Kraft oder mittels ihrer eigenen Götter gegen ihn bestehen könnten. Gott beschließt selbst, die Heiden nicht zu vertreiben (Richter 2:20–2291). Ein Templer, der dieses Buch ernsthaft verinnerlicht hatte, konnte nach dem Fall von Akkon daraus nur die Botschaft entnehmen, daß die neuen Gotteskrieger sich in ähnlicher Weise schuldig gemacht hatten wie einst die Israeliten (z. B. Richter 2:14). Der Abfall ist gekennzeichnet durch Götzendienst und Hurerei: „Da aber Gideon gestorben war, kehrten sich die Kinder Israel um und hureten den Baalim nach und machten ihnen Baal-Berith zum Gott.“ (Richter 8:33) Vor dem Fall von Akkon mochte man all dies, wie vom ‘Buch der Richter’ vorgegeben, als Strafe und Prüfung verstehen, aber nach 1291, als das Versagen offenkundig wurde, mußte sich das Buch gegen den Orden kehren und machte, zusammen mit Ps 106, die Vorwürfe der Hurerei und des idolatrischen Götzen- dienstes auch für die Mitglieder des Ordens glaubwürdig und beschleunigte in gewisser Weise seine Vernichtung. Eine andere Art der Erkenntnis, weit volkstümlicher, wurde aus der Reliquien- sammlung des Ordens gezogen. Romane wie der altfranzösische ‘Perlesvaus’- Roman, der am Ende auch den Templern als Hüter des Grals seine Reverenz erweist, illustrieren, wie die feudale Welt des 13. Jahrhunderts wahre Raritäten- kammern von Glaubenszeugnissen ersehnte. Und wie Gauvain dort das Schwert findet, mit dem Johannes der Täufer enthauptet wurde, so bewahrte der Tempel in London das Schwert, mit dem Thomas Becket erschlagen wurde.92 Ludwig der Heilige setzte hier mit der ‘Sainte Chapelle’ Maßstäbe, wo primär zur Anbe- tung durch ihn selbst und die Königin in einem überdimensionalen Ziborium die Dornenkrone aufbewahrt wurde. Einen Dorn dieser Krone besaß aber auch der Templerorden, und Jean de Montréal verweist mit andächtigem Stolz auf ein Wunder im Hause der Templer: Item, proposent que la spina de la corona que fu de Nostre Senior in cele meisme guisse ne florrira au jor del Venres sanz entre les mans des freres capellans deu Temple, si il fossent tiels que om lor met dessus.93 Die wundersame Reliquie wurde 1291 aus Akkon nach Zypern gerettet und

91 ‘Darum ergrimmete dann des Herrn Zorn über Israel, daß er sprach: Weil dies Volk meinen Bund übergangen hat, den ich ihren Vätern geboten habe, und gehorchen meiner Stimme nicht, so will ich auch hinfort die Heiden nicht vertreiben, die Josua hat gelassen, da er starb, daß ich Israel an ihnen versuche, ob sie auf dem Wege des Herrn bleiben, daß sie drinnen wandeln, wie ihre Väter geblieben sind, oder nicht.’ (Richter 2:20–22). 92 Virgina Jansen, ‘Light and Pure. The Templar’s New Choir’, in Park/Griffith-Jones, Temple Church (wie Anm. 23), S. 45–66, hier S. 58. 93 Michelet (wie Anm. 10), S. 143, vgl. Moldenhawer (wie Anm. 10), S. 123. 232 Arno Mentzel-Reuters überlebte dort den Orden.94 Ogier d’Anglure sah ihr Aufblühen am Karfreitag 1395 auf Rhodos im Großmeisterpalast der Johanniter95:

Sachiés que illec veismes nous appertement bel miracle, car environ midi quant le service fut fait, nous veismes icelle digne espine toute florie de petites florettes blanches, et nous fut juré et certiffié, par gens dignes et de foy, que austresfois avoient veue icelle espine en ung autre jour, laquelle n’estoit point florie, mais estoit noire, et nous affermerent les seigneurs Freres aisni que ainsi florist elle chascun an au jour de Grant Vendredi.96

Schlußfolgerungen Was ergibt sich nun hinsichtlich der “Spiritualität der Templer”? Wir können vor allem unterhalb der Ritterbrüder bei Priestern und Serjeanten ein Bemühen um ein geistliches Leben mit ordensspezifischen Akzenten nachweisen, vor allem mit Bezügen auf die Passion und die Kreuzverehrung. Sie ergab sich fast zwingend aus dem als dauerhaftem Zeichen getragenen Ordenskreuz, der ursprünglichen Bin­ dung des Ordens an die Heiligen Stätten in Jerusalem, speziell der Grabeskirche mit ihrer seit der Spätantike bewunderten Sammlung von Passionsreliquien, und an die Liturgie der Kanoniker vom Heiligen Grab. Die vor der päpstlichen Kom- mission aufgedeckten Mißstände, insbesondere die Kreuzesschändung, stehen in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang mit dieser Spiritualität, ebenso wie das Interesse am ‘Buch der Richter’ geradezu eine Blaupause für die Verurteilung des Ordens lieferte. Es darf nicht verwundern, daß – von Einzelfällen wie dem aufblühenden Dorn aus der corona spinea abgesehen – keine templerspezifischen Ausformungen ent- standen, sondern innerhalb des Ordens einzelne Frömmigkeitsformen aus dem reichen Schatz ritueller Praktiken ausgewählt wurden, um die spezifischen Bedür- fnisse abzudecken. Theologische Spekulationen blieben dem Orden fremd, aber es gab Brüder, die sich für die volkssprachliche Bibel erwärmten, und Brüder, die eine ausgefeilte Kirchenarchitektur förderten. Das geschah in besonderer Weise im anglo-normannischen Raum zwischen Paris und dem nördlichen England – ein Phänomen, das noch weiter analysiert werden müßte. Hier sind naturgemäß Bezug und Konkurrenz zu breiteren spirituellen Bewegungen greifbar, zu Reliquienkult und Bibelverehrung um Ludwig den Heiligen, vielleicht auch zu Thomas Becket. Es sind noch längst nicht alle solchen Bezüge aufgedeckt.

94 Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28), S. 21 f. 95 Alain Demurger, Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge (XIe–XVIe siècles) (Paris, 2002), S. 190. 96 Ogier d’Anglure, Le sainct voyaige de Jherusalem, hg. François Bonnardot, Auguste Long- non (Paris, 1878), S. 93 f. (cp. 321), auf S. 94 Anm. 1 Wiedergabe einer in manchen Details abweichenden Parallelüberlieferung. Spätere Zeugnisse bei Imperio, ‘Reliquie’ (wie Anm. 28), S. 22 f. bzw. S. 30 f. Gab es eine Spiritualität der Templer? 233 Summary There has been much scholarly study of Cistercian writing and preaching addressed to the Knights Templar and the curial letters derived from this litera- ture. But it is unclear whether the members of the Temple, who differed widely in education and ancestry, were able to understand such concepts and whether they matched their actual circ*mstances. Conversely, this paper relies on sources that emanated from the Templars itself, such as the retraits, vernacular poetry writ- ten at their request, and the testimonies of the brethren during the investigation by the Papal Commission. Due to its original links to the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre and Holy Sepulchre itself, the Order of the Temple developed a special devotion to the Lord’s passion, which was expressed through adoration of the True Cross and in collecting holy relics, such as a spine from the Crown of Thorns which allegedly blossomed every Good Friday. Even the sad*stic initiation ceremonies unveiled during the papal inquiry, as in particular the desecration of the cross, underline the importance of its cult in the Order. Allusion to the Knights Templar in Grail romances such as Perlesvaus gives evidence that feudal society linked Templar spirituality to the guardianship of relics. But at last during the reign of the French King, Louis IX, later St Louis, the Order began to be exposed to fierce competition with a Capetian kingship that itself claimed leadership over the militia Christi by building a ‘New Jerusalem’ in France on reliquaries of the Lord’s passion. Combined with a self-reflexive interpretation of the Book of Judges which linked the loss of the Promised Land with apostasy and libertinage, this accelerated the Order’s doom.

Section V Suppression and its consequences

Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin ‘The real Da Vinci Code’

16 ‘The real Da Vinci Code’: the accounts of Templars’ estates in England and Wales during the suppression of the Order

Helen Nicholson and Philip Slavin

Most readers will be familiar with at least the title of Dan Brown’s 2003 novel, The Da Vinci Code. In the novel, a cryptic code holds the key to valuable knowledge held by the Templars that has been hidden from the world for centuries. Likewise in this paper we will be discussing valuable information about the Templars that has been effectively concealed within the documents drawn up at the time of the Templars’ arrests in Britain and Ireland and during the proceedings against the Templars. This valuable information comprises data revealing the extent of the Templars’ estates and their moveable and immoveable property at the time of the arrests and at intervals thereafter, and the income and expenditure of those estates during the time that they were administered by the English king’s offi- cials. The data were recorded by royal officials and are preserved in the National Archives of the UK in Kew, but these records’ heavily abbreviated state and sometimes poor state of preservation renders them effectively unintelligible to the majority of readers: hence they are effectively encoded. In this paper, we will explain how these documents were produced, summarize the information that they contain, and then present a detailed analysis of some of the data within them. This paper is founded in our planned research project into the Templars’ proper- ties in England and Wales. The goal of this research is to publish the records for England and Wales (the records from Ireland were published in 1967),1 to make them available to all scholars with an interest in medieval estate records; but with the particular intention of establishing exactly how wealthy or poverty-stricken the Templars in Britain were in 1308, and what property the Hospitallers actually inherited here in 1313. The Templars in England and Wales were arrested in the second week of Janu- ary 1308, and in Ireland early in February 1308.2 At the time of the arrests, they possessed vast manorial estates, totalling 141 demesnes: 137 in England and four in Wales, equalling 34,400 acres of cultivable land (about 22,000 arable and

1 Gearóid MacNiocaill (ed.), ‘Documents Relating to the Suppression of the Templars in Ireland’, Analecta Hibernica, 24 (1967), pp. 183–226. 2 Clarence Perkins, ‘The Trial of the Knights Templar in England’, English Historical Review, 24 (1909), pp. 432–47, at 432. 238 Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin 14,400 fallow acres) plus an additional 30,000 acres or so of woodland and per- manent pasture.3 Arguably, the Order of the Temple was the single wealthiest landlord in the British Isles. When this manorial empire reverted to King Edward II, the king had to decide how best to administer this huge estate. Royal custodians – most of whom were close associates of Edward II – assumed temporary control until the lands were finally assigned to new owners. In the bull Ad providam on 2 May 1312 Pope Clement V assigned the Templars’ former properties to the Knights Hospitaller.4 The Hospital- lers did not claim the Templars’ lands in Britain and Ireland until November 1313, when Albert von Schwarzburg and Leonard de Tibertis arrived in ­England. On 5 December 1313 they issued a document stating that the king of England had handed over to them all the former property of the Knights Templar insofar as he was able.5 In fact the estate records show that many moveables were not handed over but were taken for the king’s use. So, for example, at Garway in Herefordshire, the final account for the estate by John de la Haye refers to royal instructions for the livestock to be handed over to two members of the king’s household, Hubert of Sutton and Robert de Sapy. Hubert of Sutton was to have ‘omnes grossas bes- tias que fuerunt in custos ipsius Johannis in dicto manerio’ (all the large beasts in John’s custody) while Robert de Sapy received 100 multones (wethers, or neutered male sheep), 100 ewes and 30 pigs.6 The king retained certain desirable properties, such as Bisham in Berkshire, which was used to accommodate an eminent prisoner, Elizabeth Bruce, in 1308–12. King Edward II also stayed there, dating letters close from Bisham in December 1314.7 Likewise, the Hospitallers never obtained the valuable Yorkshire estates of Flaxfleet, Newsam and Hirst.8

Royal custodians and their records When the Templars were arrested, royal officials compiled inventories of each manor’s possessions. While the estates were controlled by the king, the royal

3 Philip Slavin, ‘Landed Estates of the Knights Templar in England and Wales and their Management in the Early Fourteenth Century’, Journal of Historical Geography, 42 (2013), pp. 36–49, at 38. 4 Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 267–9; Thomas Rymer (ed.), Foedera, conventiones, literæ, et cujuscunque generis acta publica, inter reges Anglicæ, revised by Robert Sanderson, Adam Clarke and Frederic Holbrooke, 4 vols. in 7 (London, 1816– 69), 2.1, pp. 167–9. 5 Rymer, Foedera, 2.1, pp. 235, 236–7. 6 Kew, The National Archives of the UK (TNA): E 358/19 rot 47v. 7 TNA: E 368/79 rot. 107; Calendar of the Close Rolls preserved in the Public Record Office, pre- pared under the superintendence of the Deputy Keeper of the Records. Edward II, AD 1307–1313 (London, 1892), pp. 284, 394, 493, 511; Rymer, Foedera, 2.1, pp. 155, 182; Calendar of the Close Rolls, Edward II. AD 1313–1318 (London, 1893), pp. 130, 205. 8 Simon Phillips, ‘The Hospitallers’ Acquisition of the Templar Lands in England’, in The Debate on the Trial of the Templars (1307–1314), eds. Jochen Burgtorf, Paul F. Crawford and Helen J. Nicholson (Farnham, 2010), pp. 237–46; Philip Slavin, ‘The Fate of the Former Templar Estates in England, 1308-1330’, Crusades, 14 (2015), pp. 209-35. ‘The real Da Vinci Code’ 239

Figure 16.1 Geography of English and Welsh Templars’ landed estates on the eve of their suppression in Jan. 1308. Note: dots denote directly managed demesnes, while triangles stand for leased out demesnes. Source: Philip Slavin, ‘Landed estates of the Knights Templar in England and Wales and their manage- ment in the early Fourteenth Century’, Journal of Historical Geography, 42 (2013), 38. custodians appointed to administer each property rendered seasonal manorial accounts to the royal exchequer. In addition, each time a new custodian was appointed to an estate, an inventory was drawn up recording the value of the property at the time it changed hands. These inventories and accounts are now stored at the National Archives of the UK at the urban village of Kew in Surrey. The inventories and associated records, such as extents and claims for corrodies, 240 Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin comprise 129 documents in a total of 358 membranes, located at shelfmarks TNA, E 142/10–18 and 89–118. There are 206 accounts, comprising 185 accounts enrolled into four parchment rolls, which are modelled on the same basis as the ‘Winchester Bishopric Rolls’. There are also 21 ‘draft’ accounts, recorded sepa- rately. The enrolled accounts are located at shelfmarks TNA, E 358/18–21, while individual draft accounts survive at various SC 6 shelfmarks. These records rep- resent the core of our project. While all these records contain very valuable data, these data differ in form. The inventories present a static survey in a single snapshot, setting out crops sown, livestock, furniture, clothes, kitchen equipment, religious and liturgical paraphernalia, and so on. The account rolls present a dynamic picture of financial revenue and disposal, arable and livestock management patterns, and an over- view of employment records. These rolls were generally rendered on a seasonal basis, covering several months. They present data county by county, laid out in a ‘charge-discharge structure’, listing income, then expenditure, and cover the period from January 1308 to May 1314, although each county has some gaps: for example, the accounts for Lincolnshire cover only the period January 1308 to July 1309, after which all the properties were leased out to tenants who did not render accounts to the exchequer.9 A complete run of accounts survives for Garway on the Welsh-English border in Herefordshire, from January 1308 to December 1313.10 At Upleadon, also in Herefordshire, only the accounts from January 1308 to 20 September 1310 survive.11 The accounts for Worcestershire cover the period from Michaelmas 1308 to 1312.12 Only one account survives for Llanmadoc on the Gower Peninsula, in Glamorgan (Morgannwg), South Wales: this covers the period 10 January 1308 to Michaelmas 1308.13 For Temple on Bodmin Moor, Cornwall, there are only summary accounts covering five years.14 Altogether, around 75 per cent of the accounts and 55 per cent of the inventories survive. Some counties are missing altogether from the archive: for example, the accounts for Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire appear never to have reached the exchequer. In 1330 the sheriff’s widow, Joan Pycot, complained to the king that she was being harassed for her husband’s outstanding accounts for the Templars’ property at Flawford, Nottinghamshire.15 The Templars had also held other prop-

9 J. M. Jefferson, ‘Edward II and the Templar Lands in Lincolnshire’, in L’économie templière en Occident: Patrimoines, commerce, finances, eds. Arnaud Baudin, Ghislain Brunel and Nicolas Dohrmann (Langres, 2013), pp. 295–321, at 318. 10 TNA: E 358/18, rots 2 (years 1 and 2), 44 (year 5); E 358/19, rots 25 (years 1, 2, 5), 47 (year 6 and nine weeks of year 7), 50 (11 weeks of year 2, years 3 and 4). 11 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 2–2v, E 358/19 rot. 25–25v (years 1 and 2), rots 50v, 51 (end of year 2, year 3). 12 TNA: E358/18, rot. 44(2)v; E 358/19 rots 47v, 50–51. 13 TNA: E 358/20 rot. 10r and TNA: SC 6/1202/3. 14 TNA: E 358/20 rot. 11v. 15 TNA: SC 8/67/3306. ‘The real Da Vinci Code’ 241 erty in Derbyshire, as (for example) the Hospitallers’ later depositions in the Plac- ita quo Warranto for 4 Edward III refer to the Hospitallers’ right to hold a view of frankpledge of their tenants ‘apud Normanton iuxta Cestrefeld de tenentibus suis qui fuerunt quondam Templariorum’16 but without the detailed records of 1308–14 we have no details of the value of these estates. After the manors had been granted to new lords or handed over to the Hospitallers, no further detailed accounts were produced. Some revenue figures for individual commanderies sur- vive in Hospitaller accounts,17 and a single surviving Hospitaller estate account from 1505 for the commanderies of Dinmore and Garway includes former Tem- plar property in Herefordshire, Monmouthshire and Shropshire.18 However, the accounts of 1308–14 constitute our most detailed source of information on the Templars’ estates in Britain.

Under the Templars: arable husbandry and sheep farming The detailed contents of the account rolls reveal many important facets of Templar economy, in particular its agricultural aspects. This complements our knowledge of other monastic orders’ economy, as well as of other aspects of Templar econ- omy, especially finances. A close analysis of the Templar account rolls indicate that during the 1308–9 account year, about 8,850 quarters of crops were sown, resulting in slightly under 33,000 quarters reaped in the harvest of 1309. On aver- age, about 35 per cent of all arable was sown with wheat, eight per cent with rye and maslin (rye-wheat mixture), nine per cent with legumes (mostly peas, but also beans, vetches and pulses), seven per cent with barley, 34 per cent with oats and further seven per cent with dredge (oat-barley mixture). The composition of arable on the Templar demesne reflects the distribution of crops on a national level.19 Obviously, these patterns varied from place to place, depending on local environmental conditions, but also managerial strategies.20 The aggregate arable production levels and their financial equivalent were truly astonishing. Thus, in 1309, just under 30,000 quarters of different crops harvested were worth about £5,900 gross of seed (that is, before the deduction of the share

16 Placita de quo warranto temporibus Edw. I. II. and III. in curia receptae scaccarij Westm. asserva- tae, ed. William Illingworth and John Caley (London, 1818), pp. 132–3. 17 Joachim Miret I Sans (ed.), Les Cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya: aplec de noves i documents històricos, intro. Josep M. Sans I Travé (Lleida, 2006), pp. 400–1 (1319/20); Lambert B. Larking (ed.), The Knights Hospitallers in England, Being the Report of Prior Philip de Thame to the Grand Master Elyan de Villanova for AD 1338, intro. John Mitchell Kemble, Camden Soci- ety first series 65 (1857); Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Ord. Mil, Sección de Cod. 602 B (1357). 18 Hereford, Herefordshire Record Office, A 63/III/23/1: Rental of Dinmore and Garway, 20 Henry VII (1505). 19 The ʽnational’ figures derive from Stephen Broadberry, Bruce Campbell, Alexander Klein, Mark Overton and Bas van Leeuwen, ʽEnglish Economic Growth, 1270–1700’, University of Warwick working paper, 2011, p. 33 (; last accessed July 2014). 20 This topic has been studied in detail in Slavin, ‘Landed Estates of the Knights Templar’. 242 Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin used in seeding) and £3,900 net of seed (after seeding). Of which, the value of marketed crops stood at just above £2,000. Few if any landed lords were capa- ble of producing such high figures. For comparison, around 1300, the manors of Westminster Abbey, Winchester Bishopric and Canterbury Cathedral Priory, ‘princes among prelates’, each endowed with 50 to 60 demesnes, produced about 13,300, 13,200 and 11,250 quarters of crops, respectively. The estates of Peterbor- ough Cathedral Priory, Winchester Cathedral Priory and Ramsey Abbey produced around 9,650, 8,700 and 8,100 quarters, respectively.21 Such behemoth revenue was a direct result of over 100 years of royal and seigniorial patronage that the Knights Templar enjoyed from the 1130s to the 1250s, before they started falling out of royal, and consequently, aristocratic favour.22 Unfortunately, few accounts reveal the annual patterns of harvest disposal. A sample of 19 demesnes, spanning over several years, is, nevertheless, sufficient to establish some basic generalizations. First, a certain proportion was invested in seeding. The average figures varied a great deal from crop to crop, but also from place to place. Thus, for wheat, rye and maslin, seed accounted for under 30 per cent of the total crop issue net of tithe. In the case of spring crops the figures were higher, with dredge showing exceptionally high proportions. On average, about 39 per cent of all harvest was invested in seed: excessively high figures, compared to other estates, which invested about one-quarter of their crop issue in seeding.23 It is unclear whether the seeding rates for 1308–13 reflect a conscientious manage- rial decision of the royal keepers to augment the relative proportion of sown crop, rather than the pre-1308 figures, or if they indicate low crop yields, which com- pelled the Templars’ officials and later royal keepers to invest high proportions of annual harvests in seeding. If the later interpretation is correct, then it implies the inefficiency of the Templars’ demesnes by local managers. Another major element was sales of crop produce. Naturally, the figures var- ied across both different crops and demesnes, revealing different commercializa- tion levels of each manor. Wheat and oats were the most commercialized grains, with over 40 per cent of their annual issue (net of tithe) sold. Some demesnes, including Broadwell (Oxfordshire), Lopen, Wilton (both in Somerset) and Gis- lingham (Suffolk) marketed between 60 and 80 per cent of their wheat harvests to local markets.24 About one-third of all the sampled manors sold just over a half of their oat produce. Other grains, grown in smaller quantities, were marketed in much more modest proportions. In any event, if using 30 per cent as a guideline for the entire former Templar estate, we arrive at the estimate that in 1309 the

21 Philip Slavin, Bread and Ale for the Brethren. The Provisioning of Norwich Cathedral Priory, 1260–1536 (Hatfield, 2012), p. 74. 22 Helen Nicholson, ʽThe Military Orders and the Kings of England in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, in From Clermont to Jerusalem: the Crusades and Crusader Societies, 1095–1500, ed. Alan Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 203–18. 23 Slavin, ‘Landed estates of the Knights Templar’, p. 43. 24 TNA: SC 6/957/6 (Broadwell); E 358/20, rot. 37 (1) (Lopen); E 358/20, rot. 36 (1) (Wilton); E 358/20, rot. 44 (2) (Gislingham). ‘The real Da Vinci Code’ 243 demesne officials marketed about 10,200 quarters of crops, worth approximately £2,060. These amounts would have rendered some six billion calories, enough to feed some 9,600 people throughout a year.25 It appears, therefore, that the cus- todians of the ex-Templar demesnes were a major food supplier of local peasant communities. Another important component of crop disposal was crop allowances to local demesne labourers, or famuli. On average, each famulus received annually just under one quarter of wheat, two quarters of rye/maslin, about half a quarter of leg- umes, one quarter of barley and negligible amounts of oats and dredge. The allo- cated amounts differed not only across places, but also across genders and ages of the famuli. Thus, at Carleton (Cambridgeshire), each adult famulus received about four quarters of wheat a year, while a boy (garcio) was given only 2.5 ­bushels.26 Although it is possible that young workers were employed only during harvest time, there is no doubt that they were, as a rule of thumb, allocated smaller amounts of grain than adult workers.27 Similarly, at Temple Guiting (Gloucestershire) each male worker received one quarter of wheat for ten weeks of work, while each dairymaid got only 0.25 quarters of the same grain for the period of ewe-milking, lasting for about 17 weeks (from early May until late August).28 These wage trends reflect larger employment norms in late-medieval English economy, where gaps between the wages of male labourers and those of ‘marginal workers’ were found in other work sectors, including building.29 Although arable husbandry played a paramount role in the Templar economy, livestock farming was no less important. Because of the limited scope of the pre- sent paper, we shall omit the place of working animals, that is horses and oxen, dairy industry and swine rearing, and focus on sheep farming, the single most important sector within livestock husbandry. By the time their landed estates were seized, the Templars stocked over 30,000 sheep, yielding perhaps about 39,000 lbs of wool a year: a colossal figure, compared to other major wool producers around that time. Even such prominent sheep owners and wool producers as Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln (1251–1311) and the Winchester bishopric, holding 25,000 and 20,500 animals respectively, were lagging behind the ovine wealth of the

25 All calorific estimates throughout this study derive from R. A. McCance and Elsie Widdowson, The Composition of Foods, 6th ed. (Cambridge, 2002) and Bruce Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture 1250–1450 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 215. 26 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 9(1). 27 As demonstrated by Jordan Claridge and John Langdon, ‘Young Labour on English Demesnes, c. 1300’, Paper delivered at the 45th International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, 15 May 2010. 28 The duration of sheep-milking period is specified in late-thirteenth century agricultural treatises. See Dorothea Oschinsky (ed.), Walter of Henley and other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting (Oxford, 1971), pp. 286–9, 428–31. 29 John Langdon, ‘Minimum wages and unemployment rates in medieval England: The Case of Old Woodstock, Oxfordshire, 1256–1357’, in Commercial Activity, Markets and Entrepreneurs in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of Richard Britnell, ed. Ben Dodds and Christian Liddy (Wood- bridge, 2011), pp. 35–44. 244 Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin Order.30 As an order, however, the Templar brethren could not boast the levels of wool production of some other monastic orders, such as the Cistercians (with 78 houses in England and Wales rearing collectively about 350,000 sheep producing about 500,000 lbs of wool a year), or the Gilbertines (with 22 houses managing about 77,000 sheep).31 Just as the Cistercians, Gilbertines, the Templars profited from keeping and investing in such huge flocks, because of the perpetual nature of their order and estate, which was not at risk of asset stripping by the Crown.32 The size of sheep flocks varied from place to place. Thus, Temple Bruer and Willoughton, both in Lincolnshire, had 4,500 and 3,500 sheep each, while Fax- fleet and Foulbridge (both in Yorkshire) reared about 2,50033 each. Cressing ­Temple (Essex), Temple Guiting (Gloucestershire), Ribston and Temple Newsam (both in Yorkshire) had between 1,000 and 1,500 sheep each.34 Other demesnes held much smaller flocks and about one-half of all demesnes did not stock sheep at all. The vast majority of sheep-rearing demesnes were breeding-oriented, while only nine demesnes were grazing ones, stocking wethers (castrated rams) only. Usually, the sheep-oriented demesnes were located on mediocre soils, not optimal for intensive arable husbandry, but fairly fertile for grass and thus suitable for sheep rearing. Sheep-demesnes were also prized, first and foremost, for their wool, as illus- trated by large volumes of exported wool. Fortunately, some entries specify that the chief buyers of the Templar wool were some leading Italian merchants, includ- ing the Ballardi of Lucca. Thus, during the fiscal year of 1308–9, 3,302 fleeces produced at Willoughton (Lincolnshire), weighing collectively 6,048 lbs, were purchased by the Ballardi.35 Sheep rearing and business dealings with the Italian merchants are to be understood in a broader context of international trade. The thirteenth and the early fourteenth centuries were a true heyday of English sheep farming, when the international demand for inexpensive, yet fine English wool and clothes was still at its height. It was not until the 1330s that, because of the

30 Calculated from the grouped De Lacy accounts (1295–6, 1304–5) TNA: DL 29/1/1–2 and the 1308 pipe roll: Hampshire Record Office, 11M59/B1/63. 31 These figures are inferred from Francesco Balducci Pegolotti’s wool-schedule (c.1340), giving estimates of annual yields of wool production, in sacks of wool for most Cistercians, Premon- stratensian and Gilbertine houses (1 sack=364 lbs). See Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, ed. Allan Evans (Cambridge, MA, 1936), pp. 260–5. The assumption is that an average sheep produced some 1.4 lbs of wool annually and that the sheer numbers of sheep c. 1340 may have been 8 per cent lower than c. 1300 (following Stephen Broadberry, Bruce Campbell, Alexander Klein, Mark Overton and Bas van Leeuwen, ‘English Economic Growth, 1270–1700’, University of Warwick working paper, 2011, 8). 32 On the problem of asset stripping of non-perpetual estates, see Bruce M. S. Campbell and Ken Bartley, England on the Eve of the Black Death. An Atlas of Lay Lordship, Land and Wealth, 1300–49 (Manchester, 2006), p. 227. 33 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 16 (2) (Temple Bruer); E 358/18, rot. 15 (1) (Willoughton); SC6/1077/19 and E 358/18, rot. 31 (1) (Faxfleet); E 358/18, rot. 24 (2) (Foulbridge). 34 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 20 (1) (Cressing Temple); E 358/19, rot. 47 (1) (Temple Guiting); E 358/18, rot. 30 (2) (Ribston); E 358/18, rot. 29 (2) (Temple Newsam). 35 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 17 (1). More examples can be cited. ‘The real Da Vinci Code’ 245 combination of warfare, rising transaction costs and royal intervention, the Eng- lish wool market started to decline.36 One factor that contributed to the success of Templar wool was their relatively high wool yields, which stood somewhat above the national average of 1.4 lbs per fleece.37 An average fleece produced by a mature sheep weighed about 1.6 lbs, with wethers producing even heavier fleeces. Some demesnes produced much higher yields and it seems that the variations could be dictated by local environ- mental conditions. Thus, at Strood and Dartford (both situated on pasture-rich Kentish soil) in 1308, an average fleece weighed 2.8 lbs and 2.3 lbs respectively.38 On the other hand, the Somerset demesne of Haydon, located on the rough pasture of the Mendip Hills, achieved only 0.84 lbs per fleece.39 These low yields did not fluctuate much between 1308 and 1313. Although local topography and environ- ment seem to have been predominant in determining yields, it is likely that careful management of both sheep flocks and grassland boosted yields, while careless managerial strategies could bring them down.

After the Templars: managerial changes A careful reading of the Templar account rolls reveals there were some visible changes in agricultural patterns when their estates passed under the control of royal officials. Unlike the Templars, who were pursuing a long-term economic strategy, the custodians, as temporary and short-term positions, did their best to make as fast a buck as possible, at the expense of sustainability and organization. The most visible change was the augmentation of the arable sector by some 12 per cent between 1308 and 1313, while the pastoral sector was reduced by 36 per cent. The overall number of acres under plough rose from just over 22,000 acres to almost 25,000, while the livestock density fell from about 33 to 21 livestock units per 100 acres.40 Despite the allegedly marginal scale of expansion, this was still an impressive achievement, given the population pressure and struggle for land around 1310, when any expansion of arable land was challenging.

36 On this topic, see John Munro, ‘Wool-price schedules and the qualities of English wools in the later Middle Ages, c. 1270–1499’, Textile History, 9 (1978), pp. 118–69 and J. Munro, ‘The ‘Industrial crisis’ of the English textile towns, 1290–1330’, in Thirteenth-Century England: VII, eds. Michael Prestwich, Richard Britnell, and Robin Frame (Woodbridge), pp. 103–41. 37 Richard Britnell, Britain and Ireland 1050–1530: Economy and Society (Oxford, 2004), p. 416; Bruce M. S. Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture 1250–1450 (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 155–6. 38 TNA: E 358/18, rot. 8 (1) (Strood); E 358/18, rot. 8 (2) (Dartford). 39 E 358/20, rot. 36 (2). Detailed information about environmental and topographic features of the Mendips can be viewed at Hills-NCA-141.pdf. 40 Animal units are determined by the relative financial value of each animal type: horses=1; oxen and mature cattle=1.2; immature cattle=0.8; sheep and swine=0.1. The figures for horses, oxen, mature cattle, immature cattle, sheep and swine are adopted from Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 104–5. 246 Helen J. Nicholson and Philip Slavin The rationale behind these structural changes can be explained by wider eco- nomic context of those years. The years 1307–11 saw a period of markedly high commodity prices within virtually every sector. It was, however, within the crop sector that the prices rose the fastest. Between 1307 and 1310 composite crop prices rose, on average, by 61 per cent, while dairy and beef prices rose con- siderably more slowly.41 This sudden short-term rise in grain prices undoubtedly encouraged an increase in the arable share of the demesnes at the expense of the pastoral sector. Perhaps the keepers could not have foreseen the duration of the short-term inflation in early 1308, but it is most likely that they were aware of all financial profits deriving from it. All these facts imply a strictly commercial- ized orientation of the custodians. As we have seen, a sizeable proportion of each year’s harvest was sold and that the sheer amounts were large enough to feed impressive number of mouths. There is no doubt that the long-term effects of this short-term planning were negative. First, the sudden expansion of the arable sector at the expense of the pastoral one implied a fast depletion of livestock. Second, the royal keepers did not attempt to invest in the repair work of local buildings, many of which were in a decayed state. Finally, to increase the immediate income from the manors, the custodians cut considerable amount of lumber, as some evidence from the Lincolnshire manors reveals.42 By the time the Hospitallers (and other lords) finally received the ex-Templar estates in the 1320s and 1330s, the demesnes were chronically understocked, much of their woodland was cut and local edifices were ruined, as reflected in the 1338 Survey of the Hospitallers’ landed possessions.43 The short-term maximization of returns was, in fact, a long-term failure. These structural shifts were not unique to the royal custodians. In fact, there is good evidence that similar strategies were undertaken by manorial officials of other great lords, around the same time. For instance, between 1305 and 1315, the officials of Canterbury Cathedral Priory demesnes collectively augmented the total arable, scattered chiefly in Kent, but also in Sussex, Surrey, Middlesex, Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, from about 6,000 to 7,300 acres, while the animal stocking density fell from about 51 to 39 animal units per 100 acres. At Norwich Cathedral Priory, both the arable and livestock sectors were slowly expanding at an equal pace: the total acreage rose from about 2,700 acres to just below 2,900

41 The average used here is weighted average, determined by a relative share of each crop in total arable. The detailed information on each crop’s annual prices can be consulted at John H. Munro’s Revisions of the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumables’ Commodity Price Series and Craftsmen’s Wage Series, 1264–1700, html (last accessed July 2014). The relevant context of the rising prices has been analysed in Slavin, ‘Landed estates of the Knights Templar’, pp. 47–8. 42 TNA: SC 6/1304/7; see also TNA: E 358/19/ rot. 31 (1). 43 Lambert B. Larking (ed.), The Knights Hospitallers in England, Being the Report of Prior Philip de Thame to the Grand Master Elyan de Villanova for AD 1338, intro. John Mitchell Kemble, Camden Society first series 65 (1857). ‘The real Da Vinci Code’ 247 acres, while the livestock stocking density remained largely the same over these years (32 units per 100 acres).44

Conclusions The surviving account rolls for the former English demesnes of the Templars reveal some fascinating aspects of the Order’s economy. Contrary to their per- petuated labels as financiers and moneylenders, the Knights Templar were also wealthy manorial landlords, contributing to various sectors of late-medieval rural economy. As the accounts demonstrate, each year their estates were producing overwhelming quantities of crops and livestock produce, trumped by few, if any other contemporary estate. In particular, their still neglected contribution to late- medieval English wool industry cannot be overstated. The confiscation of the estates by the Crown and their passing under the supervision and management of the royal officials in January 1308 saw some profound structural changes. Most visibly, the relative share of arable acreage was augmented, at the expense of the shrinking pastoral sector. This has to be understood in the context of contempo- rary economic circ*mstances, in particular short-term rise in commodity prices. As temporary creations accountable to the Crown, and not new permanent lords, the keepers had no incentive to plan long-term managerial strategies aimed at ensuring sustainability and improvement of the confiscated estates. Instead, they did their best to rip immediate profits, to their own. The remarkably detailed contents of the account rolls of the ex-Templar prop- erties make them a most unique and vitally important source, unmatched by any other continental inventories. In this sense, they are a true goldmine for eco- nomic historians and students of medieval military orders alike. The current paper attempted to cover only very few aspects deriving from the analysis of that source. In fact, the accounts offer much more than the question of arable and livestock management and production. For instance, the rolls survey, in a great detail, vari- ous material goods, religious and liturgical paraphernalia, possessed at various manors on the eve of the suppression. The multidimensional nature of the account rolls implies that their critical edition is badly needed to facilitate interdisciplinary research on this still largely understudied topic.

44 Slavin, ‘Landed estates of the Knights Templar’, p. 48. Francesco Tommasi Fratres quondam Templi

17 Fratres quondam Templi: per i Templari in Italia dopo il concilio di Vienne e il destino di Pietro da Bologna

Francesco Tommasi

Già dall’esordio l’attività governativa di Giacomo Duèze, solo nel giugno 1316 asceso al pontificato con il nome di Giovanni XXII,1 si distinse per una serie di adempimenti2 che l’«improvviso» decesso di Clemente V due anni prima aveva lasciato in sospeso.3 Così, per esempio, fu compito del nuovo papa pubblicare nel 1317 le Constitutiones del predecessore4 e dare soddisfazione ai Veneziani per i feudi posseduti nella città e distretto di Ferrara, che erano stati loro confiscati e, nonostante la pace con Clemente V, mai restituiti.5 Sui tavoli della cancelleria papale giacevano inevase anche una quantità di pratiche, relative a collazioni di benefici, e Giovanni XXII si premurò di far pervenire agli assegnatari quanto aveva deliberato Clemente V.6

1 Della lunga vacanza del seggio papale è ritenuto «in gran parte» responsabile lo stesso Clemente V, avendo egli favorito la formazione nel collegio cardinalizio di un forte partito guascone, che poi entrò in urto con quello italiano; Guillaume Mollat, ‘L’élection du pape Jean XXII’, in Revue d’histoire de l’Église de France, 1 (1910), pp. 34–7. 2 E Chronico Aimerici de Peyraco, in RHGF 23, ed. Natalis de Wailly et al. (Paris, 1894), p. 207. 3 Alberti de Bezanis abbatis S. Laurentii Cremonensis Cronica pontificum et imperatorum, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, SS. rer. Germ. in us. schol. (Hannoverae – Lipsiae, 1908), p. 72: «Papa dicitur repentina morte interiisse». La morte sopravvenne il 20 aprile, ma già alla fine di marzo le condizioni di Clemente V «risvegliavano le più serie preoccupazioni»; Franz Ehrle, ‘Der Nachlass Clemens’ V. und der in Betreff desselben von Johann XXII. (1318–1321) geführte Process’, in Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 5 (1889), p. 125. 4 Dopo un’opera di revisione, la pubblicazione ufficiale delle Clementinae (alcune erano già in cir- colazione) ebbe luogo il 1° novembre 1317; Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ed. Étienne Baluze, Guillaume Mollat, 1–4 (Paris, 1914–1928), 1, p. 104; Stephan Kuttner, ‘The Date of the Constitution ‘Saepe’, the Vatican Manuscripts, and the Roman Edition of the Clementines’, ora in idem, Medi- eval Councils, Decretals, and Collections of Canon Law, Collected Studies Series, 126 (Alders-­ hot, 1992), XIII, pp. 428–30. 5 Il reintegro proseguì nel 1318; Lettres communes de Jean XXII (1316–1334), ed. Guillaume Mollat, Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 3e sér. (Paris, 1904–1946), nr. 2599, 8349–54. Per la guerra di Ferrara, Heinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, 1–3 (Gotha, 1905–1934), 2, pp. 179–90; Sophia Menache, Clement V (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 142–50. 6 Alcune provisiones: Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 2, 588, 2400, 2512, 3532, 3836, 4431, 13414. Fratres quondam Templi 249 All’attenzione del successore di Betrando de Got non tardò a porsi neppure il negotium Templariorum,7 tra le cui priorità figuravano i fratres per varie cause rimasti estranei alle inchieste giudiziarie – come nel marzo 1313 Filippo IV di Francia aveva osservato in una lettera al siniscalco di Poitou e Limousin.8 L’esperienza di Giacomo Duèze in materia risaliva al concilio di Vienne quando, per incarico del papa, certamente egli aveva esplorato la documentazione proces- suale sui Templari, anche se per il destino dell’Ordine il suo parere sulla questione forse non fu più decisivo degli altri espressi in quella sede.9 In seguito il «car- dinale d’Avignone» aveva preso parte attiva ai negoziati di Clemente V con gli inviati di Giacomo II d’Aragona, ma senza che sul trasferimento delle sostanze del Tempio ai Giovanniti nell’aprile 1313 fosse raggiunta un’intesa.10 In continuità con la clementina Considerantes dudum11 Giovanni XXII, a ­partire dal 1317, promosse nuove inquisitiones, ma solo pochi vescovi – e tutti francesi – riuscirono a esaminare gli ultimi Templari delle proprie diocesi e a farli giudicare da concili provinciali.12 Situazioni particolari, come quella dei fratres reduci dalle carceri saracene, mostrano un papa compassionevole e premuroso con gli sven- turati.13 L’azione di Giovanni XXII, per assicurare anche a costoro una decorosa

7 Guillaume Mollat, ‘Dispersion définitive des Templiers après leur suppression’, in Comptes ren- dus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, (1952), pp. 376–7. 8 Il sovrano infatti parla di Templari incarcerati, di altri che lo saranno e di processi ancora da ce-­ lebrare; Charles Tranchant, ‘Procès-verbal de remise de maisons diverses des Templiers au chevaliers Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem dans le Poitou’, in Bulletins de la Société des antiquaires de l’Ouest, 2e sér., 2 (1880–1882), p. 456 (28.3.1312, ma 1313); Paoli (come n. 23), 2, p. 35, nr. 28. 9 La controversa natura del ruolo del futuro papa nel concilio di Vienne sarà oggetto di appro- fondimento. Si vedano Ewald Müller, Das Konzil von Vienne 1311–1312, Vorreformationsge- schichtliche Forschungen, 12 (Münster, 1934), pp. 99 ss., 103, 118, 688–9; Leonard E. Boyle, ‘A Committee Stage at the Council of Vienne’, in Studia ad honorem eminentissimi cardinali Alphonsi M. Stickler, ed. Rosalius Iosephus Castillo Lara (Roma, 1992), pp. 25–6; William J. Courtenay, Karl Ubl, Gelehrte Gutachten und königliche Politik im Templerprozeß, MGH, Studien und Texte, 51 (Hannover, 2010), pp. 58–9, n. 190. 10 Heinrich Finke, Papsttum und Untergang des Templerordens, 1–2, Vorreformationsgeschichtliche Forschungen, 4–5 (Münster, 1907), 2 (Quellen), p. 225, nr. 119. 11 Promulgata a Vienne il 6 maggio 1312; Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. Giuseppe Albe­ rico et al. (Bologna 21972), pp. 347–9; Vitae (come n. 4), 1, pp. 72–3. Clemente V già precedente- mente giudicava necessario occuparsi delle persone dei Templari; Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 283, nr. 139. 12 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat., 65, f. 93v (18.3.1317); insufficiente analisi inLettres (come n. 5), nr. 3182: dagli 11 presuli (tutti gallici) contattati il papa sollecita la convocazione di sinodi provinciali, auspicando per i fratres quondam Templi assolti generose (liberaliter) sovvenzioni; inoltre, ibidem, nr. 2510. L’arcivescovo di Narbona tenne il concilio tra l’ottobre 1317 e l’aprile dell’anno seguente; ibidem, nr. 8127, 6974. Nel 1324 il papa deplorò che «alcuni arcivescovi» non avevano convocato i concili provinciali, contro le disposizioni di Clemente V e del concilio di Vienne; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 21, f. 253v (1.8.1324). 13 Due frati-sergenti pro Christi nomine avevano patito crudeli supplicia et tormenta nelle prigioni del sultano: ad entrambi, assolti ad Avignone nel gennaio 1320, Giovanni XXII con urgenza fece assegnare un vitalizio per priores et fratres ordinis Hospitalis Sancti Johannis Jerosolimitani; Bernardi Guidonis Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, ed. Célestin Douais (Paris, 1886), pp. 75–6. Per un caso analogo, Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 7918. Intervento nel 1321 a favore di 250 Francesco Tommasi sistemazione, fu più celere di quella parallelamente diretta al completo recupero giovannita del patrimonio templare – un’operazione che anche a sud delle Alpi talora richiese lunghe trattative con occupanti e detentori, soprattutto principi secolari e signorotti locali.14 Le pensiones erogate agli ex Templari e la loro non facile sostenibilità per le finanze dell’Ospedale resero necessari provvedimenti anche rigorosi da parte di Giovanni XXII.15 Il 21 luglio 1317 il pontefice – rispondendo favorevolmente a una supplica presentatagli il giorno prima in Avignone da venti fratres, non tutti rappresen­ tanti delle sette lingue – procedette al rinnovo o, talora, alla conferma di nume­ rose cariche nell’Ordine dell’Ospedale, quasi esclusivamente priorali. Per il suo carattere circolare, sarebbe illusorio pensare di ricavare dalla lettera papale sicure indicazioni sulla dispersione geografica degli ex Templari – anche se non c’è un’altra fonte che elenchi uno per uno tutti i funzionari giovanniti respon- sabili dell’amministrazione dei fondi destinati ai membri dell’Ordine estinto.16 Singolare è l’esempio del neopriore di Danimarca (Dacia), Svezia e Norvegia: Giovanni XXII non esenta neppure lui dall’obbligo del mantenimento degli ex

un Templare, che langue da 12 anni nelle carceri dell’arcivescovo di Sens; ibidem, nr. 13307. Sul presunto numero (c. 100) di Templari prigionieri dei Saraceni (in carceribus Babilonis) nel 1308/10, Christopher Robert Cheney, ‘The Downfall of the Templars and a Letter in Their Defence’, in Medieval Miscellany presented to Eugéne Vinaver (New York, 1965), p. 75. 14 In generale Finke (come n. 10), 1, pp. 370–4, e passim. Per l’Italia, infra, n. 22, 23 (Regno di Napoli); Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, f. 12r; Francesco Tommasi, ‘L’ordinamento geografico-amministrativo dell’Ospedale in Italia (secc. XII–XIV)’, in ”Religiones militares”. Contributi alla storia degli Ordini religioso-militari nel medioevo, ed. Anthony Luttrell, Fran­ cesco Tommasi, Biblioteca di “Militia sacra”, 2 (Città di Castello, 2008), p. 111, nr. 5 (Rimini); Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 7604 (Perugia); cf. Joseph Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers à Rho- des (1310–1421), London, 1974 (rist. ed. Paris, 1913), p. 63; Anthony Luttrell, ‘Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari 1305–1378’, in I Templari: mito e storia, ed. Giovanni Minnucci, Franca Sardi (Sinalunga – Siena, 1989), pp. 78–9. 15 Revoca di un vitalizio, malgrado il parere contrario del re di Francia: Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Jean XXII relatives à la France, ed. Auguste Coulon, Suzanne Clémencet, Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 3e sér. (Paris, 1900–1972), nr. 1181 (28.11.1316– 4.9.1320). 16 Si tratta dei titolari di 22 priorati (compresa la castellanìa d’Amposta) e di 3 commende capitolari; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4450–72. Il testo della supplica è inserto nella lettera papale, edita inte- gralmente da Beda Dudík, Iter Romanum, 1–2 (Wien, 1855), 2, pp. 129–36 (destinatario: Bertoldo di Hennenberg neopriore del priorato di Boemia, Moravia, Polonia e Austria); regesto: Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4466. Le nomine coincidono con una crisi istituzionale dell’Ordine; Jean-Marc Roger, ‘La réforme de l’Hôpital par Jean XXII: Le démembrement des prieurés de Saint-Gilles et de France (21 juillet 1317)’, in On the Margin of Crusading: The Military Orders, the Papacy and the Christian World, ed. Helen Nicholson, Crusades-Subsidia, 4 (Farnham – Burlington 2011), pp. 101–6, 113–9. L’unico priorato italiano ignorato da Giovanni XXII fu quello di Messina, allora governato da fra Sancio d’Aragona, che restò in carica fino al 1319; Luciana Petracca, Giovan- niti e Templari in Sicilia, 1–2 (Galatina, 2006), 2, p. 292; Anthony Luttrell, The Hospitallers in Cyprus, Rhodes, Greece and the West 1291–1440 (London, 1978), XI, p. 11. L’isola di Sicilia era ancora sotto interdetto, che il papa tolse solo nel dicembre 1317; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 5952. Fratres quondam Templi 251 Templari, che in dicto tuo prioratu morantur;17 ma in quelle regioni nordiche non sono attestati insediamenti dell’Ordine fondato da Ugo de Payns, e nel 1310 i commissari pontifici riferirono che nei Regni di Norvegia e Danimarca non c’erano Templari.18 Se l’altrimenti onnipresente clausola sulle persone quondam milicie Templi è omessa nella lettera di nomina del priore di Castiglia,19 invece c’è un motivo: all’epoca ancora si discuteva della destinazione dei beni patrimoniali del Tempio nel Regno di Castiglia-León,20 e senza il loro incameramento i Gio- vanniti non erano tenuti al sostegno economico dei membri dell’Ordine proscritto presenti nel priorato. Un esemplare della lettera di Giovanni XXII pervenne anche al titolare del prio­ rato di Barletta, Bertrando de Malobosco. La nomina/conferma a priore di questo frate giovannita presumibilmente di origini provenzali giungeva senz’altro gra- dita a Roberto di Napoli, se non ne era stato egli stesso il suggeritore. Si trattava infatti di un suo consiliarius e familiaris, oltre che di un probabile consanguineo del miles Raimondo, altra persona di fiducia del sovrano angioino.21 Non diversamente dal priore di Venezia, sul quale si dovrà ritornare, è ragio- nevole che anche Bertrando abbia iniziato a occuparsi delle persone degli ex Tem- plari ben prima del 1317. Infatti, come «luogotenente del maestro», già verso la fine del 1312 egli operava per una rapida trasmissione all’Ordine dell’Ospedale del patrimonio del Tempio nel Regno di Napoli22 – anche se ciò non servì a sal-

17 Trascrizione quasi integrale della lettera: Acta pontificum Danica, 1, ed. Laust Moltesen (Køben- havn, 1904), pp. 4–10, nr. 16; regesto: Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4467. 18 The Proceedings Against the Templars in the British Isles, ed. Helen Nicholson, 1–2 (Farnham – Burlington, 2011), 1, p. 379: «in predictis Norweye et Dacie Regnis Templarii non habentur»; Regestum Clementis papae V (Romae, 1885–1892), nr. 5099; cf. Christer Carlsson, ‘A New Chro- nology for the Scandinavian Branches of the Military Orders’, in MO 4, pp. 57–62. 19 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, f. 579v; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4459. Nei regesti di Guil- laume Mollat, dove immancabilmente è riportata la somma (responsio) da versare annualmente al Tesoro centrale dell’Ospedale, non è mai menzionata la clausula sugli ex Templari. 20 Nel marzo 1319 il papa affidò al priore giovannita di Castiglia l’amministrazione dei beni templari nel Regno; ma la cosa fu senza conseguenze, e trascorsero alcuni decenni prima che i sovrani rinunciassero ad essi e i Giovanniti ne venissero in possesso; Libro de privilegios de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en Castilla y León (siglos XII–XV), ed. Carlos de Ayala Martínez [Madrid 1995], pp. 662–4, nr. 415; Gonzalo Martínez Diez, Los Templarios en la Corona de Castilla (Bur- gos, 1993), pp. 267–70. 21 Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale, ms. XV-D-15, f. 35r (28.5.1318). Su «Raimondo de Maleboy» (1309), Camillo Minieri Riccio, ‘Genealogia di Carlo II d’Angiò Re di Napoli’, in Archivio storico per le province napoletane, 7 (1882), p. 215. Nel 1273 un Raymondus de Malbosco serviva nell’esercito regio; Paul Durrieu, Les archives angevines de Naples. Étude sur les registres du roi Charles Ier (1265–1285), 1–2, Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 46, 51 (Paris, 1886–1887), 2, pp. 260, 342. Due monaci de Malobosco: Raimondo (a Saint-Gilles, 1308) e Guilabertus (a Fugeret, 1330); Documents relatifs aux États générales et assemblées réunies sous Philippe le Bel, ed. Georges Picot (Paris, 1901), p. 542; Léon Guilloreau, ‘Chapitres géné- raux et statuts . . . de Saint-Victor de Marseille (1324–1330)’, in Revue Mabillon, 9 (1913–1914), p. 15. 22 È implicito nella titolatura (. . . locumtenentis magistri sacre domus Hospitalis Sancti Iohan- nis Ierosolimitani super bonis omnibus quondam Templariorum in regno Sicilie citra Farum); 252 Francesco Tommasi vaguardarne l’integrità e a evitare nuove occupazioni e appropriazioni per mano di laici e forse di ecclesiastici, dopo quelle per esempio denunciate nel 1311 dallo stesso Roberto d’Angiò.23 Questo processo di acquisizione anche nel Regno di Napoli conobbe ostacoli e ritardi: nel 1317 c’erano beni templari non ancora con- segnati ai Giovanniti.24 Anche nella lettera di investitura del priore di Barletta è presente la clausola relativa agli oneri fiscali: una responsio annua da versare al Tesoro di Rodi, dalla quale è possibile dedurre le spese per il sostentamento dei Templari superstiti; ma sul loro importo e sul numero delle persone condam Templi residenti nei con- fini del priorato pugliese25 la ripetitiva formulazione non è meno indeterminata e generica che nelle lettere al neopriore di Capua, Iouselinus de Mareriis,26 e agli altri suoi colleghi. Così l’incarico, che nel dicembre 1318 Giovanni XXII assegnò separatamente a due gruppi di ecclesiastici di altrettante arcidiocesi del Regno di Napoli,27 finora rappresenta la più attendibile informazione circa la­sopravvivenza

Tommasi (come n. 14), p. 106, nr. 1. Nel 1316 Bertrando figura come «luogotenente del Gran Maestro dell’Ordine di S. Giovanni di Gerusalemme nel priorato di Barletta»; nel 1318 come «priore di Barletta e vicemaestro nel Regno di Sicilia al di qua del Faro»; Minieri Riccio (come n. 21), p. 251; Tommasi, p. 108. nr. 4. 23 L’ex monastero pugliese di Torremaggiore, appartenuto ai Templari, aveva subìto spoliazioni; Giovanni Guerrieri, I Cavalieri Templari nel Regno di Sicilia (Trani, 1909), pp. 112–114, nr. 18 (11.5.1311); Sebastiano Paoli, Codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine Gerosolimi- tano, 1–2 (Lucca, 1733–1737), 2, p. 60, nr. 40 (30.7.1317); Delaville Le Roulx (come n. 14), p. 40. Occupazione di possedimenti templari in Capitanata ad opera di un feudatario: Guerrieri, pp. 119–20 (25.1.1313). 24 Paoli (come n. 23), 2, pp. 59–60, nr. 41 (21.9.1317); cf. Codice diplomatico barlettano, ed. Salva- tore Santeramo, 1–4 (Fasano, 1924–1962), 2, p. 150, nr. 94 (29.5.1324). 25 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, ff. 587v–588r (21.7.1317): «Propterea . . . ordinamus quod responsionem consuetam . . . thesauro ultramarino dicti Hospitalis . . . singulis annis . . . mittere ac nichilominus valorem expensarum et aliorum, que illis personis condam Templi, que in dicto prioratu morantur, habes pro tempore ministrare, ipsis successivis temporibus cedentibus vel dece- dentibus, responsionibus, quas ad thesaurum debes mittere supradictum, addere ceteraque sup- portare onera consueta et debita, predicto prioratui tuo incumbentia, tenearis». Per la restituzione del debito contratto dall’Ordine con banchieri fiorentini (Bardi, Peruzzi) e «diversi altri», occorse aumentare anche la tassazione annua del priorato di Barletta, che da 4000 (responsio consueta) fu portata a 6000 fiorini; cf.Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4470. 26 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, f. 589r: qui – come spesso nel registro – il testo risulta abbreviato e, anche per il passo omesso sugli ex Templari, il copista rinvia a una precedente let- tera tipo trascritta integralmente. Tassa straordinaria: 4000 fiorini; responsio annua: 3500 fiorini; cf. Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4471. Gaucelinus versò la responsio con ritardo; ibidem, nr. 8620. Nel 1282 il francese Guglielmo Marerius è attestato nel Regno come feudatario di Carlo I d’Angiò; Durrieu (come n. 21), 2, p. 344. Nel 1333/34 Pietro de Moreriis/Mereris era ciambellano del re Roberto di Napoli; Friedrich Bock, ‘Die Geheimschrift in der Kanzlei Johanns XXII.’, in Römi­ sche Quartalschrift, 42 (1934), pp. 286, 302. 27 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 11, f. 123r; Reg. Vat., 69, f. 84r (1.12.1318); Bullarium Fran- ciscanum, 5, a cura di Conradus Eubel (Romae, 1898), nr. 347, pp. 161–2; regesto: Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 8721. Un originale della lettera indirizzata ai tre prelati napoletani fu rinvenuto da Seba­ stiano Paoli nell’archivio maltese dell’Ordine giovannita; Paoli (come n. 23), 2, pp. 69–70, nr. 52.; regesto: Joseph Delaville Le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers extraits des archives de Fratres quondam Templi 253 di Templari nel Meridione d’Italia. Ma di chi avrebbero dovuto occuparsi l’arciprete della cattedrale, il priore dei Predicatori e il guardiano dei Minori di Trani (come anche i loro omologhi napoletani28), e quanti immoderata et superflua stipendia di quondam Templarii occorreva ridurre per venire incontro alle neces- sità economico-finanziarie di una corporazione religiosa fortemente indebitata con le compagnie bancarie, qual era l’Ospedale Gerosolimitano di San Giovanni? Si conoscono le generalità di otto Templari che i funzionari angioini, dall’inizio del 1308 operativi anche nelle contee di Provenza e Forcalquier, riuscirono ad arrestare e mettere ai ferri nell’Italia meridionale.29 È impossibile stabilire se tre di loro si trovassero tra gli otto membri dell’Ordine trascinati davanti a un tribunale ecclesiastico nel 1310,30 anche se evidentemente è anzitutto tra questi sedici (o tredici?) fratres che vanno cercati i futuri beneficiari di sovvenzioni nel Regno di Napoli. Il loro numero si accresce con i sei Templari segnalati a Capua e a Barletta nel 1303 e 1305/6, ma – almeno per la maggior parte – sicuramente ancora in vita dopo il 1312,31 e con un frate-sergente napoletano ascoltato al processo nelle Terre della Chiesa.32 Purtroppo nessuno risponde più all’appello dopo il 1312. Sem- brano smarrirsi definitivamente anche le tracce del gran precettore di «Puglia»,

Malte (Paris, 1882), p. 51, nr. 39. Un altro dei rarissimi esemplari superstiti del mandato è quello per il decano della cattedrale, il priore dei Predicatori e il guardiano dei Minori di Magdeburgo; Siegmund Wilhelm Wohlbrück, Geschichtliche Nachrichten von dem Geschlechte von Alvensle- ben und dessen Gütern, 1–3 (Berlin, 1819–1829),1, pp. 219–20, in nota. 28 In realtà a Napoli uno dei destinatari era il primicerio, mentre a Trani l’arciprete della cattedrale. Il Lea fraintese il compito dei Domenicani e Francescani napoletani, che non era esattamente di «mantenere» gli ex Templari; Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, 1–3 (New York, 1887–1888), 3, p. 324. 29 Michele Tersi, Oliviero de Berona, Guglielmo Angelicus, Bartolomeo e Andrea da Cosenza, Domenico de Turrosa, Angelo da Brindisi e Stefano d’Antiochia; Hans Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens, Berlin 1888 (Urkundliche Beilagen), p. 363; Guerrieri (come n. 23), p. 100, nr. 7 (trascrive Cersi, ma tralascia Domenico de Turrosa); cf. Minieri Riccio (come n. 21), pp. 218–9. Per i domini angioini oltralpe, Konrad Schottmüller, Der Untergang des Temp­ ler-Ordens, 1–2 (Berlin, 1887), 1, p. 542; 2, pp. 423 ss.; Prutz, pp. 335–45. 30 Si tratta degli interrogatori di Lucera e Brindisi. Il manoscritto del processo verbale di Lucera è tuttora irreperibile, e malauguratamente il compendio fattone da François Raynouard dà solo i nomi di tre (su sei) Templari escussi: Galcerand de Teus, Gerardo di Borgogna e Charron de Saint- Jean de Montrond; François Raynouard, Monuments historiques relatifs à la condamnation des Chevaliers du Temple et à l’abolition de leur Ordre (Paris, 1813), pp. 280–4. Altri due Templari furono ascoltati a Brindisi: Giovanni da Nardò (de Neritone) e Ugo de Samaya; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivum Arcis, Arm. D-230, f. 11v–21r; Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, pp. 124–40. 31 Fra Guglielmo da Barletta (1308); ibidem, 2, p. 217; Anne Gilmour-Bryson, The Trial of the Tem- plars in Cyprus (Leiden, 1998), pp. 152–3. Di fra Simone da Brindisi, precettore di Capua, un te-­ stimone (fra Giovanni di Nivelles) ignorava se nel 1311 fosse già defunto, mentre dava per viventi (quos credit vivere) Guglielmo Manpartit de Burgundia, Guglielmo da Melfi, Simone de Ancona e Guglielmo Anglico; Le procès des Templiers, ed. Jules Michelet, 1–2 (Paris, 1841–1851), 1, pp. 548–9. 32 Gualtiero Iohannis de Neapoli; Anne Gilmour-Bryson, The Trial of the Templars in the Papal State and the Abruzzi, Studi e Testi, 303 (Città del Vaticano, 1982), pp. 248 ss. 254 Francesco Tommasi Oddone de Villaret, dopo la sua audizione nel processo di Cipro (1310),33 sebbene sia possibile che costui nel 1316 trovasse la morte nelle prigioni sotterranee di Kerynia con «molti altri fratelli del Tempio», tra i quali forse alcuni italiani tem- poraneamente in servizio presso il quartier generale dell’Ordine.34 Giovanni de Nivelles, come Oddone de Villaret, aveva la sua residenza a Bar- letta, ma anch’egli era altrove al tempo dei processi. Il precettore della domus di S. Leonardo deve avere raggiunto Parigi insieme con il gran maestro nella prima- vera-estate del 1307. Dopo la generale cattura dell’ottobre successivo e una prima reclusione nel Tempio, Giovanni de Nivella fu trasferito nella casa parigina di un privato, che ancora nel marzo 1310 il frater serviens divideva con 22 confratelli.35 La commissione papale lo sottopose ad esame il 15 febbraio 1311 nella domus dei frati Minori. Sugli sviluppi le fonti osservano il silenzio, anche se la reiterazione della testimonianza resa davanti al grande inquisitore di Francia il 19 ottobre 1307 a Parigi, per la quale il Nivelles era stato absolutus et reconciliatus con la Chiesa dall’ordinario del luogo, sicuramente alleggerì la posizione processuale del pre­ cettore di Barletta:36 la strategia difensiva poteva rivelarsi molto vantaggiosa, ma forse non tutti i Templari penitentes et veniam postulantes, che in Francia confer- marono precedenti confessioni, furono restituiti alla libertà.37

33 È probabile l’appartenenza del gran precettore al casato provenzale dei Villaret. Negli anni 1278– 1292 fra Guglielmo de Villareto, priore di S. Gilles e futuro maestro dell’Ospedale, fece parte dell’entourage (consiliarius) di Carlo I d’Angiò; Francesco Tommasi, ‘Fonti epigrafiche dalla “domus Templi” di Barletta per la cronotassi degli ultimi maestri provinciali dell’ordine nel regno di Sicilia’, in ”Militia Sacra”. Gli ordini militari tra Europa e Terrasanta, ed. Enzo Coli et al. (Perugia, 1994), p. 183; idem (come n. 14), p. 102, n. 172. A Roberto di Napoli andò la devozione del gran maestro Folco de Villaret, amici paterni nostrique dilecti; Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale, ms. XV-D-15, f. 77r (15.5.1313). 34 Chroniques d’Amadi et de Strambaldi, ed. René de Mas Latrie (Paris, 1891), pp. 291, 360, 398 (per la citazione); cf. Nicholas Coureas, The Latin Church in Cyprus 1195–1312 (Aldershot, 1997), p. 155. Anche fra Giovanni Anglicus proveniva da Barletta; Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, p. 185; cf. Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 31), p. 107. Guglielmo Anglico (suo consanguineo?) era uno dei cinque frati dell’Ordine nel 1308 detenuti nel castello regio della città pugliese; Prutz (come n. 29), p. 363; Guerrieri (come n. 23), p. 100: la lezione Angelicus è da emendare; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 549. A Cipro erano anche Simone da Recanati, Niccolò da Moncucco e Francesco da Genova; sul primo, Schottmüller, 2, pp. 153 n. 2, 217; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 31), pp. 20 n. 81, 152–3, 403 n. 551. Sugli altri due Templari, infra, pp. 265. 35 Le procès (come n. 31), 1, pp. 97, 107. L’immobile parigino sorgeva in vico de Lucumdella; ibi- dem, 1, p. 153. 36 Ibidem, 1, p. 548. Il primo interrogatorio del Templare si era svolto nella precettoria parigina; la maggiore compendiosità del processo verbale è dipesa dall’alto numero (140) di Templari escussi dall’inquisitore domenicano Guglielmo da Parigi tra il 18 ottobre e il 24 novembre 1307; ibidem, 2, pp. 281–2; cf. Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars (Cambridge, 20062), ad Indicem. 37 Vitae (come n. 4), 1, p. 18: «Qui vero primo confessi sunt et semper confitentur, penitentes et veniam postulantes liberi sunt dimissi». Fratres quondam Templi 255 Nell’aprile 1364 un testamento rogato a Barletta menziona tra i legatari un certo fra Paolo.38 Il religioso è detto far parte dell’«Ordine del Tempio di Gerusalemme» (ordinis Templi Ierosolimitani); ma, poiché identiche titolature sono riferibili a più Ordini, non è da escludere che anche qui ci si trovi dinanzi a un frate giovannita39 o a un canonico del gerosolimitano Templum Domini.40 Apparentemente, il profilo “anagrafico” del personaggio ne rende più complicata l’identificazione conun Templare: non si conosce l’età di Paolo, e tuttavia è difficile immaginare unfrater quondam Templi più longevo del catalano Berengario Dezcoll, vivente ancora nel 1350, o del tedesco Ottone di Braunschweig, che pare sia defunto dopo il 1357.41 In conclusione, le fonti non forniscono certezze sui nomi né aiutano a far luce sul criterio di distribuzione degli ex Templari nel Regno di Napoli, ma almeno nei

38 Codice (come n. 24), 2, p. 330, nr. 304: «Item legavit fratri Paulo ordinis templi Ierosolimitani qui moratur in pennacho tarenos tres». Il testatore è Angelo de Siligardo, prete della chiesa barlettana del S. Sepolcro. L’Ordine dell’Ospedale possedeva alla periferia di Trani, in località Penna, la chiesa di S. Giovanni; Luigi Scarano, Regesto delle pergamene del Capitolo Metropolitano della Curia arcivescovile di Trani dai Longobardi agli Angioini (845–1435), Società di storia patria per la Puglia – Bibliografie e Fonti archivistiche, 2 (Bari, 1983), pp. 193, nr. 392 (3.3.1419); cf. ibidem, p. 197, nr. 403 (26.3.1421). L’introduzione dei Giovanniti a Trani è precedente al 1195; Le pergamene di Barletta. Archivio Capitolare (897–1285), ed. Francesco Nitti di Vito, Codice diplomatico barese, 8 (Bari, 1914), pp. 285–6, nr. 228 (26.3.1224). 39 Cf. Francesco Tommasi, ‘ “Templarii” e “Templarii Sancti Iohannis”: una precisazione metodo- logica’, in Studi Medievali, 3a ser., 24 (1983), pp. 373–84. Il Museo Civico di Barletta custodisce il frammento superiore di una lapide funeraria con la seguente iscrizione: Hoc sepulcrum e(st) fr(atr)is Pauli B[e]rnar[di - - -] d[e - - -]. Analogie stilistiche con altri reperti, provenienti dalla distrutta chiesa degli Ospitalieri di Barletta, rendono verosimile una datazione alla seconda metà del sec. XIV. Il defunto, ritratto senza barba, veste l’abito giovannita. Il blasone (due scudi trian- golari sovrastanti, dove campeggia uno scaglione accompagnato da tre bisanti) indica trattarsi di un miles. Sul lapidario di Barletta, Tommasi (come n. 33), pp. 167–9, 174–7. 40 Le pergamene di S. Nicola di Bari (1280–1414), ed. Jole Mazzoleni, Codice diplomatico pugliese, 23 (Bari, 1977), p. 169, nr. 48 (12.5.1394): « . . . frater Marinus ordinis Templi Ierosolimitani prior ecclesie Sancti Elie de Baro»; cfr. ibidem, p. 177, nr. 49 (12.5.1394). Forse è una stessa persona con fra Marino, priore di S. Clemente di Bari; Le pergamene di S. Nicola di Bari. Periodo angioino (1343–1381), ed. Francesco Nitti di Vito, Codice diplomatico barese, 18 (Trani, 1950), p. 258, nr. 125 (12.5.1377). L’Ordine dei Canonici Gerosolimitani del Templum Domini, al quale apparteneva la chiesa, anche nel sec. XV si trova citato come ordo sacri Templi Ierosolimitani; Francesco Tommasi, ‘Fondi documentari “ultramarini” in Italia: l’archivio del Santo Sepolcro da Acri a Perugia’, in Militia Sancti Sepulchri. Idea e istituzioni, ed. Kaspar Elm, Cosimo Damiano Fonseca (Città del Vaticano, 1998), pp. 425–6. 41 Joaquín Miret i Sans, Les cases de Templers y Hospitalers en Catalunya (rist. dall’ediz. Barcelona 1910), con Introducció di Josep Maria Sans i Travé (Lleida, 2006), pp. 383–4; Julius Justus Geb- hardi, Historische Nachricht von dem Stiffte S. Matthäi in Braunschweig (Braunschweig, 1739), p. 66, nr. 1. Nel 1343 fra Gerardo de Châtillon domandò un adeguamento della pensione; Gérard Moyse, ‘Les Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem dans le diocèse de Besançon en 1373’, in Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome, Moyen Age-Temps Modernes, 85 (1973), pp. 513–4. Templari secolarizzati risiedevano in Siria intorno al 1340; Malcolm Barber, The New Knight- hood: A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge, 1994), p. 1. Un Templare centenario fu interrogato a Stella (Navarra) nel 1310; Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 378, nr. 158. 256 Francesco Tommasi domini oltremontani di Roberto d’Angiò sappiamo che fratres dell’Ordine sop- presso trovarono ricetto in case giovannite.42 La provincia giovannita del priorato di Roma abbracciava i territori italici sotto il dominio dei papi, con l’eccezione della Romandiola che invece appartene­ va al priorato di Venezia. Al più tardi dal gennaio 1311 il priorato di S. Basilio de Urbe obbediva a fra Filippo da Gragnana.43 Dall’ottobre dell’anno seguente egli iniziò ad accompagnare e assistere il visitator dell’Ospedale in Occidente, fra Alberto di Schwarzburg, nell’impegnativa opera di ricognizione e incameramento dell’eredità templare.44 Nel 1317 il papa non si limitò a confermare al frate gio- vannita toscano il priorato di Roma, ma vi unì quello d’Ungheria. Così prendersi personalmente cura anche degli ex Templari della nuova provincia45 forse non fu subito possibile, perché una ribellione interna pare aver impedito a fra Filippo di mettere piede sulla sponda orientale del mare Adriatico prima del 1320.46 Quando, intorno alla metà del dicembre 1318 e con ogni probabilità tramite un corriere pontificio, a Perugia l’arciprete della cattedrale, il priore dei Predicatori e il guardiano dei Minori si videro recapitare la missiva di Giovanni XXII datata dal 1° del mese,47 Filippo da Gragnana forse già si trovava nella città del Patrimonio

42 Benoît Beaucage, Visites générales des commanderies dépendantes du Grand Prieuré de Saint Gilles (1338) (Aix-en-Provence, 1982), p. 264. Il Durbec individua due ex Templari tra il perso­ nale giovannita della commenda di Nizza (1338); Joseph-Antoine Durbec, Templiers et Hospita­ liers en Provence et dans les Alpes-Maritimes (Grenoble, 2006), p. 269; cf. Beaucage, p. 214. 43 Testo: Renzo Caravita, Rinaldo da Concorezzo arcivescovo di Ravenna (1303–1321) al tempo di Dante, VII centenario della nascita di Dante – Collana di studi storici, 2 (Firenze, 1964), p. 221, nr. 11. Sulla patria toscana di Filippo da Gragnana, cf. da ultimo Francesco Tommasi, ‘Giovanniti al servizio dei papi (secc. XIII–XIV in.)’, in Élites et ordres militaires au Moyen Âge, ed. Philippe Josserand et al., Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, 145 (Madrid, 2015), p. 312; inoltre Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 13960. 44 Il gruppo dei coadiutores del tedesco gran precettore in partibus cismarinis era formato da sette alti ufficiali; Delaville Le Roulx (come n. 14), p. 32, n. 3. Forse fra Filippo era già a Rodi nel luglio 1312, perché vediamo il suo vicario, fra Bevignate da Spello, il 15 del mese prendere possesso dei beni del Tempio a Perugia; infra, p. 257. 45 Tassa straordinaria complessiva per i priorati di Roma e Ungheria: 8000 fiorini; 200 marche d’argento equivalgono alla responsio annua; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, f. 578v. (21.7.1317); Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4454. Altrove Filippo è detto priore di Hungaria et Sclavonia; ibidem, nr. 6549 (10.3.1318). Leggendaria è la tradizione, che attribuisce a Carlo Roberto d’Angiò (1301–1342) la sistemazione di tutti i Templari superstiti del Regno di Ungheria in un impreci- sato monasterium dell’Ordine soppresso: l’insediamento si sarebbe mantenuto fino ai tempi del cronista Tommaso Ebendorfer (1388–1464); Thomae Ebendorfer Chronica Austriae, ed. Alphons Lhotsky, in MGH, SS. rer. Germ. n. ser., 13 (Berolini –Turici, 1967), p. 233. 46 Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 6549; Zsolt Hunyadi, The Hospitallers in the Medieval Kingdom of Hun- gary c. 1150–1387 (Budapest, 2010), pp. 76–9. 47 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 11, f. 123v; Reg. Vat., 69, f. 84v; Bullarium (come n. 27), p. 162, nr. 347. Per urgenze i cursores riuscivano a coprire la distanza tra Avignone e Firenze/ Napoli in soli 12–14 giorni; Yves Renouard, ‘Comment les papes d’Avignon expédaient leur cour- rier’, in Revue historique, 72, 3 (1937), p. 29. Non meno di due settimane occorsero anche ai cor- rieri partiti da Perugia il 5/6 giugno 1305, per raggiungere Bordeaux e informarne l’arcivescovo della sua elezione a papa; Joseph-François Rabanis, Itinéraire de Clément V pendant l’année qui precéda son avénement au Saint-Siège (Bordeaux, 1850), pp. 8, 49. Il perugino Mazza/Matteolo, Fratres quondam Templi 257 destinata, nello spazio di pochi decenni, a surrogare Roma come residenza­ dei priori.48 Il tenore della lettera papale presuppone la presenza in Perugia e din- torni di ex Templari, sulle disponibilità economiche e sul tenore di vita dei quali i tre ecclesiastici erano chiamati a prendere decisioni. Delle due commende nella diocesi appartenute al disciolto Ordine, quella suburbana di S. Bevignate era in condizioni di accogliere ospiti già dal luglio 1312, data della presa di possesso dei Giovanniti. Della domus rurale di S. Giustino d’Arno, caduta in mani estranee subito dopo l’abbandono da parte dei Templari, invece, l’Ordine dell’Ospedale non poté disporre che posteriormente al 1314.49 In ogni caso, almeno dal 1324/5, S. Bevignate non sembra aver dato asilo ad ex Templari, e l’unico religioso estra- neo a carico delle sorores giovannite lì insediate risulta essere stato un monaco benedettino.50 Quattro fratres umbri sono conosciuti attraverso le inchieste italiane. Il pres­ byter Giovanni, che fu interrogato a Cesena nel novembre 1310, era nativo di Todi.51 Dal territorio a nord-est di Perugia invece provenivano Vivolo da Villa San Giustino d’Arno, uno dei sette Templari che nel dicembre 1309 a Viterbo attendevano nelle carceri dell’Inquisizione l’inizio del processo,52 e Ranuccio da Montelabbate, che è semplicemente menzionato nella deposizione di un teste.53 Sul futuro di ognuno è possibile formulare solo ipotesi, non ultima quella di un ritorno o un riavvicinamento ai luoghi di origine.

divenuto cursor alla fine del Duecento, era in attività ancora nel 1335; Tilmann Schmidt, ‘Das päpst-­ liche Kursorenkollegium und seine Statuten von 1306’, in Deutsches Archiv, 50 (1994), p. 590. Nel 1316, dei 53 corrieri papali in Curia permanentes, tre erano perugini (Vegnatus, Sinactatus e Francesco); Ugolino da Perugia invece operava in Italia (ultra montes); Schäfer (come n. 73), p. 553. 48 È lo stesso Filippo che ricorda i soggiorni perugini; Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dal- matiae et Slavoniae, ed. Tadija Smičiklas et al., 1–20 (Zagreb, 1909–2002), 8, p. 557, nr. 456 (24.4.1320). Sulla mobilità della sede del priorato: Tommasi (come n. 14), pp. 86–7. 49 Francesco Tommasi, ‘L’Ordine dei Templari a Perugia’, in Bollettino della Deputazione di Storia Patria per l’Umbria, 78 (1981), pp. 14, 22–3; cf. nota seguente. 50 Giovanni Giliutii, uno degli occupanti di S. Giustino d’Arno: il suo mantenimento a spese dell’Ordine (si trattava di beni e redditi concessi ad vitam) era tra le condizioni per ottenere l’evacuazione dell’ex precettoria templare; Tommasi (come n. 49), pp. 62–3, nr. 19 (13.7.1314); idem, ‘Il monastero femminile di San Bevignate dell’ordine di San Giovanni Gerosolimitano (secoli XIV–XVI)’, in Templari e Ospitalieri in Italia. La chiesa di San Bevignate a Perugia, Quaderni storici del Comune di Perugia, 4 (Milano, 1987), pp. 62, 75, nr. 1 (1.9.1324). 51 Francesco Tommasi, ‘Interrogatorio di Templari a Cesena (1310)’, in Acri 1291. La fine della presenza degli ordini militari in Terra Santa e i nuovi orientamenti nel XIV secolo, ed. idem, Bi- ­ blioteca di Militia sacra, 2 (Perugia, 1996), p. 282–4, 288–93. 52 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 91. Gli altri sei: Cecco da Lanciano, Andrea da Monteodoriso, Guglielmo da Verduno, Gerardo da Piacenza, Pietro Valentini, Gualtiero da Napoli; ibidem, pas- sim. Nel novembre 1307 Clemente V aveva incaricato gli inquisitori minoriti di fare arrestare e trattenere sedis apostolicae nomine in locis tutis et sub fida custodia tutti i Templari nel Patrimonio di San Pietro in Tuscia e nel Ducato di Spoleto; Tommasi (come n. 49), p. 21. 53 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), pp. 252, 254, 256. 258 Francesco Tommasi Se sorprende che di sette testimoni nell’inquisitio nelle Terre della Chiesa ben sei appartengono alla classe inferiore dei frati-sergenti (servientes),54 occor- rerebbe anche interrogarsi sulle cause dell’assenza o irreperibilità di fratres mi- lites e dignitari­ regionali dell’Ordine. L’anomalia non passò inosservata. Se per esempio i commissari papali nel 1310 convocarono fra Giacomo da Moncucco,55 probabilmente fu perché sospettavano che il fuggitivo gran precettore di Lom- bardia potesse occultarsi in qualche luogo dell’Italia centrale – poco importa che fossero male informati sul suo conto e si ingannassero. Come in ogni processo per eresia, anche nell’affaire dei Templari si attribuì importanza alle possibili com- plicità, e senza dubbio fu per timore delle sanzioni canoniche56 che nelle Terre della Chiesa l’ordine di comparizione fu ignorato anche dai non meglio precisati fautores, ­receptatores et defensores dei Templari.57 Esistono sufficienti indizi per ritenere che anche Bosone da Petroia (dioc. Gubbio), come tanti altri fratres italiani di estrazione nobiliare, si sia sottratto intenzionalmente alla giustizia ecclesiastica e che la famiglia ne abbia favorito la latitanza. Il Templare infatti proveniva dal gruppo consortile dei conti di Petroia-Coccorano, più che mai influenti e legati alla guelfa Perugia,58 alla quale la difesa dei loro beni e diritti signorili contro il comune di Gubbio più volte aveva offerto un comodo appiglio per i propri disegni espansionistici.59 Sostanzi- almente stabili si erano mantenuti l’indirizzo politico e la fidelitas dei conti alla Chiesa anche dopo lo spostamento della sede apostolica oltralpe. A Perugia dal 1305 al 1319 un facoltosissimo Filippo da Coccorano quasi ininterrottamente

54 Il settimo era un prete, Guglielmo da Verduno; ibidem, p. 172. 55 Quella nelle Terre della Chiesa è l’unica inchiesta, dove Giacomo da Moncucco viene citato nomi- nativamente a comparire davanti ai commissari papali, i quali, accertatane l’irreperibilità, dich­ iarano il gran precettore contumace. 56 Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 3402, 3641, 3642; Vitae (come n. 4), 3, pp. 110–1. 57 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 111. Su alcuni Templari, che a Casale Monferrato i famigliari mantenevano sotto la loro protezione, ostacolando così l’attività degli inquisitori, Elena Bellomo, The Templar Order in North-west Italy (1142–1330) (Leiden – Boston, 2008), p. 333. In Germania l’arcivescovo di Magdeburgo, per il suo zelo nell’eseguire le direttive papali, nel 1308 ricevette gravia dampna da parenti e amici dei Templari; Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 5888, 6448; Iwan Koch, ‘Das Leben des Erzbischofs Burchard III. von Magdeburg (1307–1325)’, in Geschichts- Blätter für Stadt und Land Magdeburg, 23 (1888), pp. 227–9. 58 Sui domini et nobiles de Cocorano, ai quali Perugia riconosceva lo status di federati, cf. da ultimo Giovanna Casagrande, ‘Presenza silvestrina in diocesi di Perugia nel secolo XIII. SS. Marco e Lucia di Sambuco’, in Silvestro Guzzolini e la sua congregazione monastica, ed. Ugo Paoli, Bi- ­ bliotheca Montisfani, 25 (Fabriano, 2001), pp. 138–45 e passim (con rinvii all’ampia bibliografia). Su singoli personaggi: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 10 (Roma 1968), pp. 399–400, 403–4. 59 Pio Cenci, ‘Le relazioni fra Gubbio e Perugia nel periodo comunale’, in Bollettino della Regia Deputazione di Storia Patria per l’Umbria, 13 (1907), pp. 521–71; John P. Grundman, The “Po-­ polo” at Perugia 1139–1309, Fonti per la storia dell’Umbria, 20 (Perugia, 1992), pp. 68–70, 92, 108 e passim; Casagrande (come n. 58), pp. 141–2. Fratres quondam Templi 259 rivestì il confalonierato delle arti e del popolo – una carica che in altre città aprì la strada alla signoria.60 L’uso del sigillo, prerogativa dei dignitari del Tempio,61 indica la posizione eminente di fra Bosone de Cucurano, anche se nell’iscrizione non è specificato alcun ufficio o carica direttiva.62 A rivestirlo dell’abito templare nella chiesa di S. Giustino d’Arno era stato fra Giacomo da Moncucco.63 Perciò l’ingresso del frate- cavaliere de comitibus Petrorii nell’Ordine sicuramente ebbe luogo nel maggio- luglio 1304, durante il soggiorno a Perugia di papa Benedetto XI, presso il quale il maestro provinciale prestava servizio come cubicolario.64 Da quel momento si ignora ogni cosa del Templare umbro, e nella inquisitio del 1310 egli entra solo indirettamente, perché un testimone ricorda di aver assistito alla cerimonia del suo ricevimento nell’Ordine. Nel 1332 il Templare doveva essere cinquantenne. Una quietanza rilasciata a Perugia nel maggio di quell’anno su procura dell’abate di Sassovivo (Foligno) merita seria considerazione, sebbene sul futuro di fra Bosone non appaia risolutiva. Sul fenomeno dei Templari, che anche solo per breve tempo deposero il mantello dell’Ordine, informano soprattutto le allarmate circolari di Giovanni XXII.65 Ma, se per l’Italia centrale può essere citato il caso del presby­ ter Giovanni da Todi, che per sua stessa ammissione dimisit habitum a Rimini

60 I conti rievocarono l’antica soggezione alla Chiesa nel 1284 e nel 1342; fonti: Sandro Tiberini, in Bollettino della Deputazione di Storia Patria per l’Umbria, 96 (1999), p. 57; Benoît XII (1334– 1342): Lettres communes, ed. Jean-Marie Vidal (Paris, 1903–1911), nr. 9374. Nel 1307 Boccaccio da Petroia aderiva al partito ghibellino; Gubbio, Sezione di Archivio di Stato, Fondo Lucarelli, b. 41, fasc. senza numeraz., f. 1v; cf. Annales Arretinorum Maiores et Minores, ed. Arturo Bini, in RIS2, XXIV, 1 (Città di Castello, 1909–1912), pp. 16, 43; I podestà nell’Italia comunale, a cura di Jean-Claude Maîre Vigueur, 1–2, Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 268 (Rome, 2000), 2, p. 790, n. 82. Su Filippo di Giacomo di Bigazzino conte di Coccorano, Grundman (come n. 59), pp. 233–7; cf. supra, n. 58. 61 Gustave Schlumberger et al., Sigillographie de l’Orient latin, Haut Commissariat de l’État Fran- çais en Syrie et au Liban . . ., Bibliothèque archéologique et historique, 37 (Paris, 1943), pp. 247– 51; Mario de Visser, I sigilli del Sovrano Militare Ordine di Malta (Milano, 1943), pp. 385–91; Hans Eberhard Mayer, Das Siegelwesen in den Kreuzfahrerstaaten, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Abhandlungen, N. F., 83 (München, 1978), pp. 35–6, 77. 62 Andrea Muzzi et al., Sigilli nel Museo Nazionale del Bargello, I: ecclesiastici (Firenze, 1988), p. 226 e tav. CVII, nr. 577. La legenda: + S. FRATIS BUSONO D’ CVCVRANO MILITIE TEM- PLI. La forma ogivale della matrice è propria della sfragistica ecclesiastica, ma il possessore del sigillo non era un frater presbyter. Il solo altro esemplare a forma di mandorla conosciuto apparte- neva al cappellano della casa del Tempio di Arles (1308) che, come Bosone, adottò l’insegna aral- dica del proprio lignaggio; Schlumberger (come n. 61), p. 251; Damien Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple dans la basse vallée du Rhône (1124–1312), Collection d’histoire et d’archéologie médiévales, 17 (Lyon, 2005), pp. 410–11. 63 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 252. 64 Cf. Tommasi (come n. 49), pp. 19–20. 65 Mollat (come n. 7), pp. 378–9. Nel 1318 Giovanni XXII parla di Templari, che vestes presu- munt induere laycales seque gerunt pro laycis; Prutz (come n. 29), p. 293, nr. 21; Francisci Pipini Chronicon, 49, ed. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, IX (Mediolani, 1726), col. 750; Guilielmi Venturae Chronicon Astense, ed. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, XI (Mediolani, 1727), c. 193; Ferreti Vicentini Historia rerum in Italia gestarum, a cura di Carlo Cipolla, 1–3, Fonti per la 260 Francesco Tommasi prima dell’autunno 1307,66 il ritorno allo stato laicale del frater Bosone è poco più di una congettura:67 i dubbi sull’identificazione deldominus Bosone – uno dei cinque debitori del monastero folignate68 – con il nostro Templare sono destinati a permanere, almeno fino a quando anche la sua appartenenza ainobiles di Petroia- Coccorano non sarà definitivamente acclarata.69 Gregorio da Parma era il frate giovannita, al quale il successore di Clemente V nel luglio 1317 affidò la responsabilità del priorato di Pisa – il vasto e compo­ sito distretto amministrativo, che riuniva gli insediamenti giovanniti di Tos- cana, Lazio settentrionale, Sardegna e Corsica.70 Malgrado valesse anche per lui l’impegno del sostentamento degli ex Templari senza troppo gravare sul bilancio del priorato,71 nessun intervento diretto di Gregorio da Parma, nessuno stanzia- mento a questo fine è documentabile – quasi sicuramente per effetto della per- dita dei registri contabili un tempo custoditi nell’archivio priorale.72 Comunque,

storia d’Italia, 42–43bis (Roma, 1908–1920), 2, p. 186. Per l’Inghilterra, Alan Forey, ‘Ex Templars in England’, in The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 53 (2002), pp. 19, 24. 66 Tommasi (come n. 51), pp. 282, 288. 67 Un Templare secolarizzato era Bertrando di Greifenberg: nel 1321 il suo nome compare senza più qualifiche religiose, Grzegorz Jacek Brzustowicz, ‘Die Aufhebung des Templerordens in der Neumark und in Pommern’, in Regionalität und Transfergeschichte. Ritterordenskommenden der Templer und Johanniter in nordöstlichen Deutschland und in Polen, ed. Christian Gahlbeck et al., Studien zur brandenburgischen und vergleichenden Landesgeschichte, 9 (Berlin, 2014), p. 164. 68 L’abate Giacomo (da Montemelino) doveva ricevere a Puccio domini Be‹n›venuti .L. florenos, a Galiotto de Petrorio .L. florenos, a Boccatio de Petrorio .L. florenos, a d(omi)no Bosone centum florenos et a Nerio Pucçatti de Petrorio .XLIII. florenos; Spoleto, Archivio Storico Diocesano, S. Croce di Sassovivo, fasc. 109, nr. 1430, f. 10v (29.5.1332); regesto: Mario Sensi, ‘Vita quotidiana a Sassovivo nei frammenti notarili (secoli XIV–XV)’, in Bollettino storico della città di Foligno, 9 (1985), p. 23. Non pare trattarsi del dominus Bosone da Gubbio, perché difficilmente si spieghe­ rebbe la presenza di un esponente di primo piano del ghibellinismo umbro in una città guelfa come Perugia; cf. Paolo Bertolini, ‘Bosone da Gubbio’, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 13 (Roma, 1971), p. 275. 69 L’unicità di Bosone nella tradizione onomastica dei conti di Petroia-Coccorano sembra garantire dal rischio di uno scambio di persona. L’albero genealogico “ufficiale” della famiglia (Arbor comitum) non registra alcun Bosone, e il Philippus 1370 è persona diversa dal dominus Phylippus abate di Sassovivo, ricordato in un’epigrafe del 1314; Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Commissione araldica, Famiglie perugine, ser. I, 38, ms. cart. del sec. XVII, [f. 16v]; Michele Faloci Puli­ gnani, ‘I marmorari romani a Sassovivo presso Foligno’, in Archivio per la storia ecclesiastica dell’Umbria, 2 (1915), p. 596. Nell’Arbor comitum figura anche Aldovrandus 1251–1266, ma la cronologia è diversa da quella del donnus Aldovrandus monachus, ancora vivente nel 1284; cf. Casagrande (come n. 58), p. 162. Totalmente ignorato infine è Ugolino Guicinelli de Petrorio, monaco a Sassovivo, attestato nel 1314; Foligno, Biblioteca L. Iacobilli, cod. B. V. 18, f. 202r. 70 Sulla geografia del priorato di Pisa, ommasiT (come n. 14), pp. 84–5. 71 La taxatio straordinaria a copertura del debito era fissata in 6000 fiorini. L’annua responsio con- sueta (1000 fiorini) destinata al Tesoro rodiota, come sempre, era teorica e da ricalcolare al netto delle spese per gli ex Templari: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat., 66, f. 337r; Reg. Av., 7, f. 578r; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4452. Per altre notizie su Gregorio, Anthony Luttrell, The Hospitaller State on Rhodes and its Western Provinces, 1306–1462 (Aldershot, 1999), XVII, p. 134. 72 Sull’archivio del Priorato, che da Pisa fu trasferito a Firenze prima del XVIII secolo e oggi per la maggior parte conservato nell’Archivio di Stato di Firenze, CH, 1, pp. CXXV–CXXX, Fratres quondam Templi 261 su un ruolo del priore di Pisa in questioni legate all’eredità templare ragguaglia la sua partecipazione al capitolo generale d’Arles, dove nel novembre 1320 fu approvata la vendita al papa di beni patrimoniali dell’Ordine soppresso nella città e distretto di Cahors.73 I prelati toscani, che il 1° dicembre 1318 Giovanni XXII incaricò di verificare i vitalizi degli ex Templari, erano tutti e tre senesi. A Siena i Giovanniti ave- vano fatto valere il proprio diritto alla successione, insediandosi nella «Magione del Tempio» (S. Pietro in Camollia) prima del 1316.74 Tuttavia neppure negli anni successivi è possibile incontrare fratres dell’Ordine estinto domiciliati in città. Altrettanto ignota resta la collocazione fisica di fra Andrea da Siena dopo il verdetto assolutorio, che con tutta probabilità permise al frate-sergente di uscire incolume dall’inchiesta cesenate del 1310.75 Mancando più circostanziate informazioni, anche la certezza della presenza di ex Templari in altre località della diocesi e del territorio senesi si regge unicamente sulla lettera di Giovanni XXII al proposto della cattedrale, al priore dei frati Predicatori e al guardiano del frati Minori di Siena.76 La precettoria di Frosini sorgeva nella parte sud-occidentale del contado senese pertinente alla diocesi di Volterra, ma il fatto che dopo il 1312 conservi la denominazione di mansio Templi in sé non è indizio decisivo né di una sua annessione all’Ordine dell’Ospedale né di un ritorno degli antichi abitan- ti.77 Analogamente, l’ex insediamento templare di Castiglione/Colle di Buggiano

CCXXIV–CCXXV; cf. Rosalia Amico, Il monastero di S. Giovanni gerosolimitano in Pisa (Pisa, 2007), pp. 86–7. 73 Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 14347; Karl Heinrich Schäfer, Die Ausgaben der apostolischen Kammer unter Johann XXII., Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der päpstlichen Hof- und Finanzver- waltung 1316–1387, 2 (Paderborn, 1911), p. 416. Il capitolo generale di Arles, che proseguì nel 1321 ad Avignone, era in corso già dal 16 novembre; Delaville Le Roulx (come n. 14), p. 53. Sulla presenza di fra Gregorio ad Arles, Iohannes Lami, Deliciae eruditorum, [1–18] (Florentiae, 1736–1769), [8], pp. 259, 263. 74 Siena, Archivio di Stato, Estimo, 148, ff. 20v, 30r, 34v. Per i Templari a Siena, Paolo Brogini, ‘Pre- senze ecclesiastiche e dinamiche sociali nello sviluppo del borgo di Camollia (secc. XI–XIV)’, in La chiesa di San Pietro alla Magione nel Terzo di Camollia a Siena, a cura di Mario Ascheri (Siena, 2001), pp. 7–102. Sulla successione giovannita, Anthony Luttrell, Gli Ospitalieri a Siena dopo il 1312, ibidem, pp. 103–20. 75 Cf. Tommasi (come n. 51), pp. 282–5, 293–8. 76 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 11, f. 123r; Reg. Vat., 69, f. 84v (1.12.1318). La lezione Senonen(sium) dei due registri (dilectis filiis . . preposito Ecclesie et . . priori Predicatorum ac .. guardiano Minorum fratrum ordinum Senonensium) va corretta in Senensium, innanzi tutto per evitare un’inutile ripetizione. Infatti Giovanni XXII si è già rivolto agli ecclesiastici di Sens all’inizio della lettera circolare (Dilectis filiis . . decano Ecclesie et . . priori Predicatorum ac .. guardiano Minorum fratrum ordinum Senonensium); Reg. Av., 11, f. 120v; Reg. Vat., 69, f. 83r. L’emendazione Senensium è accolta dall’Eubel, ma senza darne conto nell’apparato critico; Bul- larium (come n. 27), p. 161, nr. 347. 77 Nel 1356 tra le chiese e case religiose esenti della diocesi di Volterra è elencata anche la mansio Templi de Frosini; testo in Anton Filippo Giachi, Saggio di ricerche storiche sopra lo stato antico e moderno di Volterra (Firenze, 21887), p. 594, nr. 82. Sulla destinazione dell’ex precettoria, che da privati sembra sia stata venduta ai monaci di S. Galgano, Mario Borracelli, ‘La Magione Tem- plare di Frosini e l’importanza delle strade che vi convergevano’, in I Templari: mito e storia, ed. 262 Francesco Tommasi in Valdinievole ancora alla metà del XIV secolo figura come mansio Templi. Di fatto essa non è mai passata ai Giovanniti, e la sua cessione al clero secolare pare escluderla dal novero delle possibili strutture residenziali accoglitrici di fratres scampati al naufragio della Milizia del Tempio.78 Con fra Sigerio ci troviamo dinanzi a un precettore locale, che dalla domus di Montelopi (Volterra) dopo il 1305 era stato trasferito a quella piacentina di Verzarium e nel 1310 ritroviamo a Tortona in potere dell’inquisitore.79 Questo è solo un caso di mobilità del personale dirigente, ma l’impossibilità finora di docu- mentarne altri in Toscana non fa che accrescere la difficoltà di stabilire anche solo approssimativamente la demografia delle 13/14domus templari nella regione all’inizio del Trecento.80 Certamente i 13 membri dell’Ordine (milites e servi- entes), che assicurati alla giustizia81 furono poi processati a Firenze e Lucca, rap- presentano una cifra troppo esigua e ben al di sotto di un computo equilibrato e realistico.82 In ogni modo, appare evidente che neppure in Toscana autorità eccle- siastiche e inquisitori poterono fare astrazione dal problema dei Templari contu- maci e latitanti. In effetti, tradirebbero una fuga gli ultimi spostamenti del piacentino fra Gia­ como da Pigazzano. L’antico precettore della casa del Tempio di Milano83 dopo

Giovanni Minnucci, Franca Sardi (Sinalunga – Siena, 1989), p. 328. In un elenco di domus del priorato di Pisa redatto nel 1337 non risulta alcun insediamento giovannita a Frosini; Tommasi (come n. 14), pp. 115–6, nr. 7. Sulle domus Templi, così chiamate anche molti decenni dopo l’abolizione dell’Ordine, idem (come n. 39), pp. 373–5. 78 La casa templare (subito dopo il concilio di Vienne?) era stata unita alla chiesa di S. Lorenzo di Colle/Castiglione di Buggiano; testo: Enrico Coturri, ‘Chiese e clero della Valdinievole da una visita pastorale del 1354’, in Bullettino Storico Pistoiese, 80 (1978), p. 56. La mansio Templi de Castillione / ad Collem Boyani appartenne ai Templari da prima del 1260; Rationes decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV: Tuscia, 1, ed. Pietro Guidi, Studi e Testi, 58 (Città del Vaticano, 1932), nr. 5240. L’ecclesia S. Laurentii de Castillione Veteri è distinta dalla mansio Templi de Castillione; ibidem, nr. 5321. 79 Mario Battistini, Memorie storiche volterrane (Volterra, 1922), p. 32. Siclerius (come è chiamato nel documento del 1310) fu catturato nella sua magione di Verzarium; Antonio Tarlazzi, Appen- dice ai Monumenti Ravennati del conte Marco Fantuzzi, 1–2 (Ravenna, 1872–1884), 1, pp. 580, 584, nr. 350. 80 Per un censimento delle case, Luttrell (come n. 71), XVII, pp. 137–8. 81 Nel 1311 le fonti processuali menzionano la cattura di Templari in provincia Tuscie, senza tut- tavia indicarne l’esatta cronologia; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Vat. lat. 4011, f. 1r; Jules ­Loiseleur, La doctrine secrète des Templiers (Paris – Orléans, 1872), p. 172. Tuttavia già dall’estate 1308 si è a conoscenza dell’attività degli inquisitori minoriti nella regione; Yvonne Lanhers, Tables des registres de Clement V, Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 3 (Paris, 1948–1957), nr. 10407. 82 La popolazione dei soli fratres (cavalieri, cappellani e sergenti) residenti nelle case templari tos- cane prima dell’ottobre 1307 probabilmente non contava meno di 30 unità. 83 Nel 1291 era già titolare della precettoria, e nel 1304 rivestiva ancora la carica; Alessandro Colombo, ‘I Gerosolimitani e i Templari a Milano e la via Commenda’, in Archivio Storico Lom- bardo, 53 (1926), pp. 185–240, a pp. 217, nr. 4 (29.9.1291), 218–9, nr. 6 (16.10.1304). La carica restò nella cerchia parentale, perché chi gli successe fu Uberto (Alberto) da Pigazzano; ibidem, p. 220, nr. 8 (6.4.1308). Fratres quondam Templi 263 il 1304 era stato mandato a Tortona a dirigere la locale commenda, e in città era rimasto – sebbene non più da uomo libero – fino a tutto il 1310.84 Il 5 luglio 1311 lo troviamo a Piacenza, dove anche la soluzione della sua vicenda giudizia­ ria sembrava a un passo, dopo l’esito positivo dell’examinatio sostenuta il mese precedente con 12 confratelli davanti all’arcivescovo e agli ecclesiastici della provincia ravennate riuniti in concilio.85 Successivamente Giacomo da Pigaz- zano riappare in Toscana, anche se la stranezza di un allontanamento volontario dalla sua città e da un incomparabile clima di favorevoli relazioni sociali potrebbe spiegarsi con una reazione impulsiva alla lettera papale del 27 giugno e alle incognite di un altro interrogatorio, per il quale Clemente V esigeva l’uso della tortura.86 In ogni caso, nell’ottobre 1311, a Lucca il Templare piacentino dovette affrontare nuovamente una corte di giustizia ecclesiastica, che questa volta soprat- tutto grazie ai “persuasivi” argomenti del carnefice ottenne le confessioni attese da Clemente V.87 Giacomo da Pigazzano in ordine di successione è l’ultimo dei 13 Templari che tra l’estate e l’autunno 1311 in Toscana furono escussi da una commissione appositamente nominata da Clemente V. Solo sei fratres hanno un volto,88 ma neanche per costoro la documentazione può istruirci sulle conseguenze delle con- fessioni rese – meno che mai su tempi e modalità di applicazione in Toscana della bolla Considerantes dudum.89 Così finora un’unica fonte è in grado di svelare l’identità di un presumibile ex Templare. Fra Giovanni non porta un nome noto agli inquisitori né, a prima vista, riconducibile a nessuno degli omonimi fratres

84 Nel giugno 1308 Giacomo de Placentia fu prelevato per volontà dell’inquisitore e rinchiuso nel carcere comunale di Tortona: vi era ancora nel dicembre 1310; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), pp. 551, 552, 554 (nr. 340), 578, 586 (nr. 350). Un parente templare è citato come Bianco de Pigaçano o de Placentia; Cristina Dondi, ‘Manoscritti liturgici dei templari e degli ospitalieri’, in I Tem- plari, la guerra e la santità, ed. Simonetta Cerrini (Rimini, 2000), pp. 96–7; Girolamo Tira- boschi, Memorie storiche modenesi, 1–5 (Modena, 1793–1795), 5 (Codice diplomatico), p. 75, nr. 914. 85 Il 21 giugno 131l l’arcivescovo Rinaldo in una lettera dà i lavori dell’assemblea ecclesiastica ravennate come appena (nuper) cessati; Caravita (come n. 43), p. 299, nr. 49 (5.7.1311: lettera inserta). Il 5 luglio anche fra Giacomo fu sottoposto a purgatio. 86 Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 7527 ss. (27.6.1311); cf. Tommasi (come n. 51), p. 285. È difficile che la lettera di Clemente V ai presuli di Ravenna, Pisa, Firenze e Cremona, scritta a Grozeau in data 27 giugno, il 5 luglio fosse già nelle mani dei destinatari; cf. supra n. 47. 87 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Vat. lat. 4011, ff. 22v–25v (22–24.10.1311); Loiseleur (come n. 81), pp. 206–211. Non è improbabile che le examinationes di fra Giacomo siano state addirittura tre e che la prima (in Toscana) abbia preceduto quella ravennate. 88 Egidio precettore del Tempio di S. Giacomo a San Gimignano (dioc. Volterra), Bernardo da Parma, Guido de Cietica precettore dell’ospedale di Caporsoli (dioc. Fiesole), Niccolò da Reg- gio precettore di S. Salvatore a Grosseto, Lanfranco da Fiorenzuola (dioc. Piacenza). Dei restanti sette fratres, tutti di infimo rango e addetti ai lavori manuali, non si sono conservate neppure le deposizioni; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Vat. lat. 4011, f. 26r; Loiseleur (come n. 81), pp. 211–2. 89 Cf. Robert Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, tr. it., 1–8 (Firenze, 1972–1973), 7, p. 47. 264 Francesco Tommasi ricordati nell’incartamento processuale toscano.90 La sua residenza nel novembre 1320 indubitabilmente era a Firenze, ma dalla semplice indicazione del dominus Johannes frater del Tempio, come confinante di un appezzamento nel Popolo di San Miniato al Monte,91 Robert Davidsohn forse con troppa sicurezza ha con- cluso che l’ex Templare dimorava «nella sua casa sul colle di San Miniato».92 Con la designazione di Giacomo da Canelli Giovanni XXII il 21 luglio 1317 rimediò solo formalmente alla vacanza del priorato di Lombardia,93 distretto ­corrispondente alla metà nord-occidentale della penisola appenninica. Di fatto, come locum tenens del maestro oltremarino, il frate giovannita piemontese almeno dal 1308 esercitava nella provincia le stesse funzioni dirigenziali dei priores che l’avevano preceduto.94 I signori di Canelli/Calamandrana (Asti) erano imparen­ tati con il re Manfredi di Sicilia e, per il tramite di sua figlia Costanza, con i so-­ vrani di Aragona.95 Dal grembo di questo insigne consortium nobiliare era uscito più di un frater della Milizia del Tempio.96 Contemporaneo di fra Giacomo, fra Alberto (II) da Canelli era stato curiale (magister ostiarius) di Benedetto XI (1303–1304) e poi precettore delle case

90 Un teste parla di Giovanni (da Castell’Arquato) da lui incontrato nel 1302; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Vat. lat. 4011, f. 17r–v, 20r; Loiseleur (come n. 81), pp. 197, 202. Nel 1304 era luogotenente del maestro per la Marca Trevigiana; Giampaolo Cagnin, Templari e Giovanniti nel territorio trevigiano (secoli XII–XIV) (Treviso, 1992), pp. 86–7. 91 Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz, 1–4 (Berlin, 1896–1908), 4, p. 424. Lo storico di Firenze così commenta: «Egli (cioè fra Giovanni) era dunque sfuggito alla generale persecuzione». 92 Davidsohn (come n. 89), 7, p. 47. 93 La somma richiesta al priorato di Lombardia in satisfactionem et honorationem debitorum era di 6000 fiorini; ancora una volta nellaresponsio (500 fiorini) da corrispondere annualmente al Tesoro rodiota erano compresi anche gli emolumenti per gli ex Templari; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, f. 578r; Lettres (come n. 5) cit., nr. 4453. 94 Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 6092 (24.9.1310), con lettera (inserta) del maestro Folco di Villaret, datata 26.2.1307 (ma 1308); Joseph Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre (1100–1310) (Paris, 1904), p. 420. Anche nel 1315 è attestato come priore di Lombar- dia; Roger (come n. 16), p. 118, n. 106. Nel 1302 fra Giacomo era precettore della domus di Castellazzo Bormida; Renato Bordone, ‘San Pietro di Consavia e il priorato di Lombardia nel Medioevo’, in L’antico San Pietro in Asti. Storia, architettura, archeologia, ed. Renato Bordone et al. (Torino, 2000), p. 56. 95 Alessandro Barbero, ‘I signori di Canelli fra la corte di re Manfredi e gli ordini monastico-ca­ vallereschi’, in Bianca Lancia d’Agliano. Fra il Piemonte e il Regno di Sicilia, a cura di Renato Bordone, Ricerche di storia locale, 4 (Alessandria, 1992), pp. 230–31; Ingeborg Walter, ‘Canelli, Bertrando da’, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 18 (Roma 1975), pp. 5–8. 96 Alberto (I), Ivano, Guglielmo da Canelli; Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Tem- pli Hierosolymitani magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19–1314, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse, 3 F., 86 (Göttingen, 1974), pp. 278–9; Ezio Trota, ‘L’ordine dei Cavalieri Templari e l’ospitale del Ponte di S. Ambrogio’, in Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, 11a ser., 6 (1984), pp. 48, 52; Barbero (come n. 95), p. 230. Oberto da Cala- mandrana: Tommasi (come n. 33), p. 197, n. 129. Fratres quondam Templi 265 templari della provincia di Sicilia (preceptor bailivie insule Sicilie).97 Sfortuna- tamente si interrompono con l’interrogatorio parigino del 20 gennaio 1311 le nostre informazioni su questo alto dignitario templare non ancora trentatreenne, che con alcuni confratelli, anch’essi catturati nella diocesi di Nîmes nell’autunno 1307, era stato trasferito nella capitale del Regno di Francia all’inizio del 1310 per esservi sottoposto ad escussione.98 Per Alberto da Canelli si trattava della seconda inchiesta giudiziaria, dopo quella di Sommières (1308?). È verosimile tuttavia che l’alto ufficiale del Tempio se la cavasse nuovamente con un’assoluzione, anche se l’ultima parola spettava a un concilio generale.99 In ogni caso, erroneamente Alberto da Canelli (Alberto Canoli) è localizzato nel 1315 a Bologna dall’Alidosi (1570–1627), che forse lo scambia per l’omonimo (e parente) generalis magister del Tempio in Italia, attestato in città nel marzo 1274.100 Alberto (II) da Canelli non fu il solo Templare “lombardo” ad essere sorpreso in terra straniera dalla tempesta politico-giudiziaria che travolse l’Ordine. I frati- sergenti Guglielmo de Garent, oriundo di Casale Sant’Evasio (Casale Monfer- rato), e Francesco da Genova sicuramente almeno da due anni risiedevano a Cipro, quando nel maggio 1310 furono chiamati a deporre nel processo.101 Altret- tanto va detto del miles Niccolò da Moncucco Torinese, un congiunto del quale nel 1299 viveva a Nicosia.102 Dopo l’inchiesta cipriota non si sa più nulla dei tre

97 Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 425; Marie Luise Bulst-Thiele, ‘Templer in königlichen und päpstli- chen Diensten’, in Festschrift Percy Ernst Schramm, 1–2 (Wiesbaden, 1964), 1, p. 305; Tommasi (come n. 49), pp. 20, 60. 98 Della detenzione di Alberto (Obertus) da Canelli nelle carceri di Aigues-Mortes si ha notizia solo l’8 novembre 1307. Il suo arrivo a Parigi con altri sette frati de diocesi Nemausensi è anteriore al 10 febbraio 1310; Léon Menard, Histoire civile, ecclésiastique et littéraire de la ville de Nismes, 1–2 (Paris, 1750), 2, p. 202 (Obertus de Canellis); cf. ibidem, p. 195; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 63; cf. ibidem, p. 98. Nel 1310 Templarii omnes qui erant in regno Francie furono radunati a Parigi; Vitae (come n. 4), 1, p. 36. 99 Il Canelli persistette nella confessione resa a Sommières (dioc. Nîmes), probabilmente nel 1308, davanti ai vescovi di Le Puy, Maguelonne e Nevers, al termine della quale era stato absolutus et reconciliatus; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 425. Per la cronologia dell’inchiesta di Sommières, sembrano indicative: 1) la presenza a Nîmes nell’aprile 1308 del vescovo Giovanni di Nevers; 2) la lettera papale del successivo 8 agosto all’arcivescovo di Narbona e ai suoi suffraganei (uno era il vescovo Giovanni di Maguelonne), con l’ordine di interrogare i Templari prigionieri nelle rispettive diocesi; Menard (come n. 98), 2, pp. 181, 168–9. 100 Giovanni Niccolò Pasquali Alidosi, Li cavalieri bolognesi di tutte le religioni et ordini (Bolo- gna, 1616), p. 9: «1315 F. Alberto Canoli già Cavaliero Templaro»; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 25, f. 79r; cf. Helene Wieruszowski, Politics and Culture in Medieval Spain and Italy, Storia e letteratura. Raccolta di studi e testi, 121 (Roma, 1971), pp. 265–6. 101 Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, pp. 174–5, 191, 320; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 31), pp. 90, 115, 186, 203. L’ordine papale di cattura dei Templari arrivò a Cipro prima del 12 maggio 1308; Chroniques (come n. 34), p. 283; cf. Vitae (come n. 4), 3, p. 85. 102 Niccolò era entrato nell’Ordine nel 1303; Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, p. 198; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 31), pp. 125–6. Turonensis del ms. va emendato in Taurinensis. Il viaggio di Gu­- glielmo da Moncucco a Cipro è posteriore al 1288; Codex Astensis qui de Malabayla commu- niter nuncupatur, ed. Quintino Sella, 1–4 (Romae, 1880–1887), 3, pp. 813, 814, 816; Girolamo Golubovich, ‘Cipro francescana’, in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 10 (1917), p. 361. 266 Francesco Tommasi fratres, ma è poco credibile che abbiano potuto abbandonare l’isola – meno che mai clandestinamente, riuscendo dove aveva fallito il commandator de Puglia, Oddone de Villaret.103 Niccolò da Moncucco si ascriveva tra i condomini di Moncucco, già autorevoli advocati e feudatari della Chiesa torinese.104 Suo frater naturalis era il più celebre Giacomo, senza dubbio uno dei Templari più ricercati dall’Inquisizione, il lati- tante sulla cui testa Clemente V minacciò di porre un’ingente taglia.105 Quando, il 13 ottobre 1307, iniziò l’operazione di polizia «pianificata con grande cura»106 contro i Templari nel Regno di Francia, appartenere al personale di Curia fu una vera fortuna per Giacomo da Moncucco.107 Infatti gli agenti di Filippo il Bello, dopo essersi impadroniti del Templare italiano e del confratello provenzale Olivie­ ro de Penna, in segno di rispetto (ob reverentiam) verso Clemente V permisero ai due cubicularii domini pape di rimanere a Poitiers – anche se consegnati nei rispettivi alloggi.108 Il 18 ottobre i due Templari ricevettero parole di conforto e rassicurazioni dal papa in persona.109 Ma evidentemente neppure ciò servì a placare i timori e l’apprensione di Giacomo da Moncucco; così una precipitosa fuga da Poitiers nella notte del 13 febbraio 1308110 separò per sempre il destino del gran precettore di Lombardia da quello di fra Oliviero de Penna. In effetti, anche se rimosso dall’ufficio in Curia forse già prima della fine dell’anno,111 il

Nel 1301 un monaco dell’abbazia di S. Donato a Pinerolo risponde al nome di Guglielmo de Montechuco; Les registres de Boniface VIII, ed. Georges Digard et al., Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e sér., IV, 1 (Paris, 1884–1939), nr. 4102. 103 Cf. supra, p. 254. Probabilmente è solo un omonimo di fra Niccolò quel dominus Niccolò di Giordano dei signori di Moncucco (ex condominis de Montechuco), che con alcuni consorti assiste alla stesura di un atto nella platea Montischuchi il 19 giugno 1321; Appendice al Libro Rosso del Comune di Chieri, ed. Ferdinando Gabotto, Biblioteca della Società Storica Subalpina, 76, 1 (Torino, 1924), p. 119, nr. 144. Sulla condivisione di interessi della famiglia con l’Ordine, Giampiero Casiraghi, ‘Da Torino a Chieri: insediamenti templari lungo la via Francigena’, in I Templari in Piemonte. Dalla storia al mito, Torino [1994], p. 20. 104 I Moncucco per un certo tempo ebbero in concessione dai vescovi di Torino il castello di Rivoli; Giuseppe Sergi, Potere e territorio lungo la strada di Francia, Nuovo Medioevo, 20 (Napoli, 1981), pp. 187, 237, 253, 283; Casiraghi (come n. 103), p. 20. 105 10000 fiorini: Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 114, nr. 74; Georges Lizerand, Clément V et Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1910), p. 120. 106 Sono parole di Clemente V; Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, 4,1, ed. Iacobus Schwalm, in MGH, Leg. IV (Hannoverae – Lipsiae, 1906), p. 266, nr. 300. Dettagli dell’operazione: Lizerand (come n. 105), pp. 92–6; Barber (come n. 36), pp. 59–61. 107 Si registra la presenza del cubicolario in Curia, a Poitiers, già dal 9 giugno 1307, in piena itine­ ranza della Sede apostolica; Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 7183. 108 Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 114, nr. 74; cf. ibidem, p. 59, nr. 39. L’arrivo di Clemente V a Poitiers si colloca tra il 9 e il 16 ottobre 1307; Lanhers (come n. 81), p. 2, per l’itinerario. 109 Il papa forse temeva qualcosa perché, sempre in sede di privato concistoro, sconsigliò ai due cubicolari di tentare la fuga; Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 59, nr. 39. 110 Ibidem, 2, p. 114, nr. 74. 111 Che almeno dal novembre 1308 Oliviero de Penna non fosse più in esercizio, risulterebbe dai mandati di pagamento a favore di un solo cubicolario (uni cubiculario), quasi certamente un frate giovannita; Bernard Guillemain, Les recettes et les dépenses de la Chambre apostolique pour la Fratres quondam Templi 267 più “collaborativo” collega transalpino di fra Giacomo conservò fino all’ultimo la protezione di Clemente V112 e dopo il 1312, come sembra, trovò ulteriore grati- ficazione in un posto non di basso rango tra i Giovanniti.113 Quanto a Giacomo da Moncucco, la prolungata latitanza lo sottrasse definitivamente al concilio di Vienne, la sede designata dal papa per il giudizio dei maestri provinciali del Tem- pio.114 D’altra parte, il ricordo dell’illustre fuggitivo sembra essere svanito presto, almeno nell’ambiente della Curia. Certamente la “caccia all’uomo” lasciata pre­ sagire dalle minacciose parole di Clemente V non ebbe luogo. Tuttavia, ancora due anni dopo l’uscita di scena del Moncucco, gli interrogativi sulla sua sorte perma- nevano, e qualche Templare italiano non sbagliava a crederlo ancora in vita.115 Pare comunque che la condizione di clandestino in patria non si sia protratta oltre il 1316 e che il Giacomo de Montecucho, dal dicembre di quell’anno titolare di un beneficio ecclesiastico nella diocesi di Ivrea, sia tutt’uno con l’ex Templare – seb- bene, forse anche per comprensibile prudenza, nell’atto di investitura egli non si presenti con qualifiche diverse dafrater. 116

quatrième année du pontificat de Clément V (1308–1309), Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 39 (Rome, 1978), pp. 20, 23, 26 e passim. Il giovannita priore di Roma, Martino da Santo Stefano, nell’aprile 1306 ancora al servizio di Clemente V come cubicularius, nel marzo 1310 non lo era più; Tommasi (come n. 43), p. 313 n. 134. Nel novembre 1308 un altro Giovannita, fra Raimondo Bernardi de Funel, era cubicolario di Clemente V; CH, 4, nr. 4826. Nel giugno 1312 un laico, Garsias de Preyssaco, è detto cubicularius seu cambrerius del papa; Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 8078, 8079. 112 Il 6 maggio 1312 Clemente V nella Considerantes dudum, pur omettendone la qualifica di cubi- colario, aggiunse fratrem Oliverium de Penna dicti quondam ordinis militem ai sette grandi di-­ gnitari del Tempio, sui quali si riservava il giudizio definitivo;Conciliorum (come n. 11), p. 348. Il frater miles Oliviero aveva prestato servizio a Cipro; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 390. È lui – non Giacomo da Moncucco – il cubicolario che dinanzi al papa ammise la colpevolezza dei Templari; Finke (come n. 10), 1, p. 181 n. 1. La voce circolava anche tra i confratelli; ibidem, 2, p. 165. Clemente V nel novembre 1307 dichiarò di avere ascoltato queste confessioni da un innominato Templare, che era stato ultra mare, videlicet in regno Cipri; Constitutiones (come n. 106), p. 266, nr. 300 (si tratta della Pastoralis praeeminentiae, nella versione per i principi secolari: destinatario è il futuro imperatore Enrico VII). 113 Oliviero de Penne è il nome del commendatore giovannita di Renneville (Haute-Garonne) in carica nel 1319–1328; Antoine du Bourg, Histoire du Grand-Prieuré de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1883), pp. 88, 115. Per Marion Melville invece si tratta del precettore dell’ex casa templare di La Capelle-Livron (Tarn-et-Garonne); Marion Melville, La vie des Templiers (Paris, 21974), p. 325 n. 16; Bulst-Thiele (come n. 97), pp. 305–6. Un Oliviero de Penna della diocesi di Albi, laico coniugato alle dipendenze (domicellus) di Giovanni XXII, è segnalato dal 1326 al 1333; Schäfer (come n. 73), p. 223; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 52697, 57727, 59697. 114 Oltre che del gran maestro; Finke (come n. 10), 1, p. 307. 115 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 250 (credit quod adhuc vivat). 116 Fra Giacomo fu accolto come clericus nella pieve di S. Cassiano a San Sebastiano; Bianca Capone, ‘Jacopo da Montecucco, ultimo gran precettore d’Italia’, in Atti del V Convegno di Ricerche Templari (Torino, 1987), pp. 32–3; Bellomo (come n. 57), p. 206. L’antroponimo Iaco- bus ricorre nel lignaggio dei Moncucco; Chartularium Studii Bononiensis, 11, ed. Guido Zac- cagnini (Bologna, 1937), p. 199, nr. 466; Le carte dell’archivio vescovile d’Ivrea fino al 1313, ed. Ferdinando Gabotto, 1–2, Biblioteca della Società Storica Subalpina, 5 (Pinerolo, 1900), 1, p. 247, nr. 178 e passim. 268 Francesco Tommasi Il recessus notturno dell’«insalutato ospite» Giacomo da Moncucco fu per- cepito da Clemente V come una defezione e un oltraggio alla sua persona – anche se causa di maggior afflizione per Bertrando de Got certamente era il pensiero che «il re di Francia e gli altri principi del mondo» ora si chiedessero come avrebbe potuto vigilare su duemila Templari chi «non era stato capace di custodirne uno solo».117 In ogni caso, la crisi di fiducia verso il singolo finì per ripercuotersi su un’intera categoria di curiali. Così, se sotto Giovanni XXII la figura del cubico- lario papale anche solo temporaneamente fu abolita, dovette trascorrere non poco tempo, prima che l’ufficio fosse assegnato di nuovo a un Ordine militare.118 Giovanni XXII evidentemente riteneva una commissione di soli tre prelati ­inadatta alla revisione delle indennità di tutti gli ex Templari presenti nel prio- rato di Lombardia, se il 1° dicembre 1318 ne istituì due, l’una con base ad Asti e l’altra a Milano.119 Sull’attività effettivamente svolta da entrambe si desiderano informazioni, anche se è intuibile che ai tre delegati milanesi fosse riservata la parte orientale del priorato. Nel 1309 tre Templari erano detenuti a Cremona, ma il riserbo documentario sui loro nomi120 e la mancanza di successive notizie pre- cludono ogni possibilità di chiarire gli sviluppi della vicenda. La commissione astigiana iniziò la ricognizione verosimilmente dagli ex Templari locali. Ad Asti l’ultimo o il penultimo precettore della casa di S. Maria del Tempio era stato fra Giorgio.121 Sulla sua appartenenza al casato vercellese dei Castellengo sembra non lasciare dubbi lo stretto sodalizio con il gran precettore d’Italia, Uguccione da Vercelli, del quale Giorgio aveva esercitato le funzioni di vicario.122 L’attitudine politica della famiglia Castellengo, che a Vercelli militava tra i ghibellini Tizzoni contro la fazione guelfa guidata dagli Avogadri,123 chiarisce perché nell’aprile

117 Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 113, nr. 73. Il timore del papa era infondato, e lo confermano le dispo- sizioni organizzative date nel luglio 1308, quando Filippo IV sembrava sul punto di consegnargli i Templari; Vitae (come n. 4), 3, pp. 82–3; cf. Barber (come n. 36), pp. 91–2. 118 Tommasi (come n. 43), p. 294. 119 I due delegati pontifici, scelti tra i dignitari delle rispettive cattedrali, erano il prevosto ad Asti e l’arciprete a Milano; gli altri quattro, come sempre, erano formati da due priori dei Predicatori e da altrettanti guardiani dei Minoriti; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 11, f. 123r; Reg. Vat. 69, f. 84v.; Bullarium (come n. 27), 5, p. 161, nr. 347. 120 Tarlazzi (come n. 79), 1, p. 530, nr. 332. È difficile dire se Guglielmo da Suzzara (Mantova) si trovasse tra loro. Da come ne parla l’arcivescovo ravennate, nell’agosto 1312 il prete, quondam ipsius ordinis Templariorum, sembra essere stato ancora in vita; Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, f. 14r. 121 Un autorevole testimone nel processo di Parigi, come Alberto da Canelli, non menziona il casato e dà fra Giorgio in carica intorno al 1302; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, pp. 425–6. Sulla casa tem- plare astigiana, Luigi Avonto, I Templari in Piemonte (Vercelli, 1982), pp. 74–6. 122 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), pp. 202, 206, 207 e passim. 123 Con l’espulsione dei Tizzoni (1301) e il prevalere della parte guelfa a Vercelli, i Castellengo nel 1302–1303 subirono rilevanti danni materiali; Vittorio Mandelli, Il comune di Vercelli nel medio evo, 1–4 (Vercelli, 1857–1861), 4, pp. 133–4, 135–7, 183; Ferdinando Gabotto, Storia del Piemonte nella prima metà del secolo XIV (1292–1349) (Torino, 1894), p. 29. Nel settembre 1311 a Vercelli fu stipulata la pace tra le due famiglie rivali: tra gli alleati (de parte) dei Tiz- zoni si incontra Jonselinus de Castellengo; Gustav Sommerfeld, ‘König Heinrich VII. und die Fratres quondam Templi 269 1322 anche il miles quondam Templi Giorgio de Castelengo fu chiamato dagli inquisitori domenicani della Lombardia superiore a rispondere dell’adesione alla causa di Matteo Visconti, il signore di Milano contro il quale Giovanni XXII aveva fatto aprire un procedimento canonico per eresia.124 L’autorità del giovannita priore di Lombardia si estendeva anche a Piacenza,125 ed è esattamente qui che si incontrano sette Templari assolti nell’inchiesta raven- nate. Quattro traevano origine dal vicino castello di Pigazzano – come il comune antenato, fra Bianco, che quarant’anni prima era stato maestro di Lombardia. Si tratta di Mauro (Moro), Alberto (Uberto), Guglielmo e Giacomo:126 il 5 luglio 1311, nel palazzo vescovile di Piacenza, anche a loro fu richiesta un’affermazione d’incolpevolezza attraverso la sola purgatio canonica orale – cioè senza le or-­ daliche prove corporali talora associate.127 Il procedimento – in parte una rep- lica della collettiva examinatio ravennate di venti giorni prima – non poteva che dare esito favorevole agli imputati. La loro discendenza da antiche casate di milites piacentini, che come ceto dirigente anch’esse avevano sperimentato l’euforia del potere e le mestizie dell’esilio, giocò senz’altro un ruolo non mar- ginale. La presenza del canonico Ruggero Caccia con due Fontanesi nella com- missione giudicatrice di fra Mauro da Pigazzano indica che dalla parentela dei tre testes compurgatores con i Templari Pietro Caccia,128 Raimondo e Giacomo da

lombardischen Städte in den Jahren 1310–1312’, in Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissen- schaft, 2, 2 (1889), pp. 149, 155. Dal conflitto del 1320 uscirono vincitori i Tizzoni, sostenuti dal Visconti; Gabotto, p. 98–100; Simonetta Pozzati, ‘La famiglia Tizzoni nella politica vercellese dalle origini alla dedizione del 1335’, in Vercelli nel secolo XIV, ed. Alessandro Barbero, Rinaldo Comba (Vercelli, 2010), pp. 68–9, 72–7. 124 Nella citazione del 6 aprile accanto al frater Jorius de Castelengo figurano, tra gli altri,Gisolfus de Castelengo e cinque Tizzoni; Giuseppe Ferraris, La pieve di S. Maria di Biandrate (s. l., 1984), p. 671, nr. 1. Al posto di fra Giorgio si presentò agli inquisitori il suo procuratore; ibidem, p. 674, nr. 2. Tutti i contumaci furono scomunicati il 6 maggio; ibidem, pp. 676–7, nr. 3; cf. Bel- lomo (come n. 57), pp. 203–4. 125 Tommasi (come n. 14), p. 78. 126 Bellomo (come n. 57), ad Indicem; su fra Giacomo, supra, pp. 262–3; su Bianco da Piacenza/ Pigazzano, Fulvio Bramato, Storia dell’Ordine dei Templari in Italia: le fondazioni (Roma, 1991), ad Indicem. Un Guido da Pigazzano è noto dal 1139; Paul Fridolin Kehr, Papsturkunden in Italien, 1–6, Acta Romanorum pontificum, 1–6 (Città del Vaticano, 1977), 5, p. 303, nr. 6; cf. ibidem, pp. 307, 316, nr. 9, 14. Nel 1199 Guglielmo da Pigazzano con Antonio da Fontana fa parte del collegio dei consoli piacentini; Antonio Domenico Rossi, Ristretto di storia patria ad uso de’ Piacentini, 1–5 (Piacenza, 1829–1833), 1, p. 261. Nel 1204 era ancora vivente; Il «Registrum magnum» del Comune di Piacenza, ed. Ettore Falconi, Roberta Peveri, 1–3 (Milano, 1984–1986), 1, p. 64, nr. 322. Nel 1234 il castello di Pigazzano era la roccaforte dei nobili (quidam milites) fuorusciti; Iohannis Codagnelli Annales Placentini, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, SS. rer. Germ. in us. schol. (Hannoverae – Lipsiae, 1901), p. 114; cf. Campi (come n. 162), pp. 358, 365, nr. 17, 29. 127 Caravita (come n. 43), pp. 298–307, nr. 40; cf. Antonia Fiori, ‘Inchiesta e purgazione canonica in epoca gregoriana’, in L’enquête au Moyen Âge, ed. Claude Gauvard, Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 399 (Rome, 2008), pp. 29–39. 128 Fra Pietro Cazie era parente di Ruggero, decretalista di fama, già cappellano di Bonifacio VIII; Cherubino Ghirardacci, Della historia di Bologna, 1–2 (Bologna, 1596–1657), p. 382; Thérèse 270 Francesco Tommasi Fontana129 poterono trarre vantaggio anche altri fratres. Senza contare che oppor- tune conoscenze nella cerchia dell’Inquisizione sicuramente avevano contribuito nel 1309 a ridurre i disagi della carcerazione di Raimondo da Fontana.130 L’assoluzione e la riconciliazione di fratres quondam Templi con la Chiesa costituivano l’indispensabile premessa per l’ingresso in una casa religiosa e l’erogazione di vitalizi, che a Piacenza il relativamente alto numero di postulanti rischiava di rendere più onerosi che altrove per i Giovanniti del priorato di Lom- bardia. Nonostante ciò, dopo il 1311 un solo frater risulta risiedere in città, e c’è da presumere che difficilmente fra Raimondo da Fontana avrebbe trovato spazio in una fonte narrativa, se la mortale aggressione da lui subìta per strada il 29

Boespflug,La Curie au temps de Boniface VIII. Étude prosopographique, Bonifaciana, 1 (Roma, 2005), pp. 400–01, nr. 1014. L’11 novembre 1309 Ruggero Caccia assiste in Piacenza alla pub- blica lettura di litterae di Clemente V sull’affare dei Templari; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), 1, pp. 513– 4, nr. 330. Nel 1162 un figlio di Pietrobono Catie figura tra gli ostaggi piacentini di Federico Barbarossa; infra, n. 168. Presbyter Caccia, giudice piacentino, già dal 1199 aderiva partito imperiale, dove lo ritroviamo ancora nel 1223; Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Kaiser Otto IV., Schriften der MGH, 34 (Hannover, 1990), p. 463. Nel 1218 è stato anche console a Piacenza con Gan- dolfo da Fontana e Alberto da Montecucco; Iohannis Codagnelli (come n. 126), p. 64; Chronica rectorum civitatis Placentiae, ed. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, in RIS, XVI (Mediolani, 1730), col. 615. Tra i Piacentini catturati nel 1237 a Cortenuova da Federico II troviamo anche Paulum Cazum; Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, ed. Jean-Louis-Alphonse Huillard-Bréholles, 1–6 (Parisiis, 1852–1861), 5,1, p. 612. Falcone Caccia negli anni Settanta del sec. XIII esercita la mercatura in Francia; Paolo Nardi, ‘Caccia, Falcone’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 15 (Roma 1972), pp. 752–3. 129 Giacomo e Raimondo sono stati gli ultimi precettori templari rispettivamente della domus di Cabriolo (Parma) e di quella di Piacenza; Bellomo (come n. 57), p. 326; inoltre Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 715; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), 1, p. 527, nr. 332. Negli anni 1135–1218, cioè fino alla vigilia della prima ingens seditio (1219) tra populus e milites, non meno di dieci Fontanesi rico- prirono (anche fino a quattro volte) il consolato a Piacenza;I ohannis Codagnelli (come n. 126), p. 31; Chronica (come n. 128), coll. 611–5; Il «Registrum magnum» (come n. 126), 3, p. 358, nr. 804. Alberto (Oberto) e Guido da Fontana, nel 1237 catturati da Federico II nel campo di Corte­ nuova, erano stati tradotti nelle carceri del Regno di Sicilia; Historia diplomatica (come n. 128), 5, 1, pp. 612, 617. Alberto nel 1258 e nel 1263 divenne podestà di Piacenza; ibidem, pp. 389, 208, nr. 816, 767. Era rientrato dall’esilio nel 1250 con altri del partito popolare (homines de populo). Dal 1266 al 1269 si batte con alterna fortuna per il dominio della parte guelfa. Nel 1270 podestà di Bologna, Alberto entra in maxima discordia con alcuni de domo sua; Mutii de Modoetia Annales Placentini Gibellini, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, in MGH, SS, 18 (Hannoverae, 1863), pp. 501, 517–9, 532, 540, 543. Sul gruppo consortile, Emilio Nasalli Rocca, ‘Per una sto- ria sociale del popolo italiano. Il consorzio gentilizio dei Fontanesi signori della Val Tidone’, in Archivio storico per le province parmensi, ser. 4, 16 (1964), pp. 195–213. Per il quadro politico, John Koenig, Il «popolo» dell’Italia del Nord nel XIII secolo, tr. it. (Bologna, 1986), pp. 53–94, 322–31, e passim. 130 Almeno in un’occasione fra Raimondo fu invitato alla mensa dell’inquisitore domenicano, fra Guglielmo da Genova, sotto la cui custodia si trovava. Non è ben chiaro se il luogo di reclusione dei due Fontanesi e di fra Mauro da Pigazzano fosse a Piacenza o a Cremona; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), 1, p. 529, nr. 332. Di un altro inquisitore domenicano, fra Giovanni da Fontana, sicura- mente attivo prima del 1315, si ignora se abbia avuto una parte nel caso dei Templari; Heinrich Otto, ‘Zur italienischen Politik Johanns XXII.’, in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 14 (1911), pp. 145–6. Fratres quondam Templi 271 maggio 1314 non avesse particolarmente scosso gli animi e turbato le coscienze. Il crimine, maturato in una temperie di aspra contesa politica, che a Piacenza vedeva i Fontanesi con gli altri fuoriusciti guelfi contrapporsi allapars ghibellino- viscontea al potere, restò impunito.131 Grazie alla più felice situazione delle fonti documentarie, il priorato di Venezia mostra un’immagine sufficientemente definita del fenomeno della dispersione dei Templari nell’Italia settentrionale dopo il concilio di Vienne. Centrale è la figura dello spoletino fra Leonardo de Tibertis. L’inizio del suo priorato si colloca tra l’agosto e l’ottobre 1312,132 anche se solo il 21 luglio 1317 giunse da Giovanni XXI la lettera di nomina (ma sarebbe preferibile parlare ancora una volta di con- ferma), che fu prontamente recapitata al destinatario in Avignone.133 L’importante transazione del luglio-dicembre 1314 trascritta in allegato134 non è solo indica- tiva della condotta di Leonardo Tiberti verso gli ex Templari: essa presuppone un esemplare del documento in possesso dei Giovanniti bolognesi, confortando così la convinzione che anche altri archivi dell’Ordine nel priorato di Venezia un tempo custodissero materiale di prima mano sulla transizione dai Templari ai Giovanniti e sulle misure adottate per i fratres quondam Templi. Sotto questo profilo poco istruttiva invece risulta l’attività degli inquisitori domenicani e francescani che, iniziata con la primavera/estate 1308, due anni dopo si era già conclusa. In effetti, né le carte da essi prodotte né la correlata documentazione vescovile conservano memoria di Templari dopo l’anno 1311135

131 Guerini Chronicon Placentinum, in Chronica tria Placentina, ed. Bernardo Pallastrelli (Parma, 1859), p. 382. In realtà l’omicidio era l’ultimo di una faida: qualche mese prima un uomo di Galeazzo Visconti aveva assassinato Johannem Clercum de Fontana, e i consorti non l’avevano lasciato invendicato; ibidem, pp. 379–80. Da almeno un anno i Fontanesi si erano trasferiti nei loro castelli nella Val Tidone, ma non sappiamo se fra Raimondo (insieme con fra Giacomo?) fosse l’unico rimasto a Piacenza: come religioso, non fu difficile per isatellites di Vergiuso (Obi- zzo) Landi rintracciarlo. Sebbene solo poco prima dell’arresto, anche fra Giacomo da Fontana aveva subìto violenze; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), 1, p. 530, nr. 332. Nel 1313 ai Fontanenses e ad altri era stato interdetto l’accesso alla città di Piacenza; Albertini Mussati Historia Augusta, ed. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, in RIS, X (Mediolani, 1717), col. 515. 132 Paoli (come n. 23), 2, p. 36, nr. 24 (17.10.1312). Il suo predecessore nella carica è Vicius; Non- antola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, ff. 9r, 9v (4.8.1312). 133 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, ff. 575r–576r; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4466. Ai 4000 ­fiorini imposti al priorato di Venezia in satisfactionem et honorationem debitorum si aggiun- gevano i 700 fiorini della responsio consueta utilizzabili anche per gli ex Templari; ibidem, ff. 575v–576r. All’epoca il Tiberti svolgeva in Avignone funzioni di procuratore generale dell’Ordine presso la Curia; Tommasi (come n. 43), p. 294 n. 10. 134 Appendice, nr. 6. 135 Fra Cristiano, ultimo precettore di S. Quirino (dioc. di Concordia) è menzionato nel 1310; Renzo Caravita, ‘Nuovi documenti sull’ordine del Tempio dall’Archivio Arcivescovile di Ravenna’, in Sacra Militia, 3 (2002), pp. 256, 259, nr. 1. Fra Giacomino, precettore di Bevadoro (dioc. di Vicenza), è attestato per l’ultima volta nel 1309: faceva parte di un gruppo di innominati Tem- plari in potere dell’inquisitore domenicano di Padova e Vicenza; Giampaolo Cagnin, ‘Inventari e atti amministrativi di case templari nel Veneto: Bevadoro, 1309’, in Sacra Militia, 1 (2000), pp. 88, 89, 90, 91, 93 e passim. Almeno qualcuno di loro si trovava tra gli otto (numero desu­ mibile dalle somme pro victu fratrum) Templari (anche loro senza nome), che il vescovo di 272 Francesco Tommasi – anche se l’elevato numero di fratres sotto la custodia del presule di Padova forse aiuta a capire perché nel dicembre 1318 Giovanni XXII preferì suddividere il lavoro, affidando a due commissioni l’indagine sugli stipendia dei quondam Templarii: evidentemente ai tre prelati veneziani spettavano i territori transpadani, ai tre bolognesi tutto il resto del priorato di Venezia.136 Apparentemente, l’azione degli inquisitori dell’eresia non si manifestò con pari efficacia in ogni area geografica della provincia giovannita. Nel novembre 1307, per esempio, Clemente V aveva impartito disposizioni anche per la cattura e la detenzione dei Templari, ma della misura restrittiva della libertà personale sembra essersi fatto meno uso in Romaniola che nella Marca Trevigiana o nella Lombar- dia inferiore.137 Inoltre, senza dubbio per effetto della scarsa vigilanza, non tutte le domus erano state abbandonate dai Templari. Così a fra Giacomo da Modena, che era stato sorpreso il 7 agosto 1312 nella precettoria di Budrio,138 fu intimato di traslocare il giorno dopo, anche se gli Ospitalieri di San Giovanni non gli chiu­ sero le porte della loro mansio di Cesena.139 Un altro Templare ancora non aveva cambiato sede: fra Emanuele, probabilmente identificabile con l’omonimo cap- pellano dell’Ordine segnalato verso il 1302 ad Asti.140 La guerra tra la Serenissima e Clemente V aveva reso impossibile agli agenti dell’Inquisizione raggiungerlo a Venezia. Con la sua presenza il prior ostacolava l’accesso dei Giovanniti alla precettoria cittadina di S. Maria in Broglio, ma il doge Giovanni Soranzo prestò loro ascolto solo nel novembre 1312, quando si impegnò a fare rimuovere

Padova nel febbraio 1310 de mandato domini pape tenet captivos; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Nouv. acq. lat., 2573, nr. 90, 3. Il vescovo di Verona ancora nell’aprile 1310 tenet vinc- tum Ugo da Parma, precettore della domus cittadina di S. Vitale; ibidem, nr. 92, 4. Sicuramente gli era stato consegnato dall’inquisitore francescano competente per la diocesi; Caravita, pp. 260, 264, nr. 1. Sugli inquisitori domenicani, Elena Bellomo, ‘Rinaldo da Concorezzo, Archbishop of Ravenna, and the Trial of the Templars in Northern Italy’, in Debate, pp. 264–5. Sull’Inquisizione minoritica in Romagna, Mariano d’Alatri, L’inquisizione francescana nell’Italia centrale del Duecento (Roma, 1996), pp. 72–4; Tommasi (come n. 51), pp. 274–5. 136 Una lettera fu indirizzata . . primicerio Ecclesie Castellane et . . priori Predicatorum ac . . guardiano Minorum fratrum ordinum de Venetiis, Castellane diocesis; l’altra . . archipresbitero Ecclesie et . . priori Predicatorum ac . . guardiano Minorum fratrum ordinum Bononiensium; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av. 11, f. 123r; Reg. Vat. 69, f. 84v; Bullarium (come n. 27), p. 161, nr. 347. 137 Andrea da Siena e Giovanni da Todi furono rinchiusi nelle carceri vescovili di Rimini e/o Cesena, ma la loro cattura certamente fu opera dell’inquisitore francescano per l’eresia in Romagna; Tommasi (come n. 51), pp. 275, 282. 138 Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, f. 11v: «Frater Iacomus de Mutina, olim ordinis militie Templi, quem in dicto loco dictus dominus frater Atto invenit morari, eidem domino fratri Attoni presenti et recipienti . . . fuit confessus se moram ibi trahere pro domo et Hospitale predicto Sancti Iohannis Ierosolimitani usque ad beneplacita et voluntates predictorum priorum domus et Hospitalis predicti»; cf. Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia dell’augusta badia di S. Silvestro di No- ­ nantola, 1–2 (Modena, 1784–1785), 2, p. 409. Sulla precettoria dei SS. Simone e Giuda, Anthony Luttrell, ‘The Hospitaller Priory of Venice in 1331’, in “Militia Sacra” (come n. 33), pp. 125–6. 139 Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, f. 12v: « . . . vadat Cesenam ad ma‹n›sionem dicti Hos- pitalis Ierosolimitani, ubi habiturus vittum et vestitum»; cf. Tiraboschi (come n. 138), 2, p. 409. 140 Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, p. 198; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 126. Fratres quondam Templi 273 fra Emanuele.141 È noto che i Templari, sia pure occasionalmente, assumevano chierici e sacerdoti secolari per l’ufficiatura delle loro chiese:142 ad essi sembra riconducibile quel don Raniero da Cesena, che ancora nell’agosto 1312 risiedeva nella precettoria di S. Martino – anch’egli abusivamente e senza l’autorizzazione dei Giovanniti.143 Quanto ai mantovani fratres a Templo nell’aprile 1322 legatari di una somma di denaro, è evidente che non si tratta di ex Templari ma dei Gio- vanniti loro eredi, come prova la frequente confusione terminologica tra i due Ordini nelle fonti trecentesche.144 Esaurito il proprio compito, gli inquisitori dell’Officium fidei passavano le consegne ai vescovi: a costoro Clemente V lasciava l’esame dei testi, ai concili provinciali il verdetto finale sulle singole persone dei Templari.145 Il sinodo pro- vinciale, convocato dall’arcivescovo Rinaldo per il 15 giugno 1311, vide anche la partecipazione di tre inquisitores hereticae pravitatis, ma spettò ai vescovi tra- durre a Ravenna dalle diverse diocesi i Templari sub fida et secura custodia.146

141 Appendice, nr. 5; Delaville Le Roulx (come n. 14), p. 40. 142 Prutz (come n. 29), p. 261, nr. 16; Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 7966, 8333. In generale, Jürgen Sarnowsky, ‘The Priests in the Military Orders’, in Élites (come n. 43), pp. 215–24. Su un sa-­ cerdote di S. Maria del Tempio a Bologna, infra, n. 151. In città i Templari possedevano anche S. Omobono, ma non è certo che don Giacomo e don Guglielmo, che officiavano la chiesa nel 1304, appartenessero all’Ordine; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, ff. 83v (2.4.1304), 68v (26.10.1304). Un don Giacomo nel 1313 era rettore di S. Maria de Templeriis; ibidem, Memoriali, 127, f. 280v (23.7.1313). Sulla chiesa di S. Omobono, che passò ai Giovan- niti; Caravita (come n. 43), p. 277; Giovambattista Melloni, Atti, o memorie degli uomini illustri in santità nati, o morti in Bologna, 2 (Bologna, 1779), pp. 364, 368. 143 Il 7 agosto gli fu ordinato, sotto pena di scomunica, di rivolgersi ai Giovanniti di Cesena, per ottenere l’assegnazione della chiesa: « . . . vadat ad dompnum Guillelmum, rectorem seu pre- ceptorem ecclesie Dei de Cesena, ordinis eiusdem Hospitalis et domus Sancti Iohannis, ad recognoscendum et tenendum ab eodem dictam ecclesiam Sancti Martini cum omnibus iuribus spiritualibus ad eandem spectantibus nomine dicti Hospitalis, donatam et aplicatam eidem ordini et Hospitali cum iuribus supradictis, tanquam de bonis predicte olim domus militie Templi»; Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Prot., 5, f. 13r.; Tiraboschi (come n. 138), 2, p. 409. 144 L’Archivio Capitolare della Cattedrale di Mantova, ed. Pietro Torelli, Pubblicazioni della R. Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova. Ser. I, Monumenta, 3 (Verona, 1926), p. 488, nr. 368.; cf. Tommasi, ‘Templarii’ (come n. 39), passim; inoltre, Corpus chronicorum Bononiensium, ed. Albano Sorbelli, in RIS2, XVIII, 1, 1–4 (Città di Castello – Bologna, 1908–1940), 2, p. 175 (ad an. 1364): «meser Manuello di marchisi dal Charetto, di fradi dal Tempio»; Petri Azarii Liber gestorum in Lombardia, ed. Francesco Cognasso, in RIS2, XVI, 4 (Bologna, 1927), p. 59; Chro- nique normande du XIVe siècle, ed. Auguste et Émile Molinier (Paris, 1882), p. 20. 145 Finke (come n. 10), 1, pp. 232–4, 307, 320–1. 146 Caravita (come n. 43), p. 295, nr. 47. Sui tre inquisitori dell’eresia, due domenicani e un fran­ cescano, Hieronymi Rubei Historiarum Ravennatum libri decem (Venetiis, 1589), p. 524. Già alla fine del 1308 Clemente V si era rivolto a laici ed ecclesiastici, perché consegnassero i Templari prigionieri ai vescovi ordinari o agli inquisitori; Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 3641, 3643, 4637– 4652; Marco Fantuzzi, Monumenti ravennati de’ secoli di mezzo, 1–6 (Venezia, 1801–1804), 6, p. 122, nr. 56. In quanto suffraganeo dell’arcivescovo di Milano, il presule di Tortona non poté essere invitato al sinodo ravennate; Rubei, pp. 524, 837, 855); perciò resta da stabilire chi trasferì a Ravenna fra Giacomo da Piacenza/Pigazzano, che ancora all’inizio 1310 era detenuto a Tortona per volontà dell’inquisitore; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), pp. 551, 552, 554, nr. 340. 274 Francesco Tommasi Così, per esempio, il frater bolognese Gerardo da Borgo, uno degli ultimi abitatori della precettoria di S. Sigismondo di Faenza,147 non poté rifiutarsi di seguire a Ravenna l’«eletto» Ugolino. Il 3 luglio, nell’episcopio di Faenza, il presule rac- colse il iuramentum e la purgatio del Templare, accompagnati dalle favorevoli dichiarazioni di nove rispettabili concittadini, che di fra Gerardo conoscevano vitam et conversationem.148 Del ruolo certamente svolto dai Giovanniti nella si­ stemazione del frater serbano un’eco confusa le parole di un autore seicentesco bolognese, secondo il quale «Gherardo già de Borgonuovo si fece de’ Cavalieri di Malta».149 Che la purgatio canonica preludesse al completo proscioglimento dalle accuse, con la conseguente possibilità di godere i benefici di un vitalizio, è accertabile per i Templari bolognesi. Cinque erano i fratres che subito dopo la chiusura del sinodo ravennate l’arcivescovo Rinaldo rispedì a Bologna, ciascuno con una let- tera di istruzioni per l’ordinario. Tutti dovevano recapitarla personalmente, e ciò per quattro di loro significava presentarsi al vescovo Uberto non più nella umi­ liante condizione di suoi prigionieri, quali erano stati per quasi tre anni. Si tratta di Alberto degli Arienti, Bartolomeo dei Tencarari, Alberto (/Ubertino) de Brezano e Pietro da Montecucco. Ad essi va aggiunto un quinto religioso, fra Giovanni Bono,150 apparentemente estraneo al gruppo dei Templari residenti in S. Maria Maddalena, che il 28 agosto 1308 senza offrire resistenza si erano consegnati agli uomini dell’Inquisizione.151 Dalle generalità dei primi due fratres si risale agevol- mente alle famiglie di provenienza, ma l’elevata conflittualità politica cittadina152 da sola naturalmente non basta a legittimare il sospetto che la distinzione tra i

147 Sicuramente si tratta dello stesso fra Gerardo, ordinis Templariorum domus Sancti Sigismundi [de Faventia] et hospitalis de Cerro, che è ricordato nel 1309/10; Caravita (come n. 135), p. 270, nr. 1. Forse il luogo di origine è Borgo Panigale; nel documento faentino del 3 luglio 1311 è indicato come frater Gerardus de Burgo diocesis Bononiensis. 148 Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 629–32, nr. 372. 149 Pasquali Alidosi (come n. 100), p. 18. Nel 1331 un Giacomo de Burgonovo era precettore gio- vannita di S. Maria in Scoxolis di Forlì; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 140. Borgo Nuovo, posto sulla via Emilia tra Bologna e Castel San Pietro, era sede di una precettoria giovannita, identificabile coll’odierna Magione; ibidem, p. 122; Tiraboschi (come n. 138), 2, p. 264, nr. 283. 150 Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 624, nr. 370. Un fra Bono, precettore «della magione dei Templari» di Bologna, nel 1288 sostenne una controversia legale col dominus Giacomo dei Tencarari; Bolo- gna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Riformagioni e Provvigioni, ser. cart., b. 216, reg. 5, f. 70r. 151 Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, p. 305; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 121, f. 5v (30.7.1310): per incarico dell’arcivescovo di Ravenna, si assegnano gli alimenti ai quattro frati della magione di S. Maria del Tempio detenuti in civitate Bononie. Altrove i Tem- plari sotto la custodia del vescovo sono elencati per nome. Il quinto prigioniero, Giovanni, un servitor dei frati, non può essere confuso con Giovanni Bono; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 506, nr. 326 (14.101309). Sconosciuta è la sorte di don Martino, «prete e rettore della chiesa di S. Maria del Tempio», documentato a Bologna nel 1304; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 108, f. 32r (12.6.1304). 152 Per gli anni 1306–1321, corrispondenti alla signoria di Romeo Pepoli, Vito Vitale, Il dominio della parte guelfa in Bologna (1280–1327) (Bologna, 1901), pp. 107–73. Fratres quondam Templi 275 ghibellini Arienti153 e i guelfi Tencarari154 in qualche misura abbia influito sui ­rapporti personali tra Alberto de Arientis155 e Bartolomeo de Tencarariis o, addi- rittura, sugli equilibri interni dei Templari bolognesi. La lacunosa documentazione solo in due casi permette di conoscere esatta- mente quando il vescovo Uberto di Bologna assolse i Templari della diocesi. Per Bartolomeo Tencarari (de Bononia)156 fu il 21 giugno 1311: tra i 12 testimoni

153 Attivi già prima nella «parte» dei Lambertazzi, dal 1279 gli Arienti (almeno quelli politicamente più esposti) condividono il destino degli esuli bolognesi, dimostrando un forte e costante attac- camento alla causa; Flaminio Pellegrini, ‘Il Serventese dei Lambertazzi e dei Geremei’, in Atti e Memorie della Regia Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, 3a ser., 9 (1891), p. 220; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, p. 204; Ghirardacci (come n. 128), pp. 228, 360– 61; Giambatistia Verci, Storia della Marca Trivigiana e Veronese, 1–20 (Venezia, 1786–1791), 4 (Documenti) p. 127, nr. 407; I libri iurium del comune di Bologna. Regesti, ed. Anna Laura Trom- betti Budriesi, Tommaso Duranti (Bologna, 2010), p. 656, nr. 208; cf. Ludovico Vittorio Savioli, Annali Bolognesi, 1–3 (Bassano, 1784–1795), 3, 1, p. 60. Nelle trattative di Imola (1279) uno dei maiores della pars lambertazza è Lambertino degli Arienti; Petri Cantinelli Chronicon, ed. Francesco Torraca, RIS2, XXVIII, 2 (Città di Castello, 1902), p. 32. Nel 1310 «tutti i fuorusciti di Bologna» offrono i loro servigi a Enrico VII; Francesco Bonaini, Acta Henrici VII Romanorum imperatoris, 1–2 (Firenze, 1877), 1, p. 37, nr. 24. Nel 1327 Giacomo de Arientis de Bononia è al seguito del maresciallo imperiale; Julius Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, 1–4 (Innsbruck, 1868–1874), 4, p. 519, nr. 509. Sull’attività creditizia degli Arienti, Massimo Giansante, L’usuraio onorato. Credito e potere a Bologna in età comunale (Bologna, 2008), p. 176. La loro antica abitazione bolognese era ubicata in strata maiori, come la casa dei Templari; Giovanni Gozzadini, Delle torri gentilizie di Bologna e delle famiglie alle quali prima appartennero (Bologna, 1875), p. 544, nr. 20. 154 Nel 1279 i Tencarari sono elencati tra i partigiani dei Geremei; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, p. 202; Pellegrini (come n. 153), p. 219; Ghirardacci (come n. 128), p. 249. Nel 1275 Niccolò Tencarari muore nella disfatta guelfo-bolognese di Faenza; Petri Cantinelli (come n. 153), p. 21; Gozzadini (come n. 153), p. 605, nr. 107. Nel 1305 quattro Tencarari sono scomuni- cati, per aver cercato di aggredire il cardinale-legato Napoleone Orsini mentre svolgeva opera di pacificazione in Bologna;I Libri Commemoriali della Repubblica di Venezia. Regesti, 1, ed. Ric- cardo Predelli (Venezia, 1876), pp.60–61, nr. 278. Nel 1324 Matteo Tencarari è podestà guelfo di Pistoia; Storie Pistoresi, ed. Silvio Adrasto-Barbi, in RIS2, XI, 5 (Città di Castello, 1907–1927), p. 82. 155 Nel 1309 l’inventario bolognese dei beni templari registra anche quattro appezzamenti (con una casa) appartenenti a fra Alberto Arienti; Caravita (come n. 43), pp. 272–3, nr. 37. Nel 1269 donna Imelda, vedova del dominus Giunta degli Arienti, chiude una vertenza con i Templari bolog- nesi; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 7, f. 25r. Religiosi vissuti a Bologna nella prima metà del Trecento: Simone e Filippo Arienti, entrambi Frati Minori nel 1324; Celestino Piana, Chartularium Studii Bononiensis S. Francisci (saec. XIII–XVI), Analecta Franciscana, 11 (Quaracchi, 1970), p. 214; Napoleone de Arientis, Frate Gaudente, morto nel 1347; Domenico Maria Federici, Istoria de’ frati Gaudenti, 1–2 (Venezia, 1787), 2, p. 163; Regestum (come n. 18), 1, p. CCXV, nr. 10 (28.2.1328). Un fra Giovanni de Arientis era precettore giovannita di Imola nel 1331; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 140. Non è certo che si tratti del frater Iohannes condam domini Albertoni de Arientis, segnalato a Bologna nel 1304; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 108, f. 72r. 156 Il Tencarari è chiamato anche Bartolomeo de Bononia; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 506, nr. 326. Zoen (Giovanni) è il nome – non meno ricorrente tra i Tencarari – portato dal padre del Templare; infra, n. 219; Chartularium Studii Bononiensis, 5, ed. Guido Zaccagnini (Bologna, 1921), p. 220, nr. 470. 276 Francesco Tommasi (quasi tutti ecclesiastici), che deposero in suo favore, figura il curato della seconda chiesa templare bolognese (S. Omobono), don Giacomo – in realtà solo un pres­ byter secolare alle dipendenze dell’Ordine.157 A distanza di neppure una settimana, il 26 giugno, seguì la purgatio di fra Alberto de Brezano, che si svolse secondo un identico rituale, sempre in episcopali palatio Bononiensi, ma con nuovi testimoni a discarico (14 providi et discreti viri).158 Che la sede di fra Bartolomeo sia stata Bologna, almeno dal 1304, si deduce da un rogito, dove curiosamente il Tencarari è definitode ordine milicie beate gloriose Sancte Marie de Tenplo.159 Dopo il con- cilio di Vienne il Templare ritrovò stabile sistemazione in città, verosimilmente nella stessa precettoria di S. Maria Maddalena della Magione che insieme ai con- fratelli aveva dovuto lasciare in quel drammatico agosto 1308.160 Tuttavia dalla qualifica difrater – la sola utilizzata in un atto del 1315 – senza altre informazioni sul personaggio difficilmente si risalirebbe all’antico Ordine di appartenenza di Bartolomeo Tencarari.161 Nettamente più chiara e, per certi aspetti, esemplare si presenta la condizione postprocessuale di fra Pietro da Montecucco. Accantonati gli equivoci e le facili suggestioni di un’improbabile parentela con il coevo maestro templare d’Italia,162

157 Un resoconto dettagliato della purgazione del Tencarari si deve al Rossi, il solo che esaminò il documento nell’Archivio vescovile di Bologna; Rubei (come n. 146), p. 526; cf. Ghirardacci (come n. 128), 1, p. 551. Sul curato di S. Omobono, supra, n. 142. Il concilio di Ravenna proibiva ai Templari (nulli sint de dicto Ordine Templi) di testimoniare nelle purgationes di confratelli; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 624, nr. 370. Diversi pontefici invece avevano dato facoltà ai Templari di produrre nelle cause giudiziarie testimonianze di confratelli; Les registres d’Urbain IV, ed. Jean Guiraud, Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e sér., 13 (Paris, 1901–1958), nr. 2950 (Reg. cam.). 158 Tarlazzi (come n. 79), pp. 624–8, nr. 370. Alberto sicuramente è una stessa persona con Ubertino, uno dei quattro fratres detenuti a Bologna; cf. supra, n. 150. La villa di Brezanum o Berzanum (Berzano di San Pietro, prov. Asti) era tra i possedimenti dei marchesi di Monferrato; Friderici I. Diplomata, ed. Heinrich Appelt, in MGH, Dipl., X, 2–3 (Hannoverae, 1979–1985), 2, p. 378, nr. 467; Benvenuto di Sangiorgio, Cronica (Torino, 1780), pp. 29, 111, 114, 177. 159 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, f. 354v (Bologna, 16.12.1304): si tratta di una somma prestata dal Templare al dominus Iohannes condam domini Corvolini, becharius. Nella titolatura di fra Bartolomeo il notaio opera un’involontaria contaminazione con l’Ordine bolognese dei Frati Gaudenti (militia Beate Marie Virginis Gloriose); Gilles Gérard Meersseman, Dossier de l’ordre de la Pénitence au XIIIe siècle (Fribourg, 1961), p. 296; cf. Giovanni Goz- zadini, Cronaca di Ronzano e memorie di Loderingo d’Andalò frate gaudente (Bologna, 1851), pp. 134, 136, 138, 146 e passim. Per contatti tra i Templari e i Tencarari prima del 1304, cf. supra, n. 150. 160 Paolo Paciaudi (1710–1785) vide all’interno della chiesa della Magione un’antica epigrafe, ma la sua trascrizione (S(epulcrum) fr(atr)is Bartholomaei Soricensis) sembra frutto di un’imperfetta lettura; Paolo Maria Paciaudi, De cultu S. Johannis Baptistae antiquitates christianae (Romae, 1755), p. 300, n. 2. La stessa porzione di epigrafe è così trascritta da Marcello Oretti (1714– 1787), antiquario bolognese: †S(epulcrum) Fr(atris) Bartolom[- - - - -]is discretis; Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, ms. B 114, f. 205v. La famiglia de Suricis è attestata a Bologna nel 1304; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 108, f. 312v. 161 Infra, n. 219. 162 Nel Seicento si credeva che anche Giacomo da Moncucco provenisse da Piacenza; Giovanni Pietro de’ Crescenzi, Corona della nobiltà d’Italia (Bologna, 1639), pp. 84–5: «De’ Platoni Conti Fratres quondam Templi 277 ciò che a prima vista colpisce e senz’altro depone contro le origini piemontesi di Pietro da Montecucco è la sua quarantennale attività geograficamente circo- scritta all’Emilia-Romagna: prima come precettore della domus del Ponte di Sant’Ambrogio (Modena)163 e poi (dopo il 1304) congiuntamente di S. Maria del Tempio in Bologna.164 Senza considerare la carica di gran precettore della Lom- bardia inferiore (ab Imola usque Papiam), che fra Pietro deteneva da un anno imprecisato ed evidentemente poté esercitare fino all’agosto 1308.165 Montecucco è assai diffuso nella toponomastica;166 tuttavia, più che negli omonimi castelli di­ strettuali di Cesena167 o Tortona,168 la patria di fra Pietro va cercata a Montecucco di Piacenza, una delle quattro principali sedi di un presunto gruppo consortile comitatino.169 Come i nobili di Pigazzano o i capitanei di Fontana, anche i comi­ tes di Montecucco già dalla seconda metà del secolo XII sono rappresentati nelle

di Montecucco fù già celebre Giacomo da Piacenza, Soldato di valore, Cameriero del Papa, e gran Maestro dell’Ordine Templare . . . Quando fù estinta questa cavalleresca Religione . . ., vivea in essa il Cavagliero Pietro dell’istessa famiglia Piacentino». Il Campi fa di Giacomo da Moncucco una sola persona con «il gran Mastro, Giacomo Mola da Montecucco»; Pietro Maria Campi, Dell’historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza, 1–3 (Piacenza, 1651–1662), 3, p. 43. Petrus Buccardus de Montecucco è attestato a Piacenza nel 1189; Le carte degli archivi parmensi del sec. XII, ed. Giovanni Drei (Parma, 1950), p. 498, nr. 656. Nel 1278 un dominus (/frater) Petrus de Monte- cuco è canonico di S. Maria di Lombriasco (dioc. Torino); Carte inedite e sparse dei signori e luoghi del Pinerolese fino al 1300, ed. Benedetto Baudi di Vesme et al., Biblioteca della Società Storica Subalpina, 3, 2 (Pinerolo, 1900), p. 367, nr. 207; cf. ib­ idem, p. 369, nr. 210. 163 Appendice, nr. 3 e 6, con relative note. 164 Ibidem. Ancora nell’ottobre 1304 il precettore di Bologna era Giovanni Calderio; Appendice, nr. 2. 165 Appendice, nr. 6. 166 Giovan Battista Pellegrini, Toponomastica italiana (Milano, 1990), p. 179. 167 Situato ad est di Oriola (Roncofreddo), Monte Cucco apparteneva agli arcivescovi di Ravenna; Rocche e castelli di Romagna, 1–3 (Bologna, 1970–1973), 2, p. 297: le fonti qui citate sono da integrare con un diploma di Federico II e una bolla di Alessandro IV; Friderici II. Diplomata, ed. Walter Koch, in MGH, Dipl., XIV, 4, 1 (Wisibadae, 2014), p. 64, nr. 681 (5.10.1220); Tarlazzi (come n. 79), p. 246, nr. 167 (2.12.1255). Il sito nel sec. XIV è chiamato castrum Montis Agucii; Annales Caesenates, ed. Enrico Angiolini, Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale – Antiquitates, 21 (Roma, 2003), p. 106. Cf. Girolamo Zattoni, ‘Bolle pontificie inedite dell’Archivio Arcives- covile di Ravenna’, in Atti e Memorie della Regia Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, 3a ser., 25 (1907), pp. 398–9. 168 Friderici I. Diplomata (come n. 158), 2, p. 359, nr. 455 (8.8.1164); ibidem, 3, p. 152, nr. 648 (3.1176); Annali Genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suoi continuatori, ed. Luigi Tommaso Belgrano e Cesare Imperiale di Sant’Arcangelo, 1–2 (Genova, 1890–1901), 2, pp. 75, 121; Friderici II. Diplomata (come n. 167), pp. 164–6 nr. 723 (24.11.1220). 169 Placentinae urbis, ac nonnullarum nobilium tum in ea, tum per Italiam familiarum descriptio, ed. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, XVI (Mediolani, 1730), coll. 564–5; cf. Trota (come n. 96), p. 32, n. 13. Montecucco (comune di Ziano Piacentino) è a sud-ovest di Piacenza. Scet- tico sulla comune origine dei conti di Montecucco, di Vitalta, di Bardi e di Bonifacio, asserita dall’anonimo autore tardo-trecentesco, Emilio Nasalli Rocca, ‘Il patriziato piacentino dell’età del Comune e della Signoria’, in Scritti storici e giuridici in memoria di Alessandro Visconti (Milano, 1955), pp. 297–8. 278 Francesco Tommasi istituzioni comunali piacentine170 e, a causa delle non indolori trasformazioni del panorama politico, nel corso del Duecento non saranno risparmiati dai conflitti cittadini né dall’esilio.171 Contemporaneo e probabile consanguineo del Templare è il Predicatore fra Giordano da Montecucco, nel 1322 inquisitore nel processo contro i Visconti e, tre anni dopo, da Giovanni XXII innalzato alla cattedra ves- covile di Bobbio.172 La perdita del manoscritto della purgatio bolognese di Pietro da Monte- cucco173 non è meno lamentabile dell’indisponibilità del processo verbale (se mai fu redatto) dell’examinatio, alla quale anche il precettore di Modena e Bologna si era sottoposto il 15 giugno 1311 a Ravenna.174 In compenso, fonti di diversa natura gettano un po’ di luce sul futuro del Templare.175 Così si apprende che nel 1313 fra Pietro da Montecucco era stato assunto dall’arcivescovo di Ravenna come intendente (chamerarius):176 caso finora unico in Italia, almeno per il perio- ­

170 Nel 1162, a garanzia dell’osservanza di un trattato con Piacenza, l’imperatore Federico I ottenne numerosi ostaggi, tra i quali, oltre a membri delle maggiori famiglie come i Caccia, i da Pigaz- zano e i da Fontana, si conta anche un Anricus filius Wilielmi comitis de Montecucco; testo, in Ferdinand Güterbock, ‘Alla vigilia della Lega lombarda. Il dispotismo dei vicari imperiali a Piacenza’, in Archivio Storico Italiano, 95, 2 (1937), pp. 181–3. Consoli: Guglielmo de Monte- cucho (1196); Le carte (come n. 162), p. 572, nr. 791; Alberto de Montecuco (1218); Acta imperii selecta, ed. Johann Friedrich Böhmer (Innsbruck, 1870), p. 641, nr. 933; Il «Registrum magnum» (come n. 126), 2 (Milano, 1985), p. 437, nr. 470. Sui due e su Enrico da Montecucco, ibidem, passim; Campi (come n. 162), 2, p. 394, nr. 82; cf. supra, n. 128. 171 Nel 1260 il ghibellino conte Guido da Montecucco fu decapitato con altri fuorusciti piacentini; Mutii de Modoetia (come n. 129), p. 511. 172 Konrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, 1 (Münster, 1913), p. 139; Ferdinando Ughelli, Niccolò Coleti, Italia sacra, 4 (Venetiis, 1719), coll. 202, 206; Friedrich Bock, ‘Die Beteiligung der Dominikaner an den Inquisitionsprozessen unter Iohann XXII.’, in Archivum Fratrum Prae- dicatorum, 6 (1936), p. 316. Sulla patria piacentina, Codice diplomatico del monastero di S. Colombano di Bobbio, ed. Carlo Cipolla, 1 (Roma, 1918), p. 63. Su Giovannino de Monte cucho, frate francescano a Bologna nel 1324, Piana (come n. 155), p. 214. 173 Cf. supra, pp. 274–5. 174 Si hanno notizie certe dell’esistenza di più manoscritti con le inchieste toscane, ma non c’è trac- cia di un fascicolo ravennate nell’Archivio avignonese dei papi; né la richiesta papale per gli arcivescovi di Ravenna e Pisa, di procedere a nuovi interrogatori, è sufficientemente esplicita al riguardo (. . . in inquisitione vestra per vos . . . ad apostolicam sedem transmissa . . .) ; Tarlazzi (come n. 79), pp. 628–9, nr. 371 (27.6.1311); cf. Tommasi (come n. 51), p. 284, n. 81. 175 Cf. ad es. Tiraboschi (come n. 138), 1, p. 218, che cita una carta del 26 aprile 1314, dove compare Pietro da Montecucco, Ordinis quondam Templariorum. 176 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 127, f. 110r (10.12.1313) : «Providus et ho-­ nestus vir frater Peroctus sive Petrus de Monte Chuto (!), olim domorum condam milicie Templi de Bononia et de Mutina perceptor(!) et nunc chamerarius venerabilis in Christo patris domini R(ainaldi), Dei gracia sancte Romane (!) ecclesie archiepiscopi . . . ». Nel 1222 è noto un domi- nus Guido, camerarius dell’arcivescovo di Ravenna; Zattoni (come n. 167), p. 406, nr. 17. Sulle varie mansioni amministrative del cameriere/intendente, Guillaume Mollat, ‘Contribution à l’histoire du Sacré Collège de Clément V à Eugène IV’, in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, 46 (1951), pp. 50–4. Talora camerarius è usato in luogo di cubicularius; cf. Tommasi (come n. 43), pp. 295, 313, n. 134. Fratres quondam Templi 279 do s­uccessivo al concilio di Vienne, ma forse non senza precedenti.177 Per le man- sioni svolte, non c’è da dubitare che fra Pietro avesse trasferito la propria dimora a Ravenna e seguisse gli spostamenti dell’arcivescovo Rinaldo,178 anche se i prin- cipali mezzi di sostentamento doveva trarli da Bologna. La contabilità relativa alle somme erogate ad ex Templari è di norma carente e molto diseguale nei differenti Paesi d’Europa, sebbene le dettagliate liste di spese o di somme erogate in Spagna (Regno d’Aragona)179 o in Inghilterra180 rechino un incomparabile contributo al lavoro di ricerca e identificazione di fra- tres quondam Templi. Malauguratamente, nulla di simile finora è stato ­restituito dagli archivi ecclesiastici e civili d’Italia. Neppure per la transazione del 1314 tra Pietro da Montecucco e il priore di Venezia sembrano esistere termini di raf- fronto documentabili a sud delle Alpi. Il vitalizio inizialmente concordato con i Giovanniti prevedeva la corresponsione di 50 libbre di denari bolognini all’anno, l’equivalente di c. 24 fiorini d’oro181 – un importo affatto irrisorio, se para-­ gonato alle retribuzioni dei confratelli iberici di fra Pietro, che talora eccedevano i 330 fiorini,182 cioè oltre il doppio del reddito annuo dell’ex precettoria templare bolognese di S. Maria Maddalena della Magione.183 Ma la pensione del Mon­ tecucco era inferiore anche alla teorica somma media di un frater miles, che si aggirava sui 36 fiorini.184 Inoltre, le esigenze e il tenore di vita del Templare

177 Templari a Parigi nel 1310, per esempio, fecero riferimento ad arcevesques e avesques, che ave- vano tenuto frati del Tempio alle loro dipendenze (si ont tenus freres deu dit ordre en lor officis); Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 142. 178 Secondo il contratto del 1314, fra Pietro aveva diritto a ritirare l’importo del vitalizio in civitate Bononię vel in quolibet alio loco dicti prioratus; Appendice, nr. 6, p. 304. 179 Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva, Viage literario á las iglesias de España, 5 (Madrid 1806), pp. 226– 32, nr. 9; Miret i Sans (come n. 41), pp. 390–3; Diplomatari de Masdéu, ed. Rodrigue Treton, 1–5, Fundació Noguera – Diplomataris, 52–6 (Barcelona, 2010), 5, pp. 2764–5; cf. Alan Forey, The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon (Aldershot, 2001). Sulle somme quotidianamente erogate dai Giovanniti per il mantenimento di un gruppo di Templari, mai processati, i quali nel 1313 erano ancora detenuti A Tolosa, nella salle neuve du palais, du Bourg (come n. 113), p. 74. 180 Cf. Rosalind Hill, ‘Fourpenny Retirement: the Yorkshire Templars in the Fourteenth Century’, in The Church and Wealth, ed. William J. Sheils, Diana Wood, Studies in Church History, 24 (Oxford – New York, 1987), pp. 123–8; Forey (come n. 65), pp. 30–3, e passim. 181 Sul cambio, come valore intermedio per gli anni 1312, 1313 e 1316, Peter Spufford, A Handbook of medieval exchange (London, 1986), p. 73. 182 La cifra equivaleva a 200 libbre di denari tornesi piccoli (al cambio nel 1317); ibidem, p. 175. Di tale somma (. . . ipsorum aliqui ducentas – aliqui plus – libras turonensium parvorum . . . singulis annis percipiant . . .) parla Giovanni XXII nella lettera scritta in data 12 agosto 1317 all’arcivescovo di Tarragona, per partecipargli le rimostranze del giovannita castellano d’Amposta, fra Martino Perez de Oros; Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Av., 7, f. 310r; Lettres (come n. 5), nr. 4670. La pensione minima di un Templare del Regno di Aragona è di 500 soldi di Barcellona (c. 31 fiorini), la massima (in un solo caso) tocca gli 8000 soldi di Barcellona (500 fiorini); Villanueva (come n. 179), p. 229; Miret i Sans (come n. 41), p. 392; cf. Spufford (come n. 181), p. 139 (valore intermedio di cambio per gli anni 1311, 1318–1320, 1319–1321). 183 Per la stima riferita al 1331, Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 140. 184 Intorno al 1320 si calcolava in 2,5 denari tornesi grossi d’argento l’appannaggio medio gior- naliero di una coppia di frati-cavalieri; Bernardi Guidonis (come n. 13), p. 76. L’importo annuo 280 Francesco Tommasi italiano nel frattempo erano cresciuti, così da rendere 50 libbre di bolognini insuf- ficienti a coprire anche le spese per i domestici (familia), ai servigi dei quali il suo alto rango (qualitas et status) dava diritto. Occorreva dunque un adeguamento della pensione. La richiesta di Pietro da Montecucco, supportata dal suo signore ecclesiastico ravennate,185 non restò a lungo disattesa, anche se fra Leonardo Tiberti solo con l’approvazione del capitolo del priorato186 poté incrementare la pensione del Templare fino a 80 libbre di bolognini (c. 38 fiorini d’oro) – con l’aggiunta dell’usufrutto di alcuni fondi rustici nel territorio di Modena, pertinenti alla domus templare del Ponte di Sant’Ambrogio. Bologna dopo il concilio di Vienne non ha ospitato unicamente fratres quondam Templi, il cui iter giudiziario non aveva mai oltrepassato i confini di Ravenna. In effetti, la domus giovannita di S. Maria Maddalena del Tempio di Strada Maggiore tra i propri abitatori ha annoverato anche un personaggio sul quale sembrava essere calato definitivamente il sipario a Parigi nel 1310. Le oscure circostanze dell’uscita di scena di fra Pietro da Bologna, l’incertezza delle origini, accompagnata da impenetrabile silenzio sulla sua sorte, hanno da sempre costituito un enigma; i numerosi tentativi di scioglierlo talora hanno concesso troppo alla fantasia.187 Soprattutto autori francesi, comprensibilmente, fino a tempi non remotissimi hanno continuato a ritenere Boulogne la patria di Pietro de Bononia.188 Inoltre, non poteva non farsi strada tra i ricercatori il sospetto di un

ammontava quindi a c. 912 tornesi grossi, pari a c. 70 fiorini di Firenze; cf. Spufford (come n. 181), p. 186. 185 Il Templare in effetti si presentò al priore di Venezia anche vice et nomine reverendi patris domini Rainaldi, archiepiscopi Ravennatis; Appendice, nr. 6, p. 302. 186 Il capitolo fu celebrato a Bologna, ma più spesso tali assemblee ebbero luogo a Venezia; cf. Tom- masi (come n. 14), p. 78, n. 61. 187 La più singolare “storia” senza dubbio riguarda fra Pietro come cofondatore (degli altri tre uno era un alto dignitario templare tedesco) della Massoneria in Scozia, sua ultima destinazione dopo un soggiorno in Germania; Constantin Karl Falkenstein, Geschichte des Tempelherren-Ordens (Dresden, 1833), p. 177; cf. Leopold Karl Wilhelm August von Ledebur, ‘Die Tempelherren und ihre Besitzungen im Preußischen Staate’, in Allgemeines Archiv für die Geschichtskund des Preußischen Staates, 16 (1835), p. 106. 188 Ricordarli tutti richiederebbe un lunghissimo elenco; ma cf. Pierre Dupuy, Traittez concernant l’histoire de France: sçavoir la condamnation des Templiers (Paris, 1654), pp. 48–9; Histoire de l’abolition de l’ordre des Templiers ([Paris], 1779), p. 62; Claude Mansuet Jeune, Histoire critique et apologétique de l’ordre des chevaliers du Temple de Jérusalem, dits Templiers, 1–2 (Paris, 1789), 2, pp. 226, 229, 233; Ph. Grouvelle, Mémoires historiques sur les Templiers (Paris, 1805), pp. 329, 344, 352, 356, e passim; Raynouard (come n. 30), p. 135; Jean Charles Léo- nard Simonde de Sismondi, Histoire des Français, 9 (Paris, 1826), p. 226; Philippe Bourdillon, Recherches historiques sur l’ordre des chevaliers du Temple (Genève, 1834), p. 20; Charles- Hippolyte Maillard de Chambure, Règle et statuts secretes des Templiers (Paris, 1840), pp. 95–6, n. 1; Auguste Nicaise, ‘Les Templiers et quelques pièces de leur procès’, in idem, Études histo­ riques (Paris, 1858), p. 164; Achille de Daunant, Le procès des Templiers (Nîmes, 1863), pp. 55, 57, 66, 67, 70; Jules Michelet, Histoire de France, 3 (Paris, 1872), pp. 109, 115, 117, 118, 119; Léon-Pascal Neveu, Procès des Templiers (Paris, 1877), p. 33; Lizerand (come n. 105), pp. 143, 148; Marion Melville, La vie des Templiers (Paris, 1974), pp. 313, 316–7, 319–21; Regine Per- noud, Les Templiers (Paris, 19772), p. 107; Karl Gottlob von Anton, Versuch einer Geschichte des Fratres quondam Templi 281 tragico epilogo per il difensore dei Templari.189 L’utilizzo di nuova documentazio- ne d’archivio adesso rende possibile delineare un soddisfacente ritratto prosopo- grafico di Pietro da Bologna. Così finalmente trovano risposta tutti i principali quesiti, che generazioni di studiosi si sono posti intorno alla figura del Templare senza pervenire a sicure conclusioni. Il cognome del bolognese fra Pietro era de Rotis.190 I de Rotis si riconoscevano nel ceto magnatizio felsineo di orientamento politico guelfo, anche se per esem- pio erano privi delle antiche radici dei Tencarari e la loro emersione dalle società delle arti e dei mestieri non era anteriore alla seconda metà del Duecento.191 Notai, pubblici ufficiali e uomini di Chiesa determinano l’affermazione della stirps e ne consolidano la posizione sociale almeno fino a tutto il secolo XIV.192 Le convin-

Tempelherrenordens (Leipzig, 1779), p. 143; Joseph Wilhelm Graf, Geschichte der Tempelher- ren in Böhmen (Prag, 1825), pp. 19, 24, 38; Falkenstein (come n. 187), p. 177; Lea (come n. 28), 3, pp. 296–7. Neppure Malcolm Barber sembra aver allontanato da sé gli ultimi dubbi; Barber (come n. 36), p. 163, 336, n. 46. 189 Si è ipotizzato che fosse stato imprigionato da Clemente V a Vienne o fatto sparire; Melville (come n. 188), p. 320; cf. Maillard de Chambure (come n. 188), p. 96, n. 1; Lizerand (come n. 105), p. 148; Georges Bordonove, Il rogo dei Templari, tr. it. (Milano, 1969), p. 266; Alain De-­ murger, Vie et mort de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 1985), p. 251; Roger Sève, Anne-Marie Chagny- Sève, Le procès des Templiers d’Auvergne (1309–1311), Mémoires et Documents d’histoire médiévale et de philologie, 1 (Paris, 1986), p. 68; Barber (come n. 36), pp. 3, 182. 190 Due atti riportano le complete generalità del Templare. Nel secondo Pietro de Rotis è definito civis Bononię; Appendice, nr. 2, 4. A Bologna gli ultimi cognomi a formarsi furono «tolti da mestieri» o derivati «dagli strumenti adoperati»: de Rotis ne sembra un esempio; cf. Augusto Gaudenzi, ‘Sulla storia del cognome a Bologna nel secolo XIII’, in Bullettino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano, 19 (1898), pp. 71–2. Un Pietro de Rotis era già defunto nel marzo 1315; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, f. 354v. 191 Nel 1272 il dominus Michael de Rotis è iscritto alla società dei Balzani; Statuti delle Società del Popolo di Bologna, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, 1–2, Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 3–4 (Roma 1889– 1896),1, p. 397. Negli anni 1288, 1292 e 1294 i domini Michelino (notaio) e Pietro de Rotis fanno parte della società dei magistri lignaminis; Statuti di Bologna dell’anno 1288, ed. Gina Fasoli, Pietro Sella, 1–2, Studi e testi, 73, 85 (Città del Vaticano, 1937–1939), pp. 378, 401; Statuti del Popolo di Bologna del secolo XIII, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi (Bologna, 1888), pp. 211, 229; Bolo- gna, Archivio di Stato, Capitano del popolo, Libri matricularum delle Società d’arti e d’armi, 2 (1294–1321), ff. 228v (dominus Michilinus Ubertini de Rotis: an. 1294), 236v (Michelino di Ubertino, notaio della società, Pietro di Michelino de Rotis: an. 1300), 237r (dominus Petrus con- dam domini Ubertini de Rotis: an. 1301); [238bis–r] (dominus Donatus filius magistri Dominici de Rotis: an. 1310), [238bis–v] (dominus Petrus, dominus Pasquale fratres et filii Benedicti Petri de Rotis: an. 1312). Nel 1381–1398 è attestato un Nicolaus quondam Ugolini olim ser Lambertini de Rotis, magister lignaminis; Piana (come n. 155), pp. 29, 39, 281. 192 Michele de Rotis: nel 1289 entra nel collegio dei Sapienti; nel 1292 fa parte del consiglio dei Duemila; Ghirardacci (come n. 128), 1, pp. 289, 296; nel 1296 è tra gli anziani e consoli; ibidem, p. 337. Stesso incarico per Pietro di Matteo e Pietro di Michele nel 1303; ibidem, pp. 447, 451. Pietro di Ugo nel 1306, 1311, 1313 e 1317 è uno degli anziani e consoli; ibidem, pp. 487, 547, 568–9, 596. Nel 1316 «Mattiolo dalle Ruote» fu tra i 100 cavalieri bolognesi, da impiegare con- tro Forlì in mano ai Ghibellini; ibidem, p. 586. Pietro di Michele notaio degli anziani e consoli nel 1316; Riformagioni e Provvigioni del Comune di Bologna dal 1248 al 1400. Inventario, Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, 48 (Roma, 1961), p. 54. Domenico gonfaloniere di giustizia nel 1326; Ghirardacci, 2, p. 72. Prende moglie nel 1304; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, 282 Francesco Tommasi zioni politiche di fra Pietro dovevano riflettere quelle della famiglia: nel dicembre 1305 l’Ordine, per dirimere una controversia con Bologna responsabile del sac- cheggio della domus templare del Ponte di Sant’Ambrogio, non accidentalmente si ri­volse al suo procuratore generale, «cittadino di Bologna», che godeva di eccellente reputazione presso le autorità comunali.193 Quando erano in corso tali trattative, in una Bologna lacerata dalle fazioni194 era appena iniziata la brillante carriera più che decennale del dominus Francesco de Rotis, densa di incarichi politico-amministrativi e militari anche di altissima responsabilità nel governo cittadino della «parte» geremea, sempre di nuovo alle prese con nemici interni ed esterni.195 Nel 1313 il parente di fra Pietro de Rotis è posto da Enrico VII in un lungo elenco di cittadini bolognesi ostili all’Impero.196 Pietro, neanche ventenne, aveva preso i voti verso il 1282 a Bologna,197 nella chiesa di S. Maria Maddalena della Magione ancora spoglia dell’elegante torre di 25 metri d’altezza, che proprio il futuro procuratore generale del Tempio avrebbe dato ordine di erigere al più tardi nel 1303 – come avverte l’iscrizione sulla campana fatta fondere in quell’anno.198 Com’è noto, per l’accesso all’Ordine

Memoriali, 109, f. 354v. Salvolino di Guglielmo è membro del Consiglio generale nel 1340; ibidem, p. 155. Così come Peregrino, Antonio di fra Bartolomeo e Giovanni di fra Chiaro nel 1387; ibidem, p. 414. Frati Francescani: Guido (1317); Piana (come n. 155), p. 202.; Bartolomeo (1362–1390); ibidem, pp. 27, 44, 45, 40, 249, 251, 256–8, 260, 274. Frati Agostiniani: Giuseppe magistri Bertolini de Rotis; Celestino Piana, Cesare Cenci, Promozioni agli ordini sacri a Bolo- gna e alle dignità ecclesiastiche nel Veneto nei secoli XIV–XV, Spicilegium Bonaventurianum, 3 (Quaracchi, 1968), p. 79 (1387). Agostino de Rotis (1407); ibidem, p. 107. 193 Appendice, nr. 4. 194 Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, pp. 271–3; cf. Vitale (come n. 152), pp. 96–106. 195 Francesco (di Pasquale) de Rotis: nel giugno 1305 è eletto nel collegio dei Sapienti; Ghirar- dacci (come n. 128), 1, p. 472. Nel febbraio 1306 come defensor e preconsul delle 20 società delle arti dirige e organizza la difesa armata del palazzo comunale, ed è tra i promotori di prov- vedimenti contra Lambertacios; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, pp. 272–3; Riforma- gioni (come n. 192), pp. 40, 118. Nel novembre 1306 entra a far parte del collegio degli anziani e consoli; Ghirardacci, pp. 492–3. Nel 1307 è «Banderale del Popolo»; ibidem 498. Sempre nel 1307 fa parte degli ufficiali ai castelli; epigrafe, già nella torre bolognese a Nonantola; Gabri- ella Malagoli et al., Nonantola. La storia e i documenti (Nonantola, 1988), p. 208 (trascrizione largamente incompleta). Come già nel 1305, nel 1308 riceve incarichi militari dal Comune; Ghirardacci, p. 473; I libri iurium (come n. 153), p. 680, nr. 249. Nel 1309 soprintende a lavori nel palazzo comunale; Vitale (come n. 152), p. 219, nr. 16. Nel 1314 è eletto sapiente; Ghirar- dacci, pp. 573. Nel gennaio 1317 entra nel collegio degli anziani e consoli; ibidem, p. 594. Due mesi dopo è un ufficiale al Sale;I Libri (come n. 154), p. 177, nr. 37. Cf. Statuti (come n. 191), p. 193. 196 Ghirardacci (come n. 128), p. 567. Sui rapporti di Bologna con Enrico VII, Vitale (come n. 152), pp. 129–31, 138. 197 Le procès (come n. 31), 2, p. 348; Barber (come n. 36), p. 163. 198 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 127, f. 280v (23.7.1313): «Ex instrumento . . . hodie facto Bononie in camera noviter facta apud ecclesiam sive tur‹r›im, que fuit olim man- sionis Templi de Bononia, que facta fuit olim per dominum fratrem Petrum de Rotis». Nel 1455 la torre fu spostata di più di 13 metri; Carlo Malagola, ‘Del trasporto della torre di Santa Maria del Tempio in Bologna detta della Magione’, in Il Politecnico, 22 (1874), pp. 203–9. Alcuni anni dopo la soppressione della commenda (1796), S. Maria della Magione con gli annessi edifici entrò in possesso dei bolognesi Aldini, che nel 1825 demolirono la torre campanaria; Giuseppe di Fratres quondam Templi 283 come frater miles erano necessari i “quarti nobiliari”199 o il cingolo cavalleresco. All’aspirante Templare in difetto di tali requisiti non restava che scegliere tra l’abito del frate-cappellano e quello del frate-sergente:200 Pietro de Rotis optò per il primo.201 Nel 1288 è il presbyter et cappellanus che vediamo assistere in Ve- nezia alla vestizione di un Templare.202 Forse i suoi studi nelle scuole giuridiche di Bologna ancora non erano stati completati.203 Ma nel 1297 Pietro da Bolo- gna era già subentrato a fra Andrea Mathiae nell’ufficio di procuratore generale dell’Ordine,204 e come tale lo si incontra presso Bonifacio VIII a Roma, dove di­ spone di un alloggio come qualunque altro curiale.205 Sotto Benedetto XI ­mancano

Giovanni-Battista Guidicini, Cose notabili della città di Bologna, 1–4 (Bologna, 1868-1872), 3, pp. 11, 13; cf. Lorenzo Schiavone, ‘L’ultimo commendatore gerosolimitano di Bologna: Cesare Lambertini’, in Strenna storica bolognese, 38 (1988), pp. 378–80, 386. Delle quattro campane vendute da Luigi Aldini al parroco di S. Andrea di Montebudello (comune di Monteveglio), la più antica era stata fatta rifondere dal commendatore Lambertini nel 1779; ma della precedente iscrizione (come nel luglio 1992 ho potuto verificare in loco) furono conservate nel secondo registro solo le parole a(nno) M.CCC.III. f(rater) Petrus de Bon(onia); cf. Evaristo Stefanelli, La diocesi di Bologna e i suoi campanili (Sasso Marconi, 1975), p. 224. Dal Paciaudi si ha il testo originario: magister Tosseolus de Miolame fecit. Fr. Petrus de Bon. Procur. Militiae Templi in curia Romana MCCCIII.; Paciaudi (come n. 160), p. 301, n. 2. Un’altra campana della Magione risale al 1492; Cherubino Ghirardacci, Della historia di Bologna, 3, ed. Albano Sorbelli, in RIS2, XXXIII, 1 (Città di Castello, 1915–1932), p. 268. Per raffigurazioni del campanile con il pro­ spetto della commenda, Venezia, Archivio del Priorato dei Cavalieri di Malta, busta 592 (S. Maria del Tempio di Bologna), Cabrei, nr. 136 (an. 1741) e 137 (an. 1767): debbo l’informazione alla cortesia di Gian Paolo Cagnin. 199 La famiglia Dalle Ruote non è stata la sola ad essere ascritta al ceto nobiliare dopo il secolo XVI; Mario Fanti, Confraternite e città a Bologna nel medioevo e nell’età moderna, Italia Sacra, 65 (Roma, 2001), pp. 349–50; cf. Nikolai Wandruszka, ‘Die Entstehung des Familiennamens in Bologna (XII. Und XIII. Jahrhundert)’, in Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome – Moyen Age, 107/2 (1995), p. 619 n. 66. 200 È anche vero che non necessariamente tutti i fratres servientes erano reclutati tra i «borghesi o villani»; Amédée Trudon des Ormes, Étude sur les possessions de l’Ordre du Temple en Picardie (Amiens, 1892), p. 37. 201 Amédée Trudon des Ormes, ‘Listes des maisons et de quelques dignitaires de l’ordre du Temple, en Syrie, en Chypre et en France, d’après les pièces du procès’, in ROL, 5 (1897), p. 407; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, f. 390v (30.10.1304): ultime volontà di un abitante della circoscrizione cittadina (capella) di S. Maria del Tempio, dettate in casa del testatore; presente d(omino) do‹m›pno Petro, presbitero ecclesie Sancte Marie de Templo. 202 Schottmüller (come n. 29), 2, p. 209; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 31), p. 141. 203 Negli atti processuali Pietro da Bologna è definito in un solo modo: litteratus; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, pp. 100–1. Il frater-miles Gerardo de Causso era litteratus e in jure peritus; ibidem, p. 379. Il magister Iohannes de Fohliaco, un sacerdote dell’Ordine, sappiamo essere stato doc- tor iuris civilis; Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 341; altrove la qualifica è omessa; ibidem, p. 311; Le procès, 2, pp. 277, 335. 204 Fra Andrea il 28 luglio 1291 era stato confermato procuratore da Niccolò IV; Bulst-Thiele (come n. 96), p. 292. Un procuratore generale era stato nominato dal gran precettore di Francia, Ugo de Peraudo, nel 1296. Si trattava del suo cappellano, fra Roberto de Saint Juste esperto di diritto, ma non sembra che fosse destinato alla Curia romana; ibidem, p. 295. 205 Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), p. 132. L’anno 1297 non è indicato espressamente dal testimone; in ogni caso, la nomina di Pietro da Bologna è precedente al 23 febbraio 1298; Les registres 284 Francesco Tommasi sue notizie, ma sicuramente il Templare seguì la Curia anche a Perugia, per poi ­allontanarsene dopo la morte del pontefice (7 luglio 1304). Durante la vacanza della Sede apostolica egli trascorse un periodo a Bologna, dove continuò a curare gli affari dell’Ordine e già un atto del 15 ottobre 1304 ne rivela la presenza.206 Non è improbabile che fra Pietro de Rotis nel maggio 1304/5 prendesse parte al capitolo provinciale di Bologna presieduto dal gran precettore Giacomo da Mon- cucco.207 Dopo il conclave di Perugia e l’elezione del nuovo papa egli ha ripreso la sua attività di rappresentante legale del Tempio presso la Curia romana, anche se nel dicembre 1305 non aveva ancora lasciato la sua città.208 Invitato da ­Clemente V, il gran maestro dell’Ordine solo dopo la metà del maggio 1307 raggiun-­ se la Curia a Poitiers, da dove con la sua comitiva proseguì per Parigi, dove mise piede prima del 24 giugno.209 Non è del tutto certo che Pietro de Rotis il 30 agosto si trovasse a Bologna:210 in caso affermativo il trasferimento del procu-

de Boniface VIII, par Georges Digard et al., Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e sér., IV, 1 (Paris, 1884–1939), nr. 2429. I procuratori legali, che rappresentavano nella Curia istituzioni religiose o laiche, di norma non si muovevano dai luoghi di residenza dei papi (continue moratur in curia); Heinrich Finke, Acta Aragonensia, 1–3 (Berlin, 1908–1922), 2, p. 596 (si tratta del sindaco/procuratore di Pisa); cf. Tommasi (come n. 43), p. 293. 206 Appendice, nr. 2; cf. supra, n. 201. In occasione di questo soggiorno a Bologna fece vestire l’abito religioso a una sua nipote nel monastero camaldolese di S. Cristina della Fondazza; Pasquali Alidosi (come n. 100), p. 18 (non sono specificati né mese né giorno). Infruttuosa la mia ricerca dell’atto di professione nel fondo diplomatico del monastero (Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Demaniale, S. Cristina di Bologna). Nell’inventario dei beni monastici del 1322 figurano appezzamenti confinanti con proprietà di numerose monache (dominae) di S. Crist­ ina, tutte indicate per nome; Paola Foschi, ‘Il monastero di S. Cristina della Fondazza: origini e sviluppi medievali’, in Paola Foschi, Jacopo Ortalli (ed.), Il monastero di S. Crist­ ina della Fondazza, Deputazione di storia patria per le province di Romagna – Documenti e studi, 31 (Bologna, 2003), pp. 19–34. 207 Sul capitolo, Tommasi (come n. 51), pp. 288, 293. 208 Il 18 dicembre il Comune tratta direttamente con Pietro da Montecucco e Pietro de Rotis; Appendice, nr. 3. 209 Il 14 maggio l’arrivo del gran maestro a Poitiers era atteso da un momento all’altro; Bulst- Thiele (come n. 96), p. 318. Il 9 giugno è documentata la sua presenza in città; Regestum (come n. 56), nr. 7183. Un cronista parla di un lungo soggiorno (diu) del gran maestro presso la Curia; Vitae (come n. 4), 1, p. 8. È sconosciuto l’itinerario seguito nel trasferimento da Cipro, anche se tra la fine del 1294 e inizio del 1295 Giacomo de Molay aveva sostato in Italia, prima di proseguire per Arles; infra, n. 231. 210 In tale data, su richiesta di Pietro da Bologna e di Pietro de Rotis (supplicat humiliter frater Petrus pręcęptor domus militię Templi de Mutina . . . et dominus frater Petrus de Rotis, generalis procurator dicti ordinis in Romana curia . . . ; nella successiva discussione si parla (due volte) solo della petitio fratris Petri pręcęptoris domus militię Templi de Mutina), il Comune di Bologna chiude la vertenza con l’Ordine, seguita all’aggressione del 1305 alla domus del Ponte di San’Ambrogio, e fissa le modalità del risarcimento; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Diritti ed oneri del Comune, Libri iurium et confinium, 2, f. 37r (copia del sec. XV); testo: Trota (come n. 96), p. 54, nr. 4; cf. Appendice, nr. 3 e 4. Della lettera (senza datazione) fu data lettura il 30 agosto in una sessione del consiglio degli Ottocento, ma niente vi indica in modo esplicito la presenza di Pietro da Montecucco o di Pietro de Rotis in quella sede. Fratres quondam Templi 285 ratore generale dell’Ordine da Poitiers, al seguito di fra Giacomo de Molay, non poté avvenire che in occasione del secondo viaggio del gran maestro a Parigi.211 La residenza di Pietro da Bologna, già dal suo arrivo a Parigi, era al Tempio. Qui all’alba di venerdì 13 ottobre egli fu tratto in arresto con Giacomo de Molay, gli alti dignitari del suo entourage e tutti gli altri fratres presenti nella precettoria parigina dai regi ufficiali, la brutale condotta dei quali apparentemente superò le istruzioni ricevute.212 Così la grande domus esterna alle mura settentrionali della città da luogo ameno e ospitale improvvisamente si mutò in un’angusta e tetra prigione,213 che il frater italiano neppure dopo l’assunzione del patrocinio legale dell’Ordine (marzo 1310) poté lasciare, se non raramente, sempre sotto attenta sorveglianza e solo per le necessità legate al suo nuovo incarico.214

211 Da Parigi Giacomo de Molay dopo il 4 luglio tornò a Poitiers per una breve sosta; Bulst-Thiele (come n. 96), pp. 319; cf. Lizerand (come n. 105), p. 90; Alain Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Le crépuscule des templiers (Paris, 2002), pp. 224–5. 212 All’ordine d’arresto dei Templari sine exceptione aliqua, emanato da Filippo il Bello, seguivano indicazioni pratiche sulla forme comment li commissarie iront en la besoigne; Georges Lizerand, Le dossier de l’affaire des Templiers, Les classiques de l’histoire de France, 2 (Paris, 1964), pp. 16–29. Il 23 aprile 1310 Pietro da Bologna lesse pubblicamente una memoria difensiva, e senza dubbio la descrizione della violenza (cum exterminato furore) usata in Francia contro i confratelli rispecchiava anche la personale esperienza; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, pp. 201–2; cf. Cheney (come n. 13), pp. 72–4. D’altra parte, «gli ufficiali regi erano i naturali nemici» di un Ordine, i cui diritti, privilegi ed esenzioni impedivano «l’esercizio della maggior parte delle loro funzioni»; Henri de Curzon, La maison du Temple de Paris (Paris, 1888), pp. 152, 176–95. A costoro si addebitavano le depredazioni subìte dalla casa parigina del Tempio; Frederick W. Ryan, The House of the Temple. A study of Malta and its Knights in the French Revolution (Lon- don, 1930), p. 22. A proposito dei frati catturati con il gran maestro, le cronache tacciono sulla loro cattività al Tempio. Ma cf. Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, ed. Hercule Geraud, 1 (Paris, 1843), p. 360. Parte dello stato maggiore dell’Ordine era restato a Cipro; Malcolm Bar- ber, ‘James of Molay, the last Grand Master of the Order of the Temple’, in Studia Monastica, 14 (1972), p. 109. Giacomo de Molay il 24 ottobre 1307 si trovava rinchiuso al Tempio, dove l’inquisitore si recò per interrogare anche quasdam personas ibidem existentes; Lizerand, p. 34; cf. Finke (come n. 10), 2, p. 307. Sicuramente si trovavano tra loro i quattro alti dignitari, anche a nome dei quali Giacomo de Molay depose il 25 maggio 1308 a Parigi; Chartularium Univer- sitatis Parisiensis, ed. Heinrich Denifle, Emile Chatelain, 1–4 (Parisiis, 1889–1897), 2, p. 129, nr. 666. Il gran maestro cambiò sede più volte, ma nel novembre 1309 si trovava nuovamente a Parigi; Bulst-Thiele (come n. 96), p. 328 e passim. 213 Dove ex dexperatione si tolsero la vita diversi Templari; Vitae (come n. 4), 1, p. 9; cf. Lizerand, (come n. 212), p. 165. Fino a tutto il 1309, si calcolavano in 36 i Templari deceduti nella domus parigina dell’Ordine; Cheney (come n. 13), p. 72. Già nell’ultimo decennio del secolo XIII per- sone furono incarcerate a Parigi in prisione Templi; Les Olim ou registres des arrêts rendus par la cour du roi, ed. [A.] Beugnot, 1–3 (Paris, 1839–1848), 2, p. 296. Nel corso del Trecento la torre del Tempio servì più volte da prigione di Stato; E. J. J. Barillet, Recherches historiques sur le Temple (Paris, 1809), pp. 88–91; de Curzon (come n. 212), pp. 258–60. 214 Nel febbraio 1310 Pietro da Bologna è ancora prigioniero al Tempio, da dove il giorno 10 viene fatto uscire e tradotto davanti ai commissari; Le procès (come n. 31), 1, p. 65; cf. pp. 114, 262. Il 5 aprile i commissari conducono Pietro e gli altri tre difensori (Rinaldo de Pruin, Guglielmo de Chambonnet e Betrando de Sartiges), casa per casa, presso tutti i Templari detenuti a Parigi; ibidem, 1, pp. 154–5; cf. pp. 137–8. 286 Francesco Tommasi Nel maggio 1310, neanche due mesi dopo la sua costituzione, il collegio difen- sivo (societas) formato da quattro Templari era già in crisi e con esso, come sem- bra, il patto di reciproca fiducia posto a fondamento.215 Solo in ottobre si scoprì che il frater bolognese e – del tutto inaspettatamente – Rinaldo de Pruin sol- lempniter et voluntarie avevano rinunciato a difendere l’Ordine. Inoltre, ognuno dei due aveva confermato la precedente confessione, che nel caso di Pietro da Bologna risaliva al 7 novembre 1307.216 Infine si diffuse la notizia che il procu- ratore era riuscito a evadere (fregit carcerem) – presumibilmente dalla torre del Tempio – e aveva preso il largo.217 Stando così le cose, un interesse di Pietro de Rotis a prolungare, anche di un solo giorno, la sua latitanza in terra di Francia appare del tutto illogico. Invece conviene pensare che, rientrato quanto prima a Bologna, l’ex procuratore del Tempio si sia tenuto in disparte, in prudente attesa dell’esito dell’inchiesta ravennate. In seguito i Giovanniti bolognesi, a quanto pare, non gli rifiutarono un vitalizio né la possi- bilità di trascorrere il resto dell’esistenza tra confratelli nel luogo a lui più caro: la domus di S. Maria Maddalena.218 Una carta del 23 maggio 1315 ci mostra Pietro de Rotis assistere in domo mansionis olim Templeriorum a una transazione tra Barto- lomeo Tencarari e Bonaventura da Pontorme, precettore della domus Sancte Marie Magdalene de Bononia de strata Maiori, olim ordinis Templeriorum, ad presens Hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Ierosolomitani. Come di consueto, ai nomi dei due ex Templari non è associata altra qualifica religiosa che un genericofrater. 219 Nel 1323 una concessione in affitto di terreni a un privato registra nuovamente la presenza di Pietro de Rotis in veste di testimone. Particolare non trascurabile: accanto al dominus frater figura anche un chierico, evidentemente addetto alla sua persona.220 A Bologna fra Pietro continua a ricevere onori e considerazione, in forme forse non diversissime da quando, all’apice della sua notorietà e autorevolezza, il Tem- plare era blandito con l’appellativo di dilectus amicissimus dalle istituzioni citta- dine. Quando morì a 67 anni, il 24 maggio 1329, gli fu riservato il privilegio di un sepolcro, che ancora alla metà del secolo XVIII si poteva ammirare nella chiesa di S. Maria Maddalena della Magione. Oggi ne rimangono solo descrizioni sommarie

215 Il 28 marzo 1310 Rinaldo de Pruin e Pietro da Bologna ricevono per acclamazione l’incarico di difendere l’Ordine dalla folla di Templari radunati a Parigi nel giardino del palazzo vescovile; ibidem, 1, pp. 100–1; cf. Finke (come n. 10), 1, pp. 258–9; Barber (come n. 36), p. 152. Il 18 maggio Rinaldo de Pruin, Guglielmo de Chambonnet e Betrando de Sartiges informavano i com- missari dell’inspiegabile atteggiamento di Pietro da Bologna (ab eis et eorum societate fuerat separatus, et nesciebant qua de causa); Le procès (come n. 31), 1, pp. 281–2. 216 Ibidem, 2, pp. 348–9. 217 Ibidem, 1, p. 287. 218 Quanto alle risorse materiali disponibili, va ricordato il podere fratris Petri de Rotis, posto a Fos- sale, che risulta dall’inventario dei beni della precettoria bolognese compilato nel 1309; Caravita (come n. 43), p. 274, nr. 37. 219 Il dominus frater Bartolomeus condam Zohenis de Tencharariis ottiene l’assicurazione che rice- verà la propria parte di un legato testamentario; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 130, f. 46r–v. 220 Appendice, nr. 7. Fratres quondam Templi 287 e disegni a penna (fig. 17.1).221 La figura, che era incisa su lastra marmorea,222 lascia vedere un religioso tonsurato, facilmente identificabile con un sacerdote per l’abito indossato e per il calice che sorregge con le mani all’altezza del petto. Manca ogni segno attributivo di Ordine religioso. In effetti, solo in caso di adozione dell’abito giovannita, Pietro de Rotis avrebbe potuto essere ritratto con la croce sulla spalla sinistra.223 Ma il transitus non sembra esserci mai stato, malgrado l’Alidosi asserisca il contrario.224 Inoltre, dal termine crux nell’epigrafe225 un riferimento all’Ordine del Tempio non è automatico, mentre il titolo pugil Christi è suscettibile di più inter- pretazioni.226 In fondo, anche l’uso di questa generica formulazione era un modo per richiamare l’antica appartenenza di Pietro da Bologna ai milites Christi/Templi.

221 L’Alidosi ne parla in questi termini: «F. Pietro Rota già de’ Cavalieri Templari. Morì l’anno 1329. come si vede nella Chiesa di S. Maria del Tempio, detta la Magione, sopra al suo sepolcro, dove sono questi versi»; Pasquali Alidosi (come n. 100), pp. 9–10. Un disegno settecentesco è opera di Marcello Oretti; Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale, ms. B 114, f. 205r; Bruno Breve­ glieri, Scrittura e immagine. Le lastre terragne del Medioevo bolognese, Testi, studi, strumenti, 7 (Spoleto, 1993), tav. 9, e pp. 161–3: scheda descrittiva, dove manca l’identificazione di Pietro de Rotis con Pietro da Bologna. 222 Tabula marmorea, quae opere diaglyptico Equitem refert sui Ordinis veste indutum; Paciaudi (come n. 160), p. 300 n. 2. 223 La ritrattistica dei Giovanniti offre un utile raffronto con il cappellano francese, Guglielmo Vil- lart, defunto nel 1380: come Pietro de Rotis porta la tonsura clericale e regge il calice, ma nella lapide funeraria è raffigurato anche con la croce dell’Ordine sulla spalla sinistra; fotoriproduz­ ione, in Anne-Marie Legras, ‘Les effectives de l’Ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusa- lem dans le prieuré de France en 1373’, in Revue Mabillon, 60 (1984), p. 393. 224 Pasquali Alidosi (come n. 100), p. 18: «Si fece poi Cavaliero dell’ordine Gerosolimitano». Né dall’abbigliamento del defunto né dall’epigrafe il Paciaudi poté risalire all’Ordine di appar­ tenenza dell’eques; cf. supra n. 222. Sui mutamenti di stato religioso presso i Templari, cf. Francesco Tommasi, ‘Per i rapporti tra Templari e Cistercensi’, in I Templari: una vita tra riti cavallereschi e fedeltà alla Chiesa, ed. Goffredo Viti (Firenze, 1995), pp. 267–72. 225 Stirpe Rotis Petrus virtutis munere clarus. / Strenuus ecce pugil Christi iacet ordine charus. / Veste ferens menteque crucem nunc sydera scandit / exemplum nobis spectandi coelica pandit. / Annis ter trinis viginti mille trecentis / sexta quarte maii fregit lux organa mentis; Paciaudi (come n. 160), p. 300 n. 2; cf. Pasquali Alidosi (come n. 100), p. 10; Breveglieri (come n. 221), p. 161 (entrambi con minime varianti). 226 La definizione è stata adoperata dai pontefici per indicare tanto Templari, quanto Cavalieri Teu- tonici e Giovanniti; Helen Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights (Leicester – London – New York, 1993), pp. 15, 140 n. 5. Alessandro IV e Bonifacio VIII descrivono i Giovanniti rispettivamente come robusti e intrepidi pugiles; Les registres d’Alexandre IV, ed. Charles Bourel de la Roncière et al., Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e sér., XV, 1 (Paris, 1895–1959), nr. 2938; Giuseppe Crudo, La SS. Trinità di Venosa (Trani, 1899), pp. 313, 315. Bonifacio VIII chiama anche i Templari intrepidi Christi pugiles; Les regi-­ stres (come n. 205), nr. 487. Il papa definisce così anche re Giacomo II d’Aragona; ibidem, nr. 3427. I pugiles Christi di Urbano IV sono i crociati; Les registres (come n. 157), nr. 672. Cle- mente V nella bolla di abolizione del Tempio ricorda i fratres delle origini come speciales fidei catholicae pugiles; Conciliorum (come n. 11), p. 337. Giovanni XXII nel 1319, a proposito del nascituro Ordine di Cristo, parla di institutio ordinis militiae, qui existit pugilum Christi; Let- tres (come n. 5), nr. 9053. Nella seconda metà del sec. XIV un commentatore di Dante descrive Giacomo de Molay come militem Christi et pugilem fidei; Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola Comentum super Dantis Aldigherij Comoediam, ed. Giovanni Filippo Lacaita, 3 (Florentiae, 1887), p. 537. 288 Francesco Tommasi Forse l’unico modo, visto che nel 1312 del più antico Ordine militare cristiano era stato irrevocabilmente cancellato anche il nome. Ma qualcosa nell’epigrafe celebrativa di fra Pietro de Rotis e dell’ancora potente sua famiglia (stirps) forse il lapicida poteva risparmiarlo: l’attributo strenuus pre- posto a pugil Christi. Segno che gli eventi giudiziari parigini del 1310 – se mai la loro eco era rimbalzata a Bologna – erano già stati rimossi e, con essi, il ricordo della rinunciataria condotta del procuratore dei Templari nella sua ultima e di gran lunga più impegnativa tenzone forense: quella per la sopravvivenza dell’Ordine.

Figure 17.1 Tomba di fra Pietro de Rotis da Bologna (†1329) (cf. nota 221). Fratres quondam Templi 289 Appendice


1298 maggio 3, Roma S. Pietro ‹Bonifacio VIII› dà facoltà all’abate di S. Miniato al Monte, all’arcidiacono della chiesa cattedrale di Firenze e a Leonardo da Anticoli, canonico di Autun, di con- cludere il prestito (12000 fiorini), che il papa ha richiesto direttamente a merca- tores della compagnia fiorentina dei Mozzi, dopo il vano tentativo di ottenerlo attraverso i Templari e il loro procuratore generale, fra Pietro da Bologna.

Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat., 49, f. 34r-v. Ed.: –. Reg.: Potthast, –. Analisi: Les registres de Boniface VIII, par G. Digard et al., Paris 1884–1939 (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e sér., IV, 1), nr. 2550.

Dilectis filiis .. abbati monasterii Sancti Miniatis ad Montem227 prope Florentiam, . . archidiacono228 Florentine et magistro Leonardo de Anticulo229 canonico Autisi- odorensis ecclesiarum. Dudum(a) ad plectendam Collumpnensium scismaticorum et Ecclesie Romane rebellium inique rebellionis et nephande presumptionis auda- tiam, quam ipsi contra nos et Romanam Ecclesiam nequiter assumpserunt, spi­ ritualiter et temporaliter diversis modis et temporibus duximus procedendum, per exercitum etiam processimus, sicut et adhuc procedemus contra eos et terras, que per eos vel pro eis per alios detinebantur seu etiam detinentur. Cumque ratione prosecutionis huiusmodi negotii nos et prefatam Ecclesiam subire oportuisset, ac in antea etiam oporteret, adeo gravia(b) onera expensarum quod recurrere ad bona ecclesiastica et maxime ordinis Militie Templi Ierosolimitani ex quadam neces- sitate pro huiusmodi sublevandis expensarum oneribus cogeremur, dilecto filio . . magistro et fratribus domus dicte Militie Templi et eidem ordini universaliter duodecim milia florenorum auri pro huiusmodi subsidio expensarum solvenda nobis de bonis eorundem magistri et fratrum ac ordinis duximus imponenda.230

227 Ugo (. . . 1297–1303 ca.); Giovanni Lami, Sanctae ecclesiae Florentinae monumenta, 1–3 (Firen­- ze, 1785), 1, p. 51; 2, pp. 1191, 1203; cf. Les registres (come n. 205), nr. 3519 (29.3.1300). 228 Andrea Cionis de Florentia (1287–1310): nel 1296 ricevette da Bonifacio VIII un canoni- cato cum prebenda ad Orléans, che si aggiungeva a quello fiorentino; Les registres (come n. 205), nr. 1444 (15.10.1296); Salvino Salvini, Catalogo cronologico de’ canonici della Chiesa metropolitana fiorentina (Firenze, 1772), nr. 134, 166; Davidsohn (come n. 89), 3, p. 140. 229 Leonardo da Anticoli era stato familiare del cardinale Benedetto, il futuro Bonifacio VIII. Beneficiario di diversi canonicati in Italia e in Francia, nel 1299 divenne vescovo di Anagni. Nel 1298 più volte esecutore di prestiti per conto del papa; Boespflug (come n. 128), p. 272. 230 Les registres (come n. 205), nr. 2426 (23.2.1298). 290 Francesco Tommasi Verum, cum idem magister esset absens231 et ipsius presentia de facili haberi non posset, ita quod predicte littere sibi presentari non potuissent tempore competenti, ac huiusmodi subventionis negotium maximam accelerationem ‹f. 34v› requi­ reret; nos nolentes ut adeo ipsa subventio prorogaretur quod mora posset afferre periculum, dilecto filio fratri Petro de Bononia,232 procuratori generali memorati ordinis in curia Romana, nostris dedimus litteris in mandatis, ut huiusmodi duo- decim milia florenorum auri nomine predictorum magistri et fratrum ac ordinis pro prefato subsidio absque dilatione nobis solvere procuraret.233 Et cum ad id non haberet speciale mandatum nec auctoritatem super hoc mutuum contrahendi, nos volentes super hoc de oportuno remedio providere, contrahendi mutuum propter hoc usque ad predictam summam duodecim milium florenorum auri nomine ma-­ gistri et fratrum ac ordinis predictorum, ac eundem magistrum et successores suos ac prefatos fratres, domum et ordinem et eorum bona mobilia et immobilia234 etc., ut in forma usque exceptionibus eisdem, a dilecto filio Lando Sigoli et Caloianne Cipriani sociis, civibus et mercatoribus Florentinis de societate Mozorum235 mutu- antibus pro se ipsis et pro Richardo, Vanne et Andrea de Mozis, Iano Bentevegne, Borchino Locterii, Bartholo Usimbardi, Bartholo Gherardi, Gambino Falconerii, Philippo Borchi, Davanzato Francisci(c) et pro certis sociis dicte sotietatis mutuo receperit etc. usque non obstantibus supradictis et constitutionibus tam(d) ­nostris (quarum prima «cavetur ne quis certis exceptis casibus extra suam civitatem et diocesim», secunda vero «ne reus alterius diocesis vel ‹ultra› unam dietam a finibus eiusdem diocesis ad iuditium evocetur»,236) quam aliis a predecessoribus nostris super hoc editis, seu si eisdem magistro et fratribus seu administratoribus

231 La presenza di Giacomo de Molay nella Curia romana va dal dicembre 1294 fino ad almeno tutto il gennaio 1295; Bulst-Thiele (come n. 96), p. 306; Norman Housley, ‘Charles II of Naples and the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in Bizantion, 54 (1984), p. 531; Finke (come n. 205), 3, p. 31, nr. 18 (Roma, 21.1. 1295?). Il rientro del gran maestro a Cipro conobbe un ritardo, ed egli il 15 agosto 1296 ancora non aveva lasciato Arles; Demurger (come n. 211), p. 121. 232 Il bolognese Pietro de Rotis, ultimo procuratore del Tempio presso la Curia romana, mantenne il suo ruolo anche sotto Clemente V; cf. supra, pp. 284–5. 233 Les registres (come n. 205), nr. 2429 (23.2.1298). 234 Che si tratti di un’obligatio di bona mobilia et immobilia presentia et futura usque ad summam huiusmodi, è confermato dal formulario (forma) riportato per esteso in una precedente littera executoria (contrassegnata con il numero X, ma non concerne i Templari), alla quale il copista del Reg. Vat. 49 spesso fa riferimento, anche se quasi mai esplicitamente; Archivio Segreto Vati- cano, Reg. Vat. 49, f. 3v; Les registres (come n. 205), nr. 2400; ma cf. ibidem, nr. 2429 (et cetera ut supra capitulo X). 235 I Mozzi, inizialmente in società con gli Spini, operavano come mercatores della Curia romana probabilmente già al tempo di Gregorio X (1271–1276); Charles-Victor Langlois, Le règne de Philippe III le Hardi (Paris, 1887), p. 445; cf. Davidsohn (come n. 89), 6, p. 366; Georg Schneider, Die finanziellen Beziehungen der florentinischen Bankiers zur Kirche von 1285 bis 1304, Staats- und socialwissenschaftliche Forschungen, 17,1 (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 6, 7, 9, 11–13, 17 e passim. Per i singoli soci, cf. da ultimo Sergio Raveggi et al., Ghibellini, Guelfi e Popolo Grasso. I deten- tori del potere politico a Firenze nella seconda metà del Dugento (Firenze, 1978), ad Indicem. 236 Richiami a queste due costituzioni si trovano spesso in Bonifacio VIII; Les registres (come n. 102), nr. 3334, 3948, 3950. Per la prima metà del sec. XIV, le citano Benedetto XI (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 51, f. 102r), Clemente V, Regestum (come n. 18), nr. 5272 e Gio- vanni XXII; Emil Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, 1–2 (Leipzig, 1879–1881), 2, col. 1253. Fratres quondam Templi 291 ac impedientibus a dicta sede indultum existat etc. usque in finem. Dat. Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, V nonas maii anno quarto.

(a) CLVIII in margine (b) gravi (c) Franasa (d) tam aggiunto in sopralinea.


‹1304› ottobre 15, Bologna Fra Pietro de Rotis da Bologna, procuratore generale dell’Ordine del Tempio presso la Curia romana, dichiara di aver riscosso la somma di 59 lire e 10 soldi di bolognini da Giacomino de Saxolinio, che l’aveva ricevuta in deposito dal defunto precettore della domus di Forlì, fra Guido da Vercelli.

Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, f. 29r (registrazione sin- crona) [R]. Ed.: –. Reg.: –.

Die quinto decimo mensis octobris. . . Dominus frater Petrus de Rotis de Bononia,237 ordinis milicie Templi de Bononia, procurator generalis dicti ordinis et conventus in Romana curia, vice et nomine reverendi viri domini fratris Iacobi de Montechucho,238 eiusdem milicie Templi in Lombardia, Tuscia, Sardenia(a) et terra Rome ‹magni preceptoris› nec non domini pape cubicullarii(a), asseruit habu­ isse a domino Iacobino de Saxolinio quinquaginta novem libras et decem soli- dos bononinorum, quas dictus dominus Iacobinus receperat in depositum ab olim bone memorie fratre Guidone de Vercellis, olim preceptore domus milicie Templi de Forlivio;239 et de hoc habebat scripta manu dicti domini Iacobini vel socio- rum suorum de quantitate sexaginta septem librarum et quatuordecim solidorum bononinorum. Superfluum vero receperat(b) ab eodem. Que scripta erant(c) penes dictum fratrem Guidonem cum aliis in instrumento contentis. Ex instrumento Melloni Albertucii notarii, hodie facto Bononie in domo milicie Templi de Bononia,240 presentibus domino fratre Iohanne Calderio,241 preceptore

237 Meglio conosciuto come Pietro da Bologna. 238 Giacomo da Moncucco Torinese: al più tardi dal 1304 maestro provinciale del Tempio per l’Italia centrale e settentrionale (con la Sardegna), è stato anche cubicolario di Benedetto XI e Cle­ mente V; Gilmour-Bryson (come n. 32), pp. 96–7, e passim; Bellomo (come n. 57), ad Indicem, s. v.; cf. supra, pp. 258–9, 266–8. 239 S. Maria in Scossoli; Francesco Tommasi, Anthony Luttrell, ‘Gli Ospedalieri di Rodi e l’inchiesta pontificia nella diocesi di Forlì (1373)’, inMediterranea , 9 (2012), pp. 568, 569, 571–3. 240 S. Maria Maddalena del Tempio in Strada Maggiore. L’arrivo dei Templari a Bologna è pre­ cedente al 1213. Nel 1312 la chiesa e la precettoria furono assegnate ai Giovanniti; Mauro Sarti, Mauro Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis professoribus a saeculo XI usque ad sae- culum XIV, 1–2 (Bononiae, 1888–18962), 2, p. 257, nr. 10; Luttrell (come n. 138), pp. 121–2; Bianca Capone Ferrari, Quando in Italia c’erano i Templari. Italia settentrionale (Torino, 1996), pp. 169–71. 241 Governava S. Maria del Tempio già nel 1300; Rationes decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII–XIV. Aemilia. Le decime dei secoli XIII–XIV, ed. Angelo Mercati et al., Studi e Testi, 60 (Città del 292 Francesco Tommasi eiusdem ordinis de Bononia, qui asseruit cognoscere contrahentes, Vandino Gra- sello, Gilio Laurencii, Frederico Iacobini et Petro Albertinelli testibus. Et sic dicti contrahentes una cum dicto notario venerunt, dixerunt et scribi fecerunt.

(a) Così R (b) reciperat (c) scpta erat senza segni abbreviativi.


‹1305› dicembre 18, Bologna Il consiglio degli Ottocento nomina un procuratore, per accordarsi con fra Pie- tro de Rotis, procuratore generale della Milizia del Tempio, e con fra Pietro, precettore della domus del Ponte di Sant’Ambrogio sul Panaro, e calcolare l’indennizzo per i danni arrecati alla precettoria dalla ‹recente› irruzione mode­ nese e bolognese.

Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Diritti ed oneri del Comune, Libri iurium et confinium, 3, ff. 26r-v (copia autentica del 1473, tratta dai Memorialia instru- mentorum contenenti la registrazione sincrona dell’originale) [R’]. Ed.: –. Reg.: –.

Die(a) decimo octavo mensis decembris. Consilium octingentorum et po­ puli fecerunt Rolandinus de Baldachinis,242 iudex et vicarius domini Gulielmi Novelli243 potestatis Bononię, et Franciscus de Esau,244 iudex et vicarius domini Ramberti de Rambertis,245 capitanei antianorum et consulum populi Bononię, in palatio veteri communis Bononię sono campanarum(b) voceque preconum more solito congregari. In quo quidem consilio fuerunt ultra quam due partes homi­ num dicti consilii. Ibique prędictus dominus Rolandinus, vicarius, et Francis- cus, antiani et consules, consilium et homines dicti consilii tanquam universitas gerentes et administrantes negotia communis Bononię fecerunt, constituerunt et ordinaverunt dominum Iohannem domini Bonvixini Franchuccii presentem ipsorum et dicti communis et universitatis Bononię sindicum, actorem, procu- ratorem et nuntium specialem ad paciscendum, conveniendum et transigendum cum dominis fratre Petro de Rotis, generale(c) procuratore ordinis militię Templi,

Vaticano, 1933), nr. 2411. Una carta del 1309 menziona fratrem Johannem olim preceptorem; Caravita (come n. 43), p. 277, nr. 37. 242 Rolando dei Baldacchini da Parma; Jean Rousset de Missy, Supplement au corps universel diplo- matique de droit des gens, contenant un recueil des traitez d’alliance, de paix, de treve, de neu- tralité, I, 2 (Amsterdam, 1739), p. 40, nr. 19 (29.12.1306, ma 1305). 243 Guglielmo Novello da Padova: restò in carica fino alla fine di dicembre; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, p. 267; Rousset de Missy (come n. 242), p. 40, nr. 19 (29.12.1306, ma 1305). 244 Ibidem: Francesco de Hesari. 245 Ramberto dei Ramberti da Ferrara all’inizio del 1306 fu confermato capitano del popolo; inol- tre, sostituì il nuovo podestà, prima del suo arrivo a Bologna (18 gennaio); Corpus chronico- rum (come n. 144), 2, pp. 268, 271, e passim; Rousset de Missy (come n. 242), p. 46, nr. 22 (11.2.1306); cf. Chronicon Parmense, ed. Giuliano Bonazzi, in RIS2, IX (Città di Castello, 1902), p. 94. Fratres quondam Templi 293 et fratre Petro,246 preceptore domus eiusdem ordinis Sanctę Marię, posite iuxta pontem Sancti Ambroxii247 in commitatu Mutinę, paciscentibus et convenienti- bus et transigentibus eorum nomine et nomine et vice conventus dictę domus et generaliter nomine et vice totius ordinis dictę militię Templi de litibus et ques- tionibus et controversiis, quas prędicti fratres seu conventus et ordo habent seu habere possent cum predicto communi seu hominibus communis, commitatus vel districtus Bononię; ex eo quod dicitur ‹quod› quidam(d) homines civitatis et commitatus Mutinę et de commitatu et districtu Bononie(e)248 intendebant capere pontem Sancti Ambroxii, positum supra Scoltennam sive Panarium, et invaserunt domum, ecclesiam et turrim ipsius ordinis, positam iuxta dictum pontem Sancti Ambroxii in commitatu Mutinę, diruendo dictas domos, hedifitia, ecclesiam et turrim ipsius ordinis, positam iuxta dictum pontem Sancti Ambroxii super pos- sessionibus dicti ordinis, et etiam alia incidendo, concremando ad hoc, ut melius possent capere dictum pontem; bladum, fenum, paleas, vinum et multa supellec- tilia, que erant in dictis domibus, accipiendo et exportando et exportari faciendo, et devastando et exponendo equos(f), et maximum damnum dando fratribus dicti ordinis et dictę domus; accipiendo etiam ‹f. 26v› de dicta domo, posita citra flu- men Scoltennę sive pontem Panarii, ubi dicitur factum esse castrum Novum249

246 Pietro da Montecucco (dioc. di Piacenza?) già dal marzo 1271 «precettore della casa del Tempio nella città di Modena», è attestato con questo titolo fino al 1307; Trota (come n. 96), pp. 50, 52 (16.3.1271); Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae Medii Aevi, 1–6 (Mediolani, 1738– 1742), 5, col. 301 (14.4.1283); Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Diritti ed oneri del Comune, Libri iurium et confinium, 2, f. 171r (5.10.1298). Concluse la carriera nell’Ordine come precettore di Modena e Bologna; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Memoriali, 127, f. 110r; infra, nr. 6, p. 302. 247 La struttura ospedaliera presso il ponte del Panaro nel 1258 fu assegnata da Alessandro IV ai Templari, che però ne godettero il pacifico possesso solo dal 1270, al termine di una controver- sia con il Comune modenese; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Dizionario topografico-istorico degli Stati Estensi, 1–2 (Modena, 1824–1825), 2, pp. 208–10; Trota (come n. 96), pp. 31–7; Cristina Dondi, ‘ “Missale Vetus ad usum Templariorum”: l’ordine dei Cavalieri Templari in area modenese nei secoli XII–XIV’, in Aevum, 68 (1994), pp. 345–50. Le terre oltre la riva orientale del Panaro nel 1226 erano state concesse da Federico II ai Modenesi. Nel 1308 Azzo VIII d’Este – sebbene non più signore di Modena – le lasciò in eredità ai Bolognesi; Johann Friedrich Böhmer, Julius Ficker, Regesta imperii, V, 1 (Innsbruck, 1881–1882), nr. 1631; Matthaei de Griffonibus Memo- riale historicum de rebus Bononiensium, ed. Lodovico Frati e Albano Sorbelli, in RIS2, XVIII, 2 (Città di Castello, 1902), p. 31; Augusto Gaudenzi, ‘Il testamento di Azzo VIII d’Este e la pace del 1326 tra Modena e Bologna’, in Miscellanea Tassoniana di studi storici e letterari, ed. Tom- maso Casini, Venceslao Santi (Bologna – Modena, 1908), p. 110, nr. 1 (24.1.1308). 248 L’incursione ebbe luogo il 23 ottobre 1305 secondo le cronache bolognesi, che l’attribuiscono ai soli concittadini; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, pp. 267–8. Tra queste, la Cronaca Villola indica solo il mese, così come fa un’altrettanto autorevole fonte narrativa parmense, che però fa seguire l’azione militare dei Bolognesi a un accordo segreto con intrinseci modenesi contrari al dominio di Azzo VIII d’Este sulla loro città; ibidem, p. 269; Chronicon (come n. 245), p. 92; cf. Matthaei de Griffonibus (come n. 247), p. 29; Hyeronimi de Bursellis Cronica gestorum ac factorum memora- bilium civitatis Bononie, ed. Albano Sorbelli, in RIS2, XXIII, 2 (Citta di Castello, 1911–1929), p. 36. 249 Castel Nuovo, eretto dai Bolognesi ad est del Panaro, fu da essi stessi demolito nel 1306, quando Modena ottenne pacificamente la restituzione del Ponte di S. Ambrogio; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), pp. 267–70; Iohannis de Bazano Chronicon Mutinense, ed. Tommaso Casini, RIS2, XV, 4 (Bologna, 1917), p. 57; Chronicon (come n. 245), p. 95; Matthaei de Griffonibus (come n. 247), p. 31, con aggiunta di particolari. 294 Francesco Tommasi Sancti Ambroxii, quorum damnorum omnium patenter(g) prędicti fratres per se et vice et nomine dicti ordinis petebant emendationem et satisfationem sibi fieri ab hominibus et personis, qui prędicta fecerunt seu commiserunt, sive a com- muni Bononię; et ad promittendum et obligandum se, nomine et vice communis Bononię et nomine etiam singularium personarum, que dicerentur culpabiles esse de damno predicto, et etiam bona ipsius communis de dando et solvendo dictis fratribus seu alteri ipsorum vel eorum successoribus eam quantitatem pecunię, de qua convenerint dictus syndicus cum dictis fratribus, et dari et solvi debere pro satisfatione et emendatione dictorum damnorum cum pactis, modis et con- ditionibus apponendis in dicto instrumento transactionis et concordię fiendę; et ad recipiendum vice et nomine communis Bononię et singularium personarum a prędictis fratribus eorum nomine et nomine et vice totius ordinis finem, remis- sionem, liberationem et absolutionem de omni et toto eo, quod peti posset ratione dictorum damnorum seu occupationis et invasionis, et de omni eo toto, de quo convenerint inter ipsum sindicum et fratres prędictos; et ad recipiendum promis- sionem et obligationem a dictis fratribus, secundum que(h) apponentur in instru- mento dicte concordię seu transactionis; et ad iurandum in manibus hominum dicti consilii de observando et observari faciendo omnia et singula, quę conven- erint, inter prędictum syndicum et fratres prędictos in prędictis, circa prędicta et quodlibet prędictorum; et ad validandum sive condendum prędictum contractum concordię pęnis et stipulat(ionibus) hinc inde, prout videbitur expedire. Dantes et concedentes eidem syndico generale et liberum mandatum cum generali et ­libera administratione in prędictis et circa prędicta; promittentes(i) dicto Iacobo notario ­infrascripto, tanquam publicę personę recipienti vice et nomine predic- torum fratrum et dicti ordinis prędict(a) constituent(ium), firma et rata habere omnia et singula, quę fient in prędictis et circa predicta per ipsum sindicum sub obligatione bonorum dicti communis Bononię. Ex instrumento Iacobi Antonii de Ygnano notarii Bononiensis hodie facto Bononię in palatio veteri communis Bononie(e) iuxta arengheriam, presentibus Paulo d(omini) Iohannis de Laude notario, Ugolino Ambroxii notario, Bartholino domini Terzaini(f) de Beccadellis notario, Iacobo domini Matthęoli de Artemixiis notario et Michaele Casotti bannitore communis Bononie(e) testibus in dicto con- silio existentibus.

(a) 1305 in marg. (b) Segue m depen. (c) Segue et superfluo. (d) quosdam (e) Così R’ (f) Lettura incerta. (g) patent (h) q(uod) (i) promittens


‹1305› dicembre 21, Bologna Il Comune di Bologna, su istanza del concittadino fra Pietro de Rotis, procuratore generale dell’Ordine della Milizia del Tempio presso la Curia romana, giunge a una transazione con fra Pietro ‹da Montecucco›, precettore della domus templare del Ponte di Sant’Ambrogio, che era stata invasa e saccheggiata dai fuorusciti di Modena coadiuvati da uomini armati bolognesi. Fratres quondam Templi 295 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Diritti ed oneri del Comune, Libri iurium et confinium, 3, ff. 26v-27v (copia autentica del 1473 tratta dai Memo- rialia instrumentorum contenenti la registrazione sincrona dell’originale) [R’]. Ed.: –. Reg.: –.

Die(a) vigesimo primo decembris. Cum questio, lis seu controversia esset et etiam noviter speretur inter discretum virum dominum fratrem Petrum250 ordinis militię Templi, pręceptorem domus ecclesie(b) Sancte Marię dicti ordinis, positę in commitatu(b) Mutinę iuxta stratam publicam et iuxta pontem Sancti Ambroxii et iuxta flumen Scoltennę seu Panarii, suo nomine et vice, et nomine conventus fratrum dictę ecclesię et magistri generalis dicti ordinis in Lombardia,251 et totius ordinis predicti, ex una parte, et commune et homines civitatis Bononię, ex alia, nomine et occasione eius quod dicebatur quosdam homines exititios civitatis Mutine et comitatus et quosdam alios de civitate Bononię et districtu volentes et intendentes expugnare et capere pontem Sancti Ambroxii, positum super flumen Scoltenne seu Panarii super strata, per quam itur a Bononia Mutinam, sive fortili- tiam dicti pontis, per quem non erat liber additus et redditus(b), invasisse domum et turrim dicte ecclesię, posite super possessionibus dicte ecclesię et iuxta dictum pontem, et exposuisse in ruynam dictam turrim et inponendo(b) ignem in ipsa, ut citius rueret, ad hoc ut melius et citius expugnaretur et caperetur fortilitia dicti pontis, per extensionem cuius ignis dicta ecclesia et multa hędifitia dicte domus et ecclesię cremata sunt cum multis rebus et suppellectilibus positis in dicta eccle- sia et domo. Et propter quam invasionem dicebat dictus frater Petrus omnia hedi- fitia dicte domus ‹f. 27r› esse diruta, et magnam quantitatem bladi, vini, feni, palee, lignorum et multa supellectilia, que erant in dictis domibus et possessioni- bus dicte ecclesie(b), fuisse accepta et exportata, et vasa etiam devastata; et etiam occupatum fuisse per dictos homines aliquantulum terreni pertinentis ad ipsam ecclesiam, quod est iuxta castrum Novum constitutum iuxta dictum pontem et iuxta dictum flumen. Propter quę dicebat dictus frater Petrus damnificatam esse dictam domum et ordinem circa quantitatem quinque millium(b) librarum bononi- norum et ultra; quod damnum totum petebat a commune et hominibus civitatis Bononię, q(ui) deberent eidem et dicte domui facere restitui ab hiis, qui erant cul- pabiles de dicta invasione, dentque dictum commune et homines dictę civitatis Bononie(b) facultatem resarciendi. Qua de causa prędictum commune et homines civitatis Bononię antedicti pręcibus et instantia reverendi patris domini fratris Petri de Rotis, civis Bononię, fratris dicti ordinis et generalis procuratoris totius dicti ordinis in curia Romana, dilecti amicissimi dicti communis Bononie(b), ‹per- venerunt› ad concordiam faciendam cum dicto fratre. Idcirco prędicte partes, sci- licet prędictus frater Petrus, pręceptor dicte domus, et dictus frater Petrus de Rotis, pręceptor dicte ecclesie(b) Sancte Marie dicti ordinis in Lombardia et capituli con- ventus (ut patet in procurationibus in instrumento scripto manu Iacobini Petri Grassi notarii), et ipse dominus frater Petrus supradictus et quilibet eorum

250 Pietro da Montecucco. 251 Giacomo da Moncucco. 296 Francesco Tommasi eorumque nomine, in quantum possunt et etiam vice et nomine dicte domus et ecclesie(b) Sancte Marię et nomine et vice magistri generalis dicti ordinis et capi­ tuli, ex una parte, et dominus Iohannes Bonvisini notarius, sindicus communis et hominum civitatis Bononię, ad infrascripta spetialiter constitutus (ut patet ex instrumento syndicatus scripto manu Iacobi de Ygnano notarii), pro parte dicti communis, de dictis litibus, questionibus et controversiis ad hoc pactum et concor- diam, conventionem ac transactionem pervenerunt. Videlicet, quia prędictus syn- dicus communis Bononię syndicario nomine dicti communis et vice et nomine eorum, qui culpabiles fuerunt de invasione prędicta, pro integra parte satisfationis et omnium dictorum damnorum dedit, solvit et (c)numeravit ducentas libras bono­ ninorum in pecunia numerata prędictis dominis fratribus Petro et Petro recipientibus(c) pro se et vice et nomine dicti fratris Petri et ordinis, prout confessi fuerunt tantam esse quantitatem, renunciaveruntque excęptioni eis non date et non numerate pecunię et pro ressiduo(b) integre satisfationis dictorum damnorum. Promisit(d) prędictus syndicus, syndicario nomine dicti communis et hominum civitatis Bononię, prędictis fratribus stipulantibus et recipientibus eorum nomine et nomine et vice dictę domus et ecclesię, et prędicti domini magistri generalis et conventus dicti ordinis ac etiam dicti capituli, dare et solvere prędictis fratribus aut alteri eorum aut successori alterius ipsorum sive certo et spetiali nuntio prędicti magistri et ordinis, ad hęc spetialiter constituto, hinc ad unum annum proxime venturum in civitate Bononię mille octingentas libras bononinorum. Et ex adverso ‹promiserunt› prędicti domini fratres et quilibet eorum, eorum nomine et vice et nomine dicte domus et ecclesię, et prędictus magister generalis et totius ordinis facere prędicto domino Iohanni, syndico(e) Bon(onię) recipienti vice et nomine omnium et singularium personarum, quę dicerentur esse culpabiles, de dicta inva- sione et de prędictis damnis datis finem, remissionem, liberationem et pactum de ulterius non petendo de omni eo et toto, quod per prędictos fratres seu alium ­quenlibet nomine et vice dicte ecclesię et(f) ordinis a dicto communi vel singulari- bus personis peti posset et occasione prędicte invasionis seu prędictorum damno- rum datorum; absolventes et liberantes ipsum syndicum nomine quo supra et etiam ipsum commune et homines singulares, ut supra dictum est, ab omnibus et singulis supradictis per Acquilianam(b) stipulationem et acceptilationem, hinc inde solen- niter et legittime interpositas; et concedentes et dantes etiam prędicti fratres ex prędicta causa transactionis prędicto syndico recipienti vice et nomine dicti com- munis illud modicum terrenum, quod pertinebat ad ipsam ecclesiam citra flumen Scoltennę sive Panarii, positum intra castrum noviter constructum prope dictum pontem, ita quod commune et homines possint uti et frui prędicto terreno et de ipso facere voluntatem suam. Mandantes etiam prędicti fratres, volentes et consenti- entes nomine quo supra quod prędictum commune et homines civitatis Bononię vel aliquę alie singulares personę, ‹si› incidissent in aliquam poenam excomunicationis(b) vel alicuius interdicti prędicta de causa vel aliqua ipsarum, quod a dicta poena sint absoluti et quod ab ipsa excomunicatione(b) et interdicto libere relaxentur. Promittentes etiam pręfati fratres nomine quo supra se facturos et curaturos quod magister generalis ‹f. 27v› dicti ordinis in Lombardia hunc con- tractum transactionis et omnia et singula in eo contenta legittime approbabit in Fratres quondam Templi 297 instrumento publico exhibendo prędicto syndico seu communi Bononię hinc ad dictum terminum vel ante. Qui(g), si infra dictum terminum non faciet dictam trans- actionem ac dictum instrumentum transactionis non exhiberet communi Bononię(h), ad solutionem(i) dictarum mille octingentarum librarum bononinorum Bononie(b) etc. nullatenus ducatur. Hoc acto inter prędictas partes quod dictus preceptor de rebus mobilibus et immobilibus et suppellectilibus, quę erant in domibus dicte ecclesię tempore dicte invasionis, ‹si› reperirentur penes aliquem vel aliquos, pos- sit recuperare et vendicare a quolibet detinente, non obstante absolutione prędicta. Hocque acto inter prędictas partes quod iura, quę habebat dictus pręceptor in ecclesia, in aliquibus domibus, terris, possessionibus, molendinis et aquaticis et aquęductibus, descendentibus a castro Sancti Cexarii252 et a castro Leone253 supra usque in flumen Scoltennę. Et quod nulla persona, quę macinaret ad dictum molendinum, nullam gabellam pro macinatura communi Bononie(b) vel alicui sol- vere teneatur, et aliis rebus incorporabilibus tam citra flumen Scoltennę quam ultra, quę sunt ultra castrum predictum nomine conscriptum(b). Salva semper sint et remaneant ipsi preceptori et ecclesię, secundum quod pertinebat ad ipsam eccle- siam tempore dictę invasionis, et ita possint uti et frui prout ante poterat, non obstante deliberatione prędicta; salvo quod aliqua turris vel fortilitia non debeat fieri per pręceptorem sive fratres dicti ordinis vel alios pro eis in aliquo loco seu possessione dictę ecclesię; quę turris seu fortilitia noceret(j) seu nocere posset dicto castro novo seu fortilitię dicti pontis. Que omnia prędicte partes nomine quo supra adinvicem solennibus stipulationibus intervenientibus per se et suos successores firma et rata habere, et non contrafacere vel venire per se vel alios aliqua ratione vel causa, de iure vel de facto, sub poena dupli dicte quantitatis pecunię in singulis capitulis huius contractus in solidum committenda et exigenda totiens quotiens contra factum fuerit vel ventum. Et dicta poena commissa vel non, exacta vel non, predicta omnia et singula firma perdurent, pro quibus omnibus et singulis firmiter observandis et efficaciter adimplendis, prędictę partes obligaverunt sibi adinvicem bona sua, sed dictus preceptor bona dicte ecclesię et ordinis, et prędictus syndicus bona dicti communis. Et nichilhominus(b) promiserunt sibi adinvicem dictę partes nomine quo supra restituere et reficere damna, expensas et interesse, quod et quę subsequerentur in iuditio et extra propter defectum alterius circa observationem omnium prędictorum. Insuper dictus dominus Iohannes syndicus nomine commu- nis Bononię et in animas hominum dicti communis iuravit corporaliter ad sancta Dei evangelia, manu tactis scripturis, prędicta omnia et singula attendere et observare et non contra facere vel venire, et cum aliis in instrumento insertis. Ex instrumento Stephani Amati notarii et Bartholomei domini Dominici Pto- lomei, notarii dictorum dominorum antianorum et consulum, hodie facto Bononię

252 San Cesario sul Panaro. Fortilizio modenese di frontiera, fu ridotto in cenere dai Bolognesi nel 1234 e nel 1248; Alfred Hessel, Storia della città di Bologna 1116–1280, tr. it. (Bologna, 1975), pp. 109, 125. 253 Castello ad est del Panaro. Edificato dai Modenesi a presidio della via Flaminia nel 1227, fu più volte occupato dai Bolognesi, che lo distrussero nel 1237. Modena ne iniziò la ricostruzione nel 1306; Tiraboschi (come n. 247), 1, pp. 176–7; Hessel (come n. 252), pp. 104, 112. 298 Francesco Tommasi in camera domus heredum domini Pauli de Lambertinis, ubi(k) morantur clausi antiani populi Bononię, presentibus domino Ramberto de Rambertis, capitaneo populi Bononię, Munso de Sabadinis, priore antianorum huius mensis, Bencivenne Zanzi fabri, Iacobino fratris Mezavache, Alberto domini Vinciguerre Roxii, Iaco- ­ bo Guidonis de Curionibus, Iacobino domini Bonaquinti et aliis multis civibus populi Bononie(b) dicti mensis, dominis Iuliano Cambii, legum doctore, et Iohanne de Calcina, decretalium ‹doctore›, et aliis multis testibus vocatis et rogatis.

(a) 1305 e Sancti Ambroxii super Panarium in marg. (b) Così R’ (c) nume-­ ravit prędictis dominis fratribus Petro et Petro ducentas libras bononinorum in pecunia numerata recipientibus (d) Corr. da promiserunt (e) Segue prędicto superfluo. (f) Segue communis depen. (g) Q(uod) (h) Segue hinc ad dictum ter- minum vel ante depen. (i) Proposta di emendazione di ante absolutionem (j) si noceret (m) Segue ubi ripetuto.


1312 novembre 25, Venezia Il doge Giovanni Soranzo riconosce i diritti dell’Ospedale gerosolimitano sui beni veneziani della soppressa Milizia del Tempio e si impegna ad aiutare i frati giovanniti Niccolò da Parma e Bonaccorso da Treviso, latori di una lettera di Clemente V, a rimuovere dalla domus cittadina di S. Maria de capite Brolii il priore templare fra Emanuele, che ancora vi risiede.

Venezia, Archivio di Stato, Secreta, Patti, Libri pactorum, 2, f. 74v (copia sem- plice del sec. XIV) [B]; 4, ff. 137v–138r (copia semplice del sec. XIV) [B’]. Ed.: F. Cornelius, Ecclesiae Venetae antiquis monumentis . . . illustratae, 1–18, Venetiis, 1749, 12, pp. 242–245 (da B, con qualche imprecisione ed errore di lettura). Reg.: L. de Mas Latrie, Rapport sur le recueil des archives de Venise intitulé “Libri pactorum”, ou “Patti”, in Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires, 2 (1852), p. 366.

In Dei nomine amen. Anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo duodecimo, in- dictione undecima, die sexto exeunte mense novembris. Comparentibus(a) coram illustri et magnifico domino, domino Iohanne Superantio,254 Dei gratia duce Vene- tiarum, religiosis et honestis viris dominis fratre Nicolao de Parma,255 priore domus

254 Giovanni Soranzo, doge di Venezia (1312–1328), già ammiraglio e generale nella guerra di Fer- rara contro Genovesi e Patavini; Kretschmayr (come n. 5), 2, pp. 180–1, 184, 556, 598, 620; Andrea Da Mosto, I dogi di Venezia (Firenze – Milano, 2003), pp. 103–6. 255 Il parmense Niccolò della Mazza era precettore della domus giovannita lagunare, non priore del priorato di Venezia; I Libri (come n. 154), p. 120, nr. 535 (16.8.1312); Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 113, n. 41. Nel marzo 1315 fra Rufino aveva già preso il posto di fra Niccolò de Maça, che nello stesso anno risulta precettore di S. Vitale di Verona; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 90. Fratres quondam Templi 299 Sancti Iohannis Ierosolimitani de Venetiis, ordinis Hospitalis Ierosolimitani, et fratre Bonacursio(b) de Tarvisio,256 eiusdem ordinis, nomine et vice ‹. .› generalis magistri, . . prioris et . . preceptoris(c) ac(d) fratrum ordinis Hospitalis predicti et suo etiam nomine, tamquam menbra et fratres ordinis Hospitalis predicti, pre- sentaverunt ipsi domino duci quasdam litteras257 papales sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini, domini Clementis, miseratione divina pape quinti, apertas, ip- sius domini pape vera bulla plumbea cum filo canapis pendenti bullatas, que ex parte ipsius domini pape dirigebantur «universis ‹. .› potestatibus, . . capitaneis, . . consulibus, . . rectoribus(e) et aliis officialibus ac communitatibus seu universita- tibus civitatum, castrorum, terrarum et aliorum locorum, ad quos prefate(f) littere pervenerint(g)», que date fuerant Liberoni, Valentine diocesis, XVII° kalendas(h) iunii, pontificatus ipsius domini pape anno septimo. In quibus inter alia contineba- tur quod nuper ipse dominus papa in generali concilio, per ipsum VI nonas madii proxime preteriti Vienne celebrato(i), bona omnia condam domus et ordinis militie Templi ubique posita, illis tamen in regnis(j) Castelle, Aragonum, Portugalie et Maioricarum(k) consistentibus dumtaxat exceptis, ordini Hospitalis prefati(l) Sancti Iohannis Ierosolimitani et ipsis bonis totaliter dedit(m), concessit atque providit, univit et applicavit; per quas litteras omnes(n) singulos presides et presidentes supradictos ipse dominus papa rogabat et ortabatur attentius, ut ipsi omnes et singuli supradicti pro Dei et apostolice sedis reverentia . . magistro(o) et fratribus seu prioribus et preceptoribus ipsius Hospitalis favoris sui impenderent auxilium oportunum circa nanciscendam(p) et retinendam possessionem bonorum ipsorum in suis terris et locis consistentium, iuxta concessionem apostolicam(q) predictam, et assisterent viriliter et ferventer. Quibus litteris apostolicis(r) sic per eos presen- tatis et per ipsum dominum ducem cum debita reverentia receptis et lectis, dicti fratres Nicolaus et Bonacursius superius nominati nomine et vice dictorum magis- tri, preceptoris, prioris et fratrum dicti ordinis Hospitalis et suo nomine, tamquam fratres et menbra ordinis prefacti ipsi domino duci exponentes, dixerunt quod in civitate Venetiarum erat et est quedam domus et ecclesia condam ordinis Templi, que vocatur Sancta Maria ordinis Templi de capite Brolii258 iuxta plateam(s) com- munis Venetiarum, que tunc contra ipsam concessionem apostolicam(t) quasi vio- lenter possidebatur et detinebatur per quemdam fratrem Emanuelem(u)259 ­condam

256 Bonaccorso de Albrigonibus, precettore di S. Giovanni di Treviso già dal 1311; era ancora in esercizio quattro anni dopo; ibidem, pp. 88, 90. 257 Venezia, Archivio di Stato, Commemoriali, 1, f. 186v; I Libri (come n. 154), p. 118, nr. 523 (16.5.1312); cf. Regestum Clementis papae V (Romae, 1885–1892), nr. 7952; Conciliorum (come n. 11), pp. 349–50. 258 Flaminius Cornelius, Ecclesiae Venetae antiquis monumentis . . . illustratae, 1–18 (Venetiis, 1749), 12, pp. 240–51; Michelangelo Muraro, ‘Una chiesa veneziana scomparsa: S. Maria in Broglio’, in Fede e Arte, 9 (1961), pp. 112–6; Tommasi, ‘Templarii’ (come n. 39), pp. 377, 378 n. 18.; Michaela Agazzi, Platea Sancti Marci. I luoghi marciani dall’XI al XIII secolo e la formazi- one della piazza (Venezia, 1991), pp. 34–5. 259 E’ probabile che si tratti del frater Manuel, cappellano, segnalato ad Asti nel 1303 ca.; Schottmül- ler (come n. 29), 2, p. 198. Verosimilmente è l’immediato successore di fra Simone da Osimo, che è attestato ancora nel 1305 come priore di S. Maria in capite broili; Giovanni Benedetto 300 Francesco Tommasi dicti ordinis Templi, qui se in dicta domo pro priore gerebat(v). Et ideo ipsum dominum ducem ipsi requirebant, ut ipse dominus dux pro divina et apostolice(w) sedis reverentia et amore dicti ordinis Hospitalis et fratrum ordinis predicti sibi placeret circa nanciscendam et retinendam pacificam possessionem et liberam dicte domus et ecclesie et omnium(x) iurium temporalium et spiritualium(y), ipsi domui et ecclesie spectantium secundum concessionem apostolicam(z) predictam, et removendum ab eis dictum fratrem Emanuelem(u) suum impendere favorem et auxilium oportunum, secundum tenorem et formam dictarum litterarum domini pape. Ad quam requisitionem idem dominus dux respondit eisdem fratribus quod domus et ecclesia predicte(aa), que fuerunt et sunt de pecunia communis et nobil­ ium de(bb) Venetiis constructe et acquisite(cc), ut notorium est, et ordini condam Templi per ipsum commune Venetiarum(dd) olim concesse(ee); et fratres condam dicti ordinis in ipsa domo habitantes recognoscebant(ff) se teneri et tenebant et observabant, ut quoscumque ambaxatores et nuntios et alios etiam forinsecos, ad ipsam domum hospitalitatis causa declinare et condescendere volentes, et quas- cumque alias personas undecumque ad beneplacitum domini ducis et communis Venetiarum et nobilium etiam de Venetiis reciperent benigne et tractarent(gg); et eis iuxta eorum posse liberaliter subveniebant et ministrabant. Et eo ordine et modo pro Dei et apostolice(hh) sedis reverentia et dicti ordinis Hospitalis idem dominus dux offerebat se paratum et obtulit ipsis fratribus, pro se et dicto ordine Hospitalis requirentibus, auxilium et suum beneplacitum et efficax(ii) brachium seculare, ut ipse frater Emanuel a dicta domo et ecclesia et iuribus suis (jj)cedat et recedat et amoveatur, et ipsa domus et ecclesia Sancte Marie cum suis iuribus(jj) ­integre et (kk)possessionibus ipsius eidem Hospitali assignentur(kk), ut libere ‹ab› ipsis fratribus pro se et dicto ordine Hospitalis sine obstaculo, secundum formam lit- terarum apostolicarum predictarum conserve‹n›tur et in conditionibus supradictis, quemadmodum semper habuerunt et tenuerunt fratres condam ordinis Templi pre- dicti, sicut supra dictum(ll) est et sicut publicum et notorium est. Qui fratres Nico- laus et Bonacursius suo nomine et nomine omnium et singulorum fratrum dicti ordinis Hospitalis et pro dicto ordine predicta sic fuisse et esse servata, et esse et(mm) servari debere recognoverunt, et se velle sponte et motu vero recognoscere affirmaverunt; ipsam domum et ecclesiam Sancte Marie cum suis iuribus nomine dicti ordinis et omnium et singulorum fratrum ordinis Hospitalis predicti, qui in ipsa domo habitabunt per tempora, pro ordine prefato(nn) promiserunt se velle re­ cipere; et receperunt et recipere(oo) se dixerunt ipsam domum et ecclesiam et iura predicta modis et conditionibus supradictis, obligantes se suo motu et secundum veritatis recognitionem ad recipiendum quoscumque ambaxatores et forenses et alias quascumque personas ad beneplacitum domini ducis et suorum successorum et communis Venetiarum, exceptione, contraditione et occasione qualibet remotis et cessantibus prorsus. Actum Venetiis in ducali palatio Venetiarum presentibus

Mittarelli, Anselmo Costadoni, Annales Camaldulenses Ordinis Sancti Benedicti, 1–9 (Venetiis, 1755–1773), 5, pp. 261–2; cf. Pietro Kandler, Codice Diplomatico Istriano, 1–5 (Trieste, 1862– 1865), 3, p. 2. Fratres quondam Templi 301 nobili viro domino Iohanne Baxadona(pp) Sancti Cassiani, domino presbitero Iacobo Donusdeo plebano Sancti Fantini de Venetiis, domino presbitero Marino eius nepote, domino Çambonino de Fraganesto olim de Cremona, iurisperito, et dominis Tanto ducatus Venetiarum cancellario, Donato Lambardo(qq), Nicolao dicto Pistorino ducatus Venetiarum notariis et Andrea de capite Aggeris filio Riçerii notario, testibus ad hec vocatis et aliis multis. Ego Iohannes, filius condam Marchisini Egiçi notarii, imperiali auctoritate iudex ordinarius et publicus notarius, ducatus Venetiarum scriba, hiis omnibus interfui et rogatus scripsi.

(a) B’ Conparentibus (b) B’ Bonocursio (c) B vice generalis magistri, prioris et preceptoris (d) B’ ac corr. su et (e) B’ universis potestatibus, capitaneis, consuli- bus, rectoribus (f) B prefacte (g) B, B’ pervenirent (h) B khalend(as) (i) B’ celabrato (j) B regiis (k) B Maiorecarum, come pare. (l) B prefacti (m) B’ dedit et (n) B omnes preceduto da o superflua. (o) B reverentia magistro (p) B nanciscenda (q) B apos- tolicam con segno abbr. sopra am depen.; B’ appostolicam (r) B’ appostolicis (s) B palateam con a depen.; B’ platheam (t) B’ appostolicam (u) B’ Emanualem (v) B’ gerebat con -e- corr. su a (w) B’ appostolice (x) B’ omnibus (y) B’ temporali- aum et spiritualiaum (z) B’ appostolicam (aa) B B’ in domo et ecclesia predicta (bb) B’ de in sopralinea. (cc) B B’ constructa et acquisita et (dd) B’ Venet(iarum) in sopralinea. (ee) B B’ concessa (ff) B’ recognescebant (gg) B B’ recipiebant benigne et tractabant (hh) B’ appostolice (ii) B eficax (jj) B’ cedat – iuribus richiamato in calce. (kk) B B’ possessionem – assignare (ll) B B’ supradictum (mm) B’ et in sopra- linea. (nn) B prefacto (oo) B reccipere (pp) B’ Baxadana (qq) B Lanbardo


‹1314 luglio-dicembre, Bologna› Fra Leonardo Tiberti, sindaco dell’Ospedale Gerosolimitano di San Giovanni, pri- ore ‹di Venezia› e procuratore generale dell’Ordine presso la Curia romana, in aggiunta alle 50 già assegnategli come vitalizio, concede all’ex Templare Pietro de Montecucho altre 30 libre di bolognini e l’usufrutto di beni nel distretto di Modena.

Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Diritti ed oneri del Comune, Libri iurium et confinium, 3, ff. 176v–177v (copia autentica del 1473 tratta dai Memorialia instrumentorum con la registrazione sincrona dell’originale) [R’].

Religiosus vir dominus frater Leonardus de Thibertis,260 syndicus domus Hos- pitalis Sancti Iohannis Hierosolimitani, in prioratu ‹Venetiarum› humilis prior

260 Membro del consorzio nobiliare dei Tiberti di Monteleone (Spoleto) e forse nel 1304 precet- tore di S. Croce (Bologna) e S. Giovanni di Borgonovo (contado), Leonardo ricopre tra il 1312 e il 1335, l’uno dopo l’altro, gli uffici di priore di Venezia, visitatore in Occidente, Germania 302 Francesco Tommasi nec non in Romana curia generalis procurator, de consensu et voluntate fra- tris Iohannis Scarpę,261 fratris Bonamici de Albogonibus,262 fratris Neapolionis de Thibertis,263 fratris Boiardi de Albergonibus,264 fratris Iohannis Bigni,265 fratris Gui­ donis de Ymeldola266 de dicto ordine, de consensu et voluntate dictorum suorum fratrum ibidem existentium, considerantes et attendentes quod dilecto nostro in Christo fratri Petro de Montecucho, olim pręceptori(a) domorum quondam ordinis militię Templi de Bononia et Mutina, pręceptori tempore privationis sui ordinis in Lombardia ab Imola usque Papiam, et nunc vice et nomine reverendi patris domini R(ainaldi),267 archiepiscopi Ravennatis, pridie fuerat iuxta(b) mandatum apostolicum268 in concessione bonorum dicte domus Templi de providendo rebus dicti ordinis secundum qualitatem et statum personarum insufficienter provisum de quinquaginta libris bononinorum, ut continetur ‹in› instrumento scripto manu Zacharelli notarii de capella Sanctę Marię Magdalenę stratę Maioris, cum sit pluribus(c) de causis et maxime in tenendo familiam ordinatam plurimum grava- tus et etiam extra familiam quam plurimum neccessaria(d) ministranda. Idcirco ipse dominus prior, de consensu et voluntate dictorum fratrum suorum et ipsi fratres una cum eo ex auctoritate, quam habet, ‹f. 177r› dictus dominus prior nomine sui prioratus et nomine magni pręceptoris dicti ordinis unanimiter et con- corditer eorum nomine et dicti ordinis et prioratus et ex vigore mandati apostolici et provisionis ęditę et firmatę in capitulo per nos Bononie celebrato, ut dictus frater Petrus de sua provisione merito valeat contentari, ultra dictas quinquaginta libras bononinorum annuatim de cetero toto tempore vitę naturalis suę dare pro- mittimus et concedimus triginta libras bononinorum et possessiones, iura et bona

e Scandinavia, priore d’Inghilterra. Sovrintende quasi ovunque in Europa all’acquisizione dei beni appartenuti ai Templari. Almeno quattro suoi consanguinei detengono cariche nell’Ordine durante la prima metà del Trecento; Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 109, f. 304v (29.8.1304); fonti e bibliografia: Tommasi (come n. 50), pp. 54, 64–5, n. 14–7; inoltre, The Cartulary of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England, ed. Michael Gervers, 1–2, Records of Social and Economic History, New Series, 6, 23 (Oxford, 1982–1996), 1, pp. LIII, XCIV, 111; 2, pp. XLVIII, 565, 571; Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur, ‘Su alcune forme di dominio intorno a Spoleto nel tredicesimo secolo’, in Spoletium, 34–35 (1990), pp. 66–70. 261 Giovanni de Scarpis, precettore di S. Giovanni in Vico, Forlì, nel 1315; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 89; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 138. 262 Forse è un’unica persona con fra Bonaccursio de Albrigonibus, precettore a Treviso della casa di S. Giovanni nel 1310–1312 e di quella ex templare di S. Tommaso nel 1315; cf. Anthony Luttrell, The Hospitallers of Rhodes and their Mediterranean World, Collected Studies Series, 360 (Aldershot, 1992), XIV, p. 758; Cagnin (come n. 90), pp. 26–7, 58, 88, 90; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 139. 263 Futuro priore di Venezia (1330–1364); Tommasi (come n. 50), pp. 54, 64, n. 14–5. 264 Probabilmente Bernardo de Albrigonibus, precettore della domus di Cesena nel 1315; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 89; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 138. 265 Precettore della domus di Modena (S. Giovanni del Cantone?) nel 1315; nel 1324 precettore della domus di Mantova; Tommasi (come n. 14), p. 110; Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 138; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 89. 266 Fra Guidone da Meldola, nel 1315 custos della domus di S. Croce di Bologna; ibidem; cf. Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 138. Un (altro?) frate Guidone nel 1312 era il precettore giovannita di S. Maria Maddalena di Faenza; Nonantola, Archivio Abbaziale, Protocolli, 5, f. 9r. 267 Rinaldo da Concorezzo (1303–1321). 268 Bolla Considerantes dudum (6.5.1312); Conciliorum (come n. 11), pp. 347–9. Fratres quondam Templi 303 suis terminis et finibus, locis et terminis inferius denotatis pro debita provisione ipsius, ut supra, secundum mandatum apostolicum ordinatum. Quę quidem pos- sessiones, iura et bona sunt hęc. In primis omnes possessiones, bona et iura, quę et quas acquisivit ordini quondam Templi, sive ex dedicationibus, sive ex tes- tamentis conversorum de Mutina et de Ferraria, sive ex exemptionibus, sive ex privilegiis ubicunque, sive omnes possessiones, bona et iura, quę et quas dictus frater Petrus acquisivit a domino Guidone quondam Alberti,269 rectore monasterii Nonantulani, iure pręcario, scilicet postas molendini positi in Sancto Ambroxio et alia bona contenta in instrumento scripto Cevori Ponevagaroli notarii. Item possessiones, quas acquisivit a reverendo patre domino Nicolao de Baratis,270 abbate Nonantulano. Item nemora cum una petia prati iuxta flumen Scoltennę et dominum priorem de Zena et iuxta Scutigios et illos de Santo Marcho. Item unam petiam prati positam in Cantone iuxta flumen Scoltennę et plębes de Cole- gana et monasterium de Sancto Cesario. Item omnia et nemora, terras et paludes, iura et bona, quę et quas habet dictus ordo Templi citra Scoltennam in districtibus sive curiis Sancti Ambroxii, Zenę, Cantoni, Castri Franchi et Bazani. Item omnia bona et iura, que dictus frater Petrus habet in rebus mobilibus et se moventibus, et quę de de novo erunt per ipsum acquisita, pręter campum lasum, positum in dis- trictu Zenę, qui est et spectat ad dominium pontis Sancti Ambroxii de Mutina, ad habendum, tenendum et possidendum, recoligendum et usufructuandum omnia supradicta, donec naturaliter vixerit, per se et suos colonos et inquilinos, et de fructibus et usufructu prędictorum bonorum et rerum possit dictus frater Petrus facere et dicere quidquid sibi placuerit de cetero toto tempore vitę suę absque contradictione et requisitione dicti ordinis et dicti domini prioris et suorum quo- rumlibet successorum et fratrum ipsius ordinis; concedentes sibi licentiam sua propria auctoritate tenutam ingrediendi; constituentes se nomine ipsius supra- dicta omnia bona et iura pręcaria, possessiones, vineas accipere in corporalem possessionem; constituentes, firmantes et ordinantes ipsum verum et legitimum syndicum, actorem et factorem in libris et iuribus prędictis toto tempore vitę suę, tanquam in rem suam, ad agendum, petendum et excipiendum et curandum damnum(e) in bonis, rebus et possessionibus supradictis; dantes et concedentes ei plenam, liberam et generalem administrationem cum pleno, libero et genera­ li mandato in prędictis et quolibet prędictorum; et quod possit procuratorem unum(f) vel plures sui loco facere, constituere et removere quotiens sibi placuerit et fuerit oportunum, et omnia alia facere quę idem dominus prior et eius capitu- lum facere possent(g), si presentes adessent. Post mortem vero dicti fratris Petri dicta bona, possessiones et res reverti debeant ad ordinem, magistrum(h) et fratres

269 Ferrarese, già dell’Ordine dei Minori, fu eletto abate di S. Silvestro di Nonantola nel 1276/7, ma i papi gli riconobbero solo l’ufficio diadministrator generalis del monastero, conservato almeno fino al 1306; Tiraboschi (come n. 138), 1, pp. 135–40, 143–4. Per una sua concessione enfiteu- tica fatta nel 1295 a fra Pietro (da Montecucco), allora precettore della casa templare di Ponte S. Ambrogio, Dondi (come n. 247), p. 364. 270 Parmense, abate di Nonantola dal 1309 al 1329; ibidem, 1, pp. 144–52. Contava parenti tra i Giovanniti; Corpus chronicorum (come n. 144), 2, pp. 324–5; Cagnin (come n. 90), pp. 89–90, 92; Luttrell (come n. 138), pp. 138–9. 304 Francesco Tommasi suprascripte domus Hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Hierosolomitani(d), tanquam(i) bona et iura ordinis dicti Templi. Et omnia et singula universaliter et singulariter supradictus dominus prior, fratres et capitulum prędicto fratri Petro presenti et recipienti promiserunt nullo tempore per se vel alios contra prędicta facere vel venire dirrecte(d) vel ordinate vel indirrecte(d), sed potius ipsas possessiones, bona et res a quolibet collegio et universitate in quocumque loco et curia defendere et manutenere, et rata habere toto tempore vitę suę; et supradictas triginta libras bononinorum ei annuatim solvere in civitate Bononię vel in quolibet alio loco dicti(j) prioratus(k), ubi magis placuerit dicto fratri Petro, sub poena dupli in festo sancti Michaelis mensis augusti;271 et omnia supradicta observare sub obliga- tione suorum bonorum, dicti domini et fratrum et prioratus eiusdem, et maxime civitatis Bononię et districtus. Qui frater Petrus promisit cum pactis et condic- tionibus supradictis se eorum nomine tanquam de bonis Templariorum prędicta omnia et que ‹f. 177v› deinceps(l) acquisiverit possidere cum aliis omnibus in instrumento insertis. Ex instrumento Benzevennis de Lamberthynis notarii hodie facto Bononię in domo seu mansione Sanctę Marię Magdalenę272 domus dicti ordinis, presentibus Alberto Cicaroli de Forlivio, domino Bonassao de Parma notario, Guidone Thomasini notario, domino Francisco de Tibertis,273 Zacharello quondam Rolandi Zacharelli notariis testibus. Et sic dicti contrahentes una cum dicto notario, qui asserunt cognoscere contrahentes, venerunt, dixerunt et scribi fecerunt. Ego Guido Thomasini, imperiali auctoritate notarius et nunc notarius offitio Memorialium, publice scripsi.

(a) pręceptore (b) Seguono quattro puntini. (c)Segue et superfluo. (d)Così R’. (e) Segue dantes superfluo, come pare. (f) possint procurator unus (g) posset (h) magnum (i) Così R’, preceduto da qn depen. (j) dicti corretto da dicto (k) prioris (l) Segue placuerit espunto.


‹1323 maggio 1, Bologna› Fra Ventura da Pontorme, precettore giovannita di S. Maria Maddalena di Bolo- gna, già dei Templari, dà in affitto a Michele del fu Ubertino da Ferrara quattro appezzamenti posti a Panicale Vecchio e in contrata Merchutani.

Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Comune, Memoriali, 147, f. 330r (registrazione sincrona) [R].

271 La festa di s. Michele Arcangelo cade il 29 settembre. 272 Già dei Templari, entrò in possesso dei Giovanniti nel 1312; cf. Luttrell (come n. 138), pp. 121–2. 273 Certamente consanguineo del priore di Venezia: Francesco ricorre più volte nell’onomastica famigliare; cf. Tommasi (come n. 50), pp. 64–5, n. 16. Fratres quondam Templi 305 Dominus frater Ventura de Ponturno,274 preceptor domus Sancte Marie Magdallene(a) de Bononia, olim Templariorum(b) et ad pressens(a) Hospitallis(a) Sancti Iohannis(c) Yerosolimitani(d), ac etiam syndicus et procurator reverendi viri domini fratris Leonardi de Tibertis, prioris prioratus Veneciarum, ut constat ex instrumento ipsius syndicati et procurationis scripto manu domni Bavoxi de Parma, notarii domini fratris Leonardi de Tibertis prioris prioratus Veneciarum, ab infrascripto Zacharello notario viso et lecto; dedit et concessit ad affictum seu ad pensionem hinc ad quatuor annos proxime venturos domino Michaeli de Feraria(a), condam domini Ubertini manssionario(a) maioris ecclesie Ferarienssis(a), pro se et suis heredibus recipienti, possessionem totam de Panigali(a) Veteri,275 vide- licet peciam unam terre aratorie et vineate, que esse potest circa tornature decem. Iacet in curia Panicalis Veteris, a mane et sero possident fratres et monasterium Sancte Marie in Strata ordinis Cisterciensis(e), ab uno capite via publica, ab alio capite heredes domini Alberti Gotti. Item unam aliam peciam terre aratorie, posi- ­ tam in dicta curia Panicallis(a) Veteris, que esse potest circa tornature triginta, cuius confines via publica ab omnibus lateribus per girum. Item unam aliam peciam terre aratorie et vineate et ortive. Iacet in contrata Merchutani, capelle Sancti Anthonii, que esse potest circa tornature octo, ab uno latere possidet domus et ecclesia Sancte Marie Magdallene(a), strate Maioris ordinis Templariorum, ab alio latere Giliolus ortolanus, ab uno capite et ab alio vie publice, et laboratur per Dominichum Ugolini, capelle Sancti Anthonii. Item unam aliam petiam terre ortive et aratorie. Iacet iuxta ipsam petiam terre in ipsa contrata Merchutani, que esse potest circa tornature quindecim, ab uno latere possidet ipsa domus et ecclesia Sancte Marie Templariorum, ab alio latere possidet Cola a Colunbis, ab uno capite Iohannes Martini possidet; ab alio capite via. Promitens(a) dictus frater Ventura eidem Michaelli(a) dictam locationem firmam habere hinc ad dictum ter- minum. Et econtra dictus dominus Michael promissit(a) dicto fratri Venture stipu- lanti dare et solvere eidem vel eius successoribus in civitate Bononie quolibet anno quinquaginta(f) libras bononinorum in festo Sancte Marie menssis(a) augusti. Que omnia et singula promissit(a) una pars alteri attendere et observare sub pena centum librarum bononinorum, et ceteris aliis promissionibus, obligationibus et renuntiationibus, in instrumento insertis. Ex instrumento Çacharelli Rolandi Zacharelli notarii, hodie facto Bononie in domo dicte manssionis(a) pressentibus(a) domino fratre Petro de Rotis, cognitore contrahentis, fratre Rodulfo de Parma,276 preceptore domus Sancti Iohannis Pontis Ronchi de Forlivio(g), fratre Bençevenne de Feraria(a), eiusdem ordinis, domino

274 Pontorme (fraz. di Empoli). Fra Ventura era precettore della domus ex templare di Bologna già nel 1315, e tale restò almeno fino al 1324; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 89, nr. 9 (17.3.131); Tommasi (come n. 14), p. 109, nr. 5 (1324). Nel 1331 amministrava la precettoria di Cero (Fidenza); Luttrell (come n. 138), p. 139, nr. 2 (5.4.1331). Viveva ancora nel 1343; Cagnin, p. 92, nr. 11 (12.5.1343). 275 Nell’inventario del 1309 sono registrati anche i due appezzamenti a Panicale Vecchio; Caravita (come n. 43), p. 272, nr. 37 (19 e 27.3.1309). 276 Rodolfo dei Tebaldi. Nel 1324 era precettore della domus di Bosco (Fidenza); Tommasi (come n. 14), p. 110, nr. 5. Nel 1331 dirigeva la precettoria forlivese di S. Giovanni in Vico; Luttrell (come 306 Francesco Tommasi fratre Ugone Borghexani(a),277 ordinis Milicie Virginis Glorioxe(a), domino Pel- legrino de Placitis, notario, et Iohanne de Papia, clericho domini fratris Petri de Rotis, testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis. Et sic dicti contrahentes una cum dicto notario venerunt, dixerunt et scribi fecerunt.

(a) Così R (b) Templeriorum (c) Segue Yerosollimitani depen. (d) Yerollossimitani (e) Cisterenenssis (f) quinqueginta (g) Renchi de Forliano

Summary Pope Clement V died on 5 April 1314 before he had been able to finalize the Tem- plar affair, although it was two years since the conclusion of the Council of Vienne and the promulgation of the bull, Considerantes dudum, which had made the basic decisions to be carried out concerning the Templar possessions and brethren. The systematic execution of these decisions with regard to the surviving brethren who had been absolved by provincial councils became therefore a matter of priority for the successor of Bertrand de Got. Maintaining the fratres quondam Templi became the task of those who inherited their possessions. In July 1317, Pope John XXII (1316–1334) adjudicated the financial burdens of the European provinces of the Hospitallers. So we know the theoretical amount of the pensions for ex-Templars for five of six Italian priories. Records of actual payments are unfortunately extant only for the priory of Venice. Papal letters of December 1318, however, were directed to prelates revising such pensiones and thus prove the existence of ex- Templars in continental Italy, that is, in the priories of Barletta, Capua, Rome, Pisa, Lombardy and Venice. A number of persons in Piedmont and in Emilia- Romagna were the only ex-Templars in Italy who clearly survived the legal proce- dures and the Council of Vienne. Many Italian Templars residing outside Italy had been taken by surprise by the trial. Some high officers were not able to return to their native lands, such as the grand preceptor of Apulia Oddone de Villaret who probably died on Cyprus. The figures are difficult to quantify but certainly many Templars, including some from Italy, fled and went into hiding. Frater Giacomo da Moncucco, who had served as cubicularius of Clement V and grand precep- tor of Lombardy, precipitately left Poitiers during the night of 13 February 1308. This was one of the more spectacular flights by a Templar. Two years laterFrater Pietro da Bologna, who had been the last procurator of the Templars at the Roman curia, escaped from the dungeons in Paris. Similarly to Frater Giacomo he man- aged to return to his place of birth; he died at Bologna in 1329.

n. 138), p. 140, nr. 2 (5.4.1331). Nel 1343 era ancora vivente; Cagnin (come n. 90), p. 92, nr. 11 (12.5.1343). Sulla commenda di Ponte di Ronco, nel territorio di Forlì, Luttrell, pp. 124–5. 277 Di Ugo Borghesani, Frate Gaudente morto del 1330, si è conservata gran parte della lapide fune- raria, dove il religioso mostra un abbigliamento assimilabile a quello dei Templari; Breveglieri (come n. 221), tav. 6 e pp. 163–6 (scheda descrittiva). Elena Bellomo Notaries in inquisitorial trials

18 Notaries in inquisitorial trials: the evidence from the Templars’ inquiry in North Italy

Elena Bellomo

An inquisitorial trial was a legal process whose phases required the production of a variety of documents. They recorded the progress of the inquiry while also attesting to its formal compliance with current legal practices. This paper aims at investigating the role of notaries in the inquiry into the Temple. The scope of this investigation concerns North Italy including present Emilia-Romagna, an area that corresponded to the inquisitorial province of Lombardy administered by the Dominicans, excluding Romagna, which was under Franciscan control.1 So far the evidence concerning the Templars’ inquiry in this area has almost exclusively attracted the attention of scholars interested in the military orders. However, the documents which mention this inquiry can be very useful in investigating local history, material culture and medieval inquisition. Moreover, the inquiry into the Temple was a very special process which involved local inquisitors and their staff as well as ecclesiastical authorities. It did not just focus on a specific case of heresy located in a limited geographic area, and inquisitors were not expected to deliver a sentence because the Order and its members were to be judged in local councils and in the Council of Vienne.2 The inquisitors’ work in this region was supervised by a papally-appointed commission, in which Rinaldo da Concorezzo, archbishop of Ravenna, played a major role.3 As with any other inquisitorial inquiry, the one into the Temple produced a great deal of written evidence documenting every step of the inquisitors’ work. Unfortunately, most of this material is now lost. The surviving documents from North Italy mainly refer to some crucial phases: the action of the commissioners, the inquisitorial administration of the Templar properties and the detention of the

1 Giovanni Biscaro,‘Inquisitori ed eretici lombardi (1292–1318)’, Miscellanea Storica Italiana, III ser., 29 (1922), p. 450, note 1; Mariano D’Alatri, Eretici e inquisitori in Italia, 2 vols. (Rome, 1986–1987), vol. 1, pp. 117–20, 127–34; Mariano D’Alatri, L’inquisizione francescana nell’Italia centrale nel secolo XIII (Rome, 1954), pp. 17, 346. 2 On the Templars’ process see Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2006). 3 The trial in North Italy is reconstructed in Renzo Caravita, Rinaldo da Concorezzo, arcivescovo di Ravenna (1303–1321) al tempo di Dante (Florence, 1964), pp. 97–166 and Elena Bellomo, The Templar Order in North–west Italy. 1142–c. 1330 (Leiden – Boston, 2008), pp. 178–208. 308 Elena Bellomo members of the Order, the publication of the papal bulls, and the final compurga- tion of some Templars. Despite their fragmentary state, the proceedings of the inquiry into the Temple in North Italy do provide interesting insights into the recording procedure of several steps of an inquisitorial trial.

Inquisitorial writings4 Some inquisitorial documents were written by the inquisitor himself. He reported his economic activity in libri racionum and sometimes contributed to the writing of inventories and processi. In their capacity as inquisitors, friars collected useful juridical material (papal bulls, consilia, etc.) and often made copies of them. Fri- ars also composed treatises on the nature of heresy and the most effective ways to fight it. The archive of theofficium inquisitionis in Pavia, created by the inquisitor Lanfranco between 1292 and 1305, and the one of Florence inventoried in 1334, stored this kind of material along with sentences and documents of economic nature.5 A significant part of the documents relevant to any inquisitorial trials was issued by notaries. Some Dominican and Franciscan friars were notaries and thus could produce the documents required for the inquiries made by the officium.6 Otherwise these documents were written by lay notaries who collaborated with the inquisitors. Some, defined asnotarii officii inquisitionis, worked with them on a constant basis. They accompanied the inquisitors on their missions and some- times took part in the examination of the inquisitors’ administration implemented by the papal curia.7 The kind of documents issued by these notaries on behalf of the inquisitors varied greatly. Notaries collected testimonies during interroga- tions, and this crucial task has been the most investigated in recent scholarship trying to ascertain the level of reliability of their work.8 Notaries also played a very significant role in many other aspects of the inquiry because it was only their signature which awarded the documents formal authenticity. In some cases the notarii officii also helped to organize the written material produced by the officium itself.9

4 On this subject see ‘Le scritture e le opere degli inquisitori’, Quaderni di Storia Religiosa, 9 (2002). 5 Mariano D’Alatri, Archivio, offici e titolari dell’inquisizione toscana verso la fine del Duecento, reprinted in Mariano D’Alatri, Eretici, vol. 1, p. 269–95; Marina Benedetti, ʽLe parole e le opere di frate Lanfranco (1292–1305)’, in Le scritture (as note 4), pp. 111–82 (here, pp. 126–30). 6 Giovanni Grado Merlo, ʽInquisitori a Milano’, in Milano 1300. I processi inquisitoriali contro le devote e i devoti di Guglielma Benedetti, ed. Marina Benedetti (Milan, 1999), pp. 15–30 (here, pp. 22–30); Benedetti, ʽLe parole’ (as note 5), p. 168, note 111. 7 Ibid., pp. 133–7. 8 See, for instance, Giovanni Grado Merlo, Eretici e inquisitori nella società piemontese del Trecento (Turin, 1977), pp. 9–15; Marina Benedetti, Io non sono Dio. Guglielma di Milano e i Figli dello Spirito Santo (Milan, 1988), pp. 11–15, 75–88; Giovanna Paolin, ʽIl cancelliere e l’inquisitore: alcune osservazioni’, in Le scritture (as note 4), pp. 183–98. 9 Benedetti, ʽLe parole’ (as note 5), pp. 128, 135–6. Notaries in inquisitorial trials 309 Inquisitors could also employ local notaries who worked for them for a limited time and were usually chosen because they were already active in the place where the inquisitor was conducting his enquiry.10 In some cases these different kinds of notaries cooperated, and in some phases of the inquisitorial process episcopal notaries also became involved in procedures relevant to the inquiries. In the lim- ited space at my disposal I will mainly focus on the presence and qualifications of notaries and their activities rather than on the natur